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Full text of "State Department employee loyalty investigation : hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-first Congress, second session pursuant to S. Res. 231, a resolution to investigate whether there are employees in the State Department disloyal to the United States. March 8, 9, 13, 14, 20, 21, 27, 28, April 5, 6, 20, 25, 27, 28, May 1, 2, 3, 4, 26, 31, June 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 21, 23, 26, 28, 1950"

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S.  Res.  231 




PART  1 

MARCH  8,  9,  13,  14,  20,  21,  27,  28,  APRIL  5,  6,  20,  25,  27,  28, 
MAY  1,  2,  3,  4, 26, 31,  JUNE  5,  6.  7, 8,  9, 12, 21,  22,  23, 26,  28,  1950 

Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 









S.  Res.  231 




PART  1 

MARCH  8,  9,  13,  14,  20,  21,  27,  28,   APRIL  5,  6.  20,  25,  27,  28, 
MAY  1,  2,  3.  4,  26,  31,  JUNE  5,  6,  7,  8,  9, 12,  21,  22,  23,  26,  28,  1950 

Printed  for  the  use  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 

68970  WASHINGTON  :  1950 



JUL    251950 



Hi-.  4-/1 1 ■fC 

fit.  I 


TOM  CONNALLY,  Texas,  Chairman 

WALTER  F.  GEORGE,  Georgia  ARTHUR  H.  VANDENBERG,  Michigan 


MILLARD  E.  TYDINGS,  Maryland  H.  ALEXANDER  SMITH,  New  Jersey 


THEODORE  FRANCIS  GREEN,  Rhode  Island    HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  JR.,  Massachusetts 
BRIEN  McMAHON,  Couuocticut 
J.  W.  FULBRIGHT,  Arkansas 

FRANCIS  O.  WILCOX,  Chief  of  Staff 
C.  C.  O'DAY,  Clerk 

Subcommittee  on   Senate  Resolution  231 

MILLARD  E.  TYDINGS,  Maryland,  Chairman 
BRIEN  McMAHON,  Connecticut  HENRY  CABOT  LODGE,  JR.,  Massachusetts 

Edward  P.  jMougan',  Chief  Counsel 
ROBERT  L.  Heald,  Assistant  Counsel         Robert  Morris,  Assistant  Counsel 
William  J.  Klima,  Assistant  Counsel        Lyon  l.  Tyler,  Jr,  Assistant  Counsel 
MARGARET  B.   BuCHHOLz,  Subcommittee  Clerk 


Testimony  of —  I'as® 

Bielaski,    Frank    Brooks,    president  of  the    Research  and   Security 

Corporation,  New  York  City 923-967 

Bess,  Demaree,  associate  editor  of  the  Saturday  Evening  Post 796-797 

Browder,  Earl  Russell 669-707 

Brunauer,    Esther   Caukin,    Assistant    Director    for    Policv   Liaison, 

UNESCO  Relations  Staff,  State  Department ' 293-314 

Budenz,  Louis  Francis,  assistant  professor  of  economics  at  Fordham 

University 487-558 

Dodd,  Dr.  Bella  V.,  attorney,  New  York  City 631-659 

Field,  Frederick  Vanderbilt 709-735 

Ford,  Peyton,  assistant  to  the  Attorney  General 1054 

Hanson,  Haldore,  chief  of  technical  cooperation  projects  staff.  State 

Department 341-371,  1179-1180 

Heald,  Robert  L.,  assistant  counsel,  Foreign  Relations  Subcommittee.    1206- 


Hitchcock,  Robert  M.,  attorney,  Buffalo,  N.  Y 1001-1051 

Holmes,  Gen.  Julius  C,  Foreign  Service  officer,  assigned  as  Minister,  in 

London 1 165-1 1 78 

Hoover,  J.  Edgar,  Director,  Federal  Bureau  of  Livestigation 326-339 

Jaffe,  Philip  J.,  former  editor  of  Amerasia  magazine 1213-1227 

Jessup,  Philip  C,  Ambassador  at  Large,  State  Department 215-275 

Kenyon,  Dorothy,  attorney.  New  York  City 176-214 

Kerley,  Larry  E.,  reporter,  New  York  Journal  American 660-667 

Ladd,  D.  Milton,  assistant  to  the  Director,  Federal  Bureau  of  Investi- 
gation      1053- 1 074 

Larsen,  Emmanuel  S.,  former  employee  of  State  Department 1075- 

1123,  1125-1164 
Lattimore,  Owen,  director  of  the  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of  Inter- 
national Relations  at  Johns  Hopkins  Universitv 417- 

486,  799-871,  873-921 

McCarthy,  Senator  Joseph  R 1-32,  33-72,  73-108,  109-175,  277-292 

McGrath,  J.  Howard,  the  Attorney  General 315-326 

Mclnernev,  James  AI.,  Assistant  Attorney  General  in  Charge  of  the 

Criminal  Division,  Department  of  Justice-  971-999,  1001-1051,  1053-1074 
Morris,  Robert,  assistant  counsel.  Foreign  Relations  Subcommittee _  967-970 
Nichols,  L.  B.,  Assistant  Director,  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation.  _    1053- 

Nicholson,  Donald  L.,  Chief  of  the  Division  of  Security,  State  Depart- 
ment     373-390 

Peurifov,  John  E.,  Deputy  Under  Secretary  of  State,  in  Charge  of 

Administration " 1229-1256 

Richardson,  Seth  W.,  Chairman,  Civil  Service  Loyalty  Review  Board.     405- 


Service,  John  S.,  Foreign  Service  officer.  State  Department 1257- 

1349,  1351-1390,  1391-1453 
Snow,  Gen.  Conrad  E.,  Chairman,  Loyalty  and  Security  Board,  State 

Department 391-404 

Thorpe,  Brig.  Gen.  Elliott  R.,  United  States  Army,  retired 558-568 

Tvler,   Lvon   L.,   Jr.,  assistant  counsel.   Foreign   Relations  Subcom- 

"mitteel 1206-1210 

Utley,  Freda,  author 737-796 

Van  Beuren,  Archbold,  former  Director  of  Security,  OSS 1185-1206 

Vardaman,  James  K.,  member  of  Federal  Reserve  Board 1181-1184 




Number  and  summary  of  exhibits 

duced at 



1.  Protest  in  Daily  Worker,  Veterans  of  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade 

2.  Letterhead,  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship, 


3.  This  exhibit  was  not  received  by  reporter  but  was  described  by 

Senator  McCarthy  as  "a  cordial  invitation  to  attend  a  dinner 
and  presentation  of  the  first  annual  award  of  the  American- 
Russian  Institute  to  President  Franklin  Roosevelt  for 
'Furthering  American-Soviet  Relations'  "  (transcript,  p.  26). 

4.  Letterhead,  Conference  on  Pan-American  Democracy 

5.  Letterhead,  Political  Prisoners  Bail  Fund  Committee 

6.  Open  letter  to  the  New  York  Times,  Schappes  Defense  Com- 


7.  Daily  Worker,  February  10,  1938,  Isaac's  Stand  on  Gerson 

8.  Letterhead,  League  of  Women  Shoppers 

9.  Letterhead,  American  Committee  for  Anti-Nazi  Literature 

10.  Letterhead  and  Attachment,  American  Committee  for  Democ- 

racy and  Intellectual  Freedom 

11.  Letterhead,  Citizens  Committee  to  Aid  Striking  Seamen 

12.  Letterhead,  Film  Audiences  for  Democracy 

13.  List  of  officers  and  advertising  board  of  Films  for  Democracy,  _ 

14.  Program,  Greater  New  York  Emergency  Conference  on  Inali- 

enable  Rights 

15.  Open  letter  to  the  New  York  Times  supporting  Communist 

cause  in  Spain 

16.  Letterhead,  Lawyers  Committee  on  American  Relations  with 


17.  Letterhead,  Milk-Consumers  Protective  Committee 

18.  Statement  of  Senator  McCarthy  on  Haldore  Hanson 

19.  State  Department  departmental  announcement  No.  41 

20.  McCarthy's  statement  on  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer 

21.  Program  of  Washington  meeting  of  the  American  Friends  of 

the  Soviet  Union 

22.  Call  of  the  American  Youth  Congress  in  1938 

23.  The  American  Union  for  Concerted  Peace  Efforts 

24.  The  New  York  Times'  release  on  The  American  Union  for 

Concerted  Peace  Efforts 

25.  Proceedings  Congress  of  Youth 

26.  Senator  McCarthy's  statement  on  Owen  Lattimore 

27.  Letterhead  of  Amerasia  magazine 

28.  Times  Herald  of  June  6,  1946,  How  Come  by  Frank  C.  Wal- 


29.  Invitation  for  Membership,  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations 

30.  Program,    National   Emergency   Conference  for   Democratic 


31.  Writers  Congress,  1943  program  and  list 

32.  Senator  McCarthy's  statement  on  Gustavo  Duran 

33.  Spruille  Braden's  letter,  dated  Habana,  December  21,  1943- 

34.  Intelligence  report  by  Edward  J.  Ruff 

35.  Senator  McCarthy's  statement  on  John  S.  Service 

36.  Letterhead,  Testimonial  to  Ellis  Island  Hunger  Strikers 

37.  Letterhead,  China  Aid  Counsel  of  American  League  for  Peace 

and  Democracy 

38.  Letterhead,  African  Aid  Committee 

39.  Call  to  a  national  conference  on  American  policy  in   China 

and  the  Far  East 

40.  Summons  to  a  congress  on  Civil  Rights 

41.  Statement  of  American  educators 

42.  Invitation  to  a  dinner  for  Henrv  A.  Wallace  in  New  York, 

Sept.  12,  1949 1 

43.  Statement  callinLf  for  reinstatement  of  L^niversity  of  Wash- 

ington professors 

















































Number  and  summary  of  exhibits 

duced at 


page — 




















Advertisement  for  Culture  and  the  Crisis,  League  of  Profes- 
sional Groups  for  Foster  and  Ford 

List  of  oflk'crs  and  members  of  the  National  Citizens  Political 
.\etion  Committee -.^ 

Daily  Worker,  Apr.  16,  1947,  Notables  Defend  Communists' 

Press  release  of  National  Wallace-for- President  Committee  _- 

The  text  of  an  open  letter  calling  for  greater  unity  of  the 
ant i-Fascist  forces 

Clipping  from  Daily  News,  Feb.  14,  1940,  Plot  To  Wreck 
Labor  Party  Exposed 

Dorothy  Kenvon's  letter  to  Alex  Rose,  State  secretary,  Ameri- 
can Labor  Party,  dated  Oct.  10,  1939 1 

New  York  Times,  May  26,  1941,  open  letter  to  President 
Committee  To  Defend  America  by  Aiding  the  Allies 

Voice  of  America  radio  monitor  of  Russian  broadcasting, 
Russia  Has  Freest  Women  On  Earth 

Letter  in  New  York  Times,  Feb.  16,  1946,  Columbia  Professors 
Ask  Declaration  To  Aid  UNO  Commission 

Dr.  Jessup's  letter,  ]Mar.  24,  1950,  with  attached  list  of  in- 
diyiduals  at  round  table  discussion  in  Department  of  State, 
Oct.  6,  7,  and  8,  1949 

List  of  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer's  publications 

E.sther  Caukin  Brunauer  presents  testimonial  letters 

Letter  from  American  Association  of  University  Women  to 
Senator  Tydings 

Statenient  of  duties  of  Haldore  Hanson  with  the  Department 
of  State  1942  to  date 

Text  of  Hanson  letter  to  Senator  Tydings,  Mar.  24,  1950 

Chart,  Chain  of  command  for  personnel  security 

Chart,  enforcing  the  President's  loyalty  program 

Chart,  screening  civil-service  applicants  (since  October  1947). 

Chart,  screening  non-civil-service  and  Foreign  Service  appli- 

Chart,  eliminating  security  risks 

Chart,  composition  of  Loyalty  and  Security  Board,  Depart- 
ment of  State 

Chart,  State  Department  Loyalty  and  Security  Board,  pro- 
cedures for  handling  cases 

Biographical  notes  on  members  of  State  Department  Loj^alty 

Letter  to  President  Roosevelt  from  Chiang  Kai-shek,  Jan.  12, 
1942,  re:  Owen  Lattimore 

Minutes  of  fourth  meeting  of  Arctic  Research  Laboratory 
Advisory  Board,  May  17,  18,  19,  1949 1_ 

An  analysis  of  ;\Ir.  Alfred  E.  Kohlberg's  charges  against  the 
Institute  of  Pacific  Relations 

Comparison  of  McCarthy's  and  Kohlberg's  charges 

Program,  a  Conference  on   Democratic  Rights,  June  14,  15, 
^  1940,  at  Bahimore,  Md 

Excerpts  from  letters  and  telegrams  from  scholars  with  a  pro- 
fessional knowledge  of  Owen  Lattimore 's  work 

.Disaster  in  China  by  James  F.  Kearney,  Columbia,  Septem- 
ber 1949 

China's  Communists  Told  Me  by  Philip  J.  Jaffe,  October  12, 

China's  Part  in  the  Coalition  War  by  T.  A.  Bisson,  June  7, 

Draft  of  Louis  F.  Budenz'  article  for  Collier's  magazine 

Daily  Worker,  April  29,   1949,  Situation  in  Asia,  by  Owen 




















































Number  and  summary  of  exhibits 

duced at 



79.  Group  of  testimonial  letters  re  Dr.  Dodd 

80.  New  York  Herald  Tribune,  Double  Trouble  in  Asia 

81.  Letter  to  Senator  Tydings  from  Demaree  Bess,  April  7,  1950_ 

82.  Telegram  from  Edith  Chamberlain  Field  to  Mr.  Abe  Fortas, 

April  26,  1950 

83.  Transcript  of  hearing  re  John  Santo 

84.  List  of  contributors  to  Pacific  Affairs  March  1934  to  June  1941  _ 

85.  Signers  of  letters  from  people  who  know  Owen  Lattimore's 


86.  Minutes  of  meeting  of  Fighting  Funds  for  Finland,  Inc.  Feb- 

ruary 20,  1940 

87.  Quotations  from  Owen  Lattimore's  writings 

88.  Attack  on  Owen  Lattimore  in  Communist  Press,  April  1949- - 

89.  Emmanuel  S.  Larsen's  draft  of  Plain  Talk  Article 

90.  Brooks  Atkinson's  article  in  New  York  Times,  October  31, 





















Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Austin  W.  Wood,  vice  president 
and  general  manager  of  the  News  Publishing  Co.,  Wheeling,  W.  Va., 
dated  March  25,  1950,  relative  to  newspaper  account  of  Wheeling  speech 
of  Senator  McCarthy 1756 

Clippings  from  the  Wheeling  (W.  Va.)  Intelligencer,  Friday,  February  10, 
1950,  concerning  McCarthy's  charges  that  Reds  Hold  United  States 
Jobs ■ 1756 

Clipping  from  the  Nevada  State  Journal  (Reno,  Nev.)  February  12,  1950, 

McCarthy  Blasts  State  Department 1757 

Affidavit  of  Paul  A.  Myers,  as  program  director  of  radio  station  WWVA 
dated  April  25,  1950,  relative  to  tape  recording  of  Wheeling  speech  of 
Senator  McCarthy 1 758 

Tape  recording  of  Senator  Joseph  McCarthy's  speech  given  on  February  9, 

1950,  at  Wheeling,  W.  Va 1759 

Affidavit  of  James  K.  Whitaker,  as  news  editor  of  radio  station  WWVA 
dated  April  25,  1950,  relative  to  tape  recording  of  Wheeling  speech  of 
Senator  McCarthy 1763 

Tape  recording  of  Senator  McCarthy's  speech  given  on  February  9,  1950,  at 

Wlieehng,  W.  Va 1763 

Subpena  to  Dean  H.  Acheson,  Secretary  of  State,  Department  of  State,  to 
appear  before  the  subcommittee  established  by  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States  on  April  4,  1950,  at  10:30  a.  m__      1767 

Subpena  to  J.  Howard  McGrath,  Attorney  General,  to  appear  before  the 
subcommittee  established  bv  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  of  the 
United  States  on  April  4,  1950,  ab  10:30  a.  m 1768 

Subpena  to  Harry  B.  Mitchell,  Chairman,  Civil  Service  Commission,  to 
appear  before  the  subcommittee  established  by  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Relations  of  the  United  States  on  April  4,  1950,  at  10:30  a.  m__      1769 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Peyton  Ford,  Deputy  Attorney 
General,  dated  June  16,  1950,  contained  list  of  State  Department  files 
made  available  to  the  subcommittee 1770 

Memoranda  concerning  data  extracted  from  the  State  Department  loyalty 
files  relative  to  108  individuals.  These  memoranda  were  prepared  in 
1947  by  investigators  for  a  subcommittee  of  the  House  Committee  on 
Appropriations  of  the  Eightieth  Congress.  These  individuals  are 
identified  only  by  numbers 1771 

Employment  data  on  persons  mentioned  by  Senator  McCarthy  during 
appearances  before  the  subcommittee  of  the  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Committee  and  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate 1813 




Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  Tydings  from  John  E.  Peurifoy,  Deputy  Under 
Secretary,  dated  June  19,  1950,  enclosing  the  following  State  Depart- 
ment press  releases,  which  are  set  out  in  full  thereafter 1818 

Press  release  No.  491,  May  12,  1950,  State  Department  analysis  of 
Senator  McCarthy's  speech  to  the  American  Society  of  Newspaper 
Editors " 1818 

Press  release  No.   501,   May   15,    1950.     State.  Department's  analysis  of 

Senator  McCarthy's  speech  at  Atlantic  City 1825 

Press  release  No.   529,   May  20,    1950.     State  Department's  analysis  of 

Senator  McCarthy's  speech  at  Chicago 1826 

Press  release  No.  549,  May  25,  1950.  State  Department's  analysis  of  some 
of  the  factual  inaccuracies  in  the  speech  delivered  by  Senator  Joseph  R. 
McCarthy  at  Atlantic  City,  May  15,  1950,  to  the  Sons  of  the  American 
Revolution 1834 

Press  release  No.  553,  INIay  2G,   1950.     State  Department's  comment  on 

Senator  McCarthy's  speech  at  Rochester,  N.  Y 1840 

Press  release  No.  558,  May  27,  1950.  Department  of  State's  analysis  of 
some  of  the  factual  inaccuracies  in  the  speech  delivered  by  Senator 
Joseph  R.  McCarthy  at  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  on  May  25,  1950,  to  the 
National  Convention  of  the  Catholic  Press  Association  of  the  United 
States 1841 

Press  release  No.  614,  June  9,  1950.  Department  of  State's  comment  on 
Senator  ^McCarthy's  statement  that  a  i^hotostat  he  produced  on  the 
Senate  floor  June  6,  constituted  proof  that  three  men  individually  listed 
by  the  FBI  as  Communist  agents  in  1946  are  still  working  in  the  De- 
partment       1845 

Memorandum  No.  19,  September  21, 1948 — to  all  executive  departments  and 
agencies  from  Seth  W.  Richardson,  Chairman,  Loyalty  Review  Board. 
Subject:  Classification  according  to  section  3,  part  III,  of  E.  O.  9835  of 
organizations  previously  designated  by  the  Attorney  General  as  within 
the  purview  of  the  Executive  order 1848 

Memorandum  No.  43,  April  25,  1949 — to  all  executive  departments  and 
agencies  from  Seth  W.  Richardson,  Chairman,  Loyalty  Review  Board. 
Subject:  Attorney  General's  letter  of  April  21,  1949,  listing  additional 
organizations  designated  under  and  classified  in  accordance  with  section  3, 
part  III  of  Executive  Order  9835 1851 

Memorandum  No.  44,  July  21,  1949 — to  all  executive  departments  and 
agencies  from  Seth  W.  Richardson,  Chairman,  Loyalty  Review  Board. 
Subject:  Certain  organizations  and  groups  connected  with  organizations 
previouslv  designated  and  classified  by  the  Attorney  General  under  sec- 
tion 3,  part  III  of  Executive  Order  9835 1853 

Memorandum  No.  49,  September  27,  1949— to  all  executive  departments 
and  agencies  from  Seth  W.  Richardson,  Chairman,  Loyalty  Review 
Board.  Subject:  Attorney  General's  letter  of  September  26,  1949,  con- 
cerning change  in  name  of  an  organization  designated  and  classified 
under  section  3,  part  III  of  Executive  Order  9835 1853 

Letter  to  Robert  L.  Heald,  assistant  counsel,  Foreign  Relations  Subcom- 
mittee, from  Conrad  E.  Snow,  Chairman,  Loyalty  Security  Board,  dated 
June  23,  1950,  setting  out  current  statistics  on  loyalty  program 1854 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Stephen  Brunauer,  dated  May  8, 
1950.  Enclosed  was  (1)  a  statement  which  Brunauer  wrote  about  him- 
self; and  (2)  a  file  of  testimonial  letters— with  a  copy  of  his  request  for 
the  letters;  and  (3)  a  copy  of  the  statement  about  Brunauer  w^hich  was 
released  by  the  Navv  Department  on  March  13,  1950 1855 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  Tydings  from  John  E.  Peurifoy,  Deputy  Under 
Secretary,  dated  July  6,  1950,  relative  to  appointment  of  Dr.  Harlow 
Shapley' 1864 

Letter  to  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel.  Senate  Foreign  Relations  Sub- 
committee, from  Gustavo  Duran,  enclosing  an  affidavit  dated  May  10, 
1950 1865 

Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Subcommittee,  from  Harlow  Shapley,  dated  May  9,  1950,  enclosing  copies 
of  two  statements  issued  publicly  by  him,  dated  April  7  and  22,  1950 —     1870 

Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Relations 

Subcommittee,  from  Frederick  L.  Schuman  dated  May  9,  1950 1873 




Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Relations 

Subcommittee,  from  Mary  Jane  Keeney,  dated  May  15,  1950 1874 

Two  letters  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Rela- 
tions Subcommittee,  from  Loviis  Francis  Budenz  dated  May  3  and  5, 
1950 1874 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Peyton  Ford,  Deputy  Attorney 

General  dated  June  22,  1950,  relative  to  Father  Kearney 1876 

Letter  to  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel.  Senate  Foreign  Relations  Sub- 
committee, from  James  M.  Mclnerney,  Assistant  Attorney  General, 
dated  May  26,  1950,  relative  to  testimony  of  Mr.  Budenz 1876 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  CarHsle  H.  Humelsine,  Acting 
Deputy  Under  Secretary,  dated  July  3,  1950,  relative  to  Mr.  Haldore 
Hanson 1877 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  W.  L.  Holland  dated  April  15, 
1950,  enclosing  alphabetical  list  of  names  of  the  people  that  signed  a 
statement  concerning  Owen  Lattimore's  character,  loyalty,  etc 1877 

Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Subcommittee,  from  Paul  A.  Porter,  dated  May  11,  1950,  enclosing 
copies  of  Owen  Lattimore's  correspondence  to  the  Soviet  Ambassador 
and  the  Chief  of  State  of  the  Mongolian  People's  Republic  in  1947,  as 
well  as  copies  of  correspondence  with  Dr.  Walther  Heissig 1879 

Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Subcommittee,  from  Adrian  S.  Fisher,  the  legal  adviser  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  dated  June  22,  1950,  concerning  the  part  of  the  State 
Department  had  in  financing  three  Mongolian  scholars  at  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  enclosing  copy  of  the  contract  of  agreement  between  United 
States  and  Johns  Hopkins  University 1892 

Letter  from  Department  of  Justice  to  Senator  Tydings  concerning  affidavits 

turned  over  to  the  FBI  by  Senator  McCarthy 1895 

Material  inserted  in  the  record  at  the  request  of  Mrs.  Freda  Utley 1897 

Chronology  of  events  furnished  the  Senate  Foreign  Relations  Subcom- 
mittee by  Mr.  Charles  Edward  Rhetts,  attorney  for  John  S.  Service 1902 

Two  letters  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  C.  E.  Rhetts,  attorney  for 
John  S.  Service,  dated  June  27,  1950,  concerning  press  item  on  Admiral 
Nimitz  and  information  relative  to  statements  of  General  Hurley 1905 

A  carbon   copy  of  the   memorandum,   The   Stilwell   Affair  and   Hurley's 

Appointment,  recovered  in  the  offices  of  Amerasia 1912 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Peyton  Ford,  Deputy  Attorney 
General,  dated  June  19,  1950,  stating  that  the  document  referred  to  by 
Senator  McCarthy  on  June  7,  1950,  was  not  prepared  by  the  FBI 1913 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  John  E.  Peurifoy,  Deputy  Under 
Secretary  dated  June  28,  1950,  enclosing  copies  of  the  Department's 
press  releases  of  June  6  and  June  9,  1950 1914 

Letter  to  Hon.  James  E.  Webb,  Under  Secretary  of  State,  from  John  Edgar 
Hoover,  Director,  FBI,  dated  June  14,  1950,  wherein  Mr.  Hoover  stated 
that  the  comments  made  by  Mr.  Samuel  Klaus,  of  Mr.  Webb's  Depart- 
ment, in  his  report  concerning  the  alleged  FBI  chart  as  appeared  in  the 
newspapers,  were  completely  erroneous 1915 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Peyton  Ford,  Deputy  Attorney 
General  dated  June  13,  1950,  giving  information  as  to  the  dates  of 
various  searches  made  by  the  agents  of  FBI  of  the  offices  of  Amerasia 
and  the  residences  of  the  subjects  in  the  case 1915 

Office  memorandum  to  Director,  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation,  from 
D.  M.  Ladd,  dated  April  18,  1945,  relative  to  FBI  conferences  with  the 
State  and  Navy  Departments  on  the  Amerasia  Case 1916 

Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Subcommittee,  from  Mathias  F.  Correa  dated  June  13,  1950,  on  behalf 
of  the  executors  of  the  estate,  submitting  a  photographic  copy  of  a 
portion  of  Mr.  Forrestal's  personal  papers  together  with  an  affidavit 
of  Eugene  S.  Duffield  who  has  custody  of  various  of  Mr.  Forrestal's 
personal  papers  at  the  present  time 1916 

The  staff  of  the  subcommittee  submitted  memoranda  on  interviews  with 
the  following  persons:  Joseph  W.  Ballentine  (May  19,  1950),  Robert 
Bannerman  (May  22,  1950),  William  J.  Donovan  (May  25,  1950), 
Frederick  B.  Lyon  (May  17,  1950)  and  Judge  Proctor  (May  10,  1950)  __      1917 

Information    developed    by    the    staff    of   the    subcommittee    on    persons 

believed  to  be  Washington  contacts  of  Philip  Jacob  Jaffe 1920 




Letter  to  lion.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Francis  P.  Matthews,  Department 

of  Navy,  dated  June  26,  i95(),  relative  to  Lt.  Andrew  Roth 1923 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Peyton  Ford,  the  assistant  to  the 
Attorney  General,  dated  May  16,  1950,  stating  that  a  copy  of  the 
transcript  of  grand  jury  proceedings  in  the  case  United  States  v.  Philip  J. 
Jaffe  would  be  available  to  the  Subcommittee  at  the  Department  of 
Justice 1 924 

Letter  to  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  James  M.  Mclnerney,  Department  of 
Justice,  dated  May  10,  1950,  enclosing  a  photostatic  copy  of  the  De- 
murrer, motion  to  quash,  and  motion  to  evidence  also  a  news- 
))apor  article  which  appeared  in  the  September  28,  1945  issue  of  the 
Evening  Star  entitled  ''Larsen  Charges  FBI  Made  Illegal  Search  of 
Home  for  United  States  Files" 1924 

A  certified  record  of  official  court  reporter  of  proceedings  before  Justice 
Proctor  on  September  29,  1945,  Case  of  Lnited  States  v.  Philip  Jacob 
Jaffe 1933 

A  certified  record  of  official  court  reporter  of  proceedings  before  Justice 
Proctor  on  November  2,  1945,  Case  of  United  States  v.  Emtnanuel  S. 
Larsen 1937 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  Peyton  Ford,  Deputy  Attorney 

General,  dated  June  19,  1950,  relative  to  corporate  status  of  Amerasia..      1939 

Letter  to  ]\Ir.  James  J.  Mclnerney,  Assistant  Attorney  General,  from  Rev. 
Robert  C.  Hartnett,  S.  J.,  Editor  of  America,  dated  June  26,  1950, 
enclosing  a  clipping  of  Mr.  Mclnerney's  letter  as  it  appeared  in  America 
for  July  1,  in  regard  to  documents  in  the  Amerasia  case 1940 

Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel.  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Subcommittee  from  James  M.  Mclnerney,  Assistant  Attorney  General, 
dated  June  29,  1950,  enclosing  a  mimeographed  copy  of  the  presentment 
returned  and  filed  by  the  special  grand  jury  in  the  southern  district  of 
New  York  on  June  15,  1950 1 1941 

Medical  certificate  from  Luke  Berardi,  M.  D.,  of  Mount  Vernon,  N.  Y., 

dated  May  12,  1950,  relative  to  John  Huber 1945 

Letter  to  Hon.  Millard  E.  Tydings  from  William  Foster,  Acting  Adminis- 
trator, ECA,  concerning  Theodore  Geiger's  loyalty,  dated  July  5,  1950_      1945 

Incorporation  by  reference  of  a  portion  of  the  record  of  the  hearings  before 
the  subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Appropriations  of  the  Senate 
held  March  23,  1948 1945 

Incorporation  bj^  reference  of  the  record  of  hearings  before  a  subcommittee 
of  the  House  Committee  on  Expenditures  in  the  Executive  Departments, 
Eightieth  Congress,  second  session,  held  March  10  and  12,  1948 1945 

Incorporation  by  reference  of  a  portion,  being  pages  169  through  210  and 
206  through  210,  of  the  record  of  the  hearings  before  the  subcommittee 
of  the  House  Committee  on  Appropriations,  Eightieth  Congress,  second 
session,  held  January  28,  1948 1945 

Incorporation  by  reference  of  the  speech  made  on  the  floor  of  the  House, 
August  2,'  1948  by  Congressman  Jonkman,  entitled  "Department  of 
State"  which  appears  in  the  Congressional  Record  for  that  date  at 
page  9793 1945 

Letter  to  Mr.  Edward  P.  Morgan,  chief  counsel,  Senate  Foreign  Relations 
Subcommittee,  from  Adrian  S.  Fisher,  the  legal  advi.ser  from  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  dated  July  10,  1950;  enclosing  a  copy  of  Public  Law  535 
and  a  departmental  announcement  No.  41 1946 

Transcript  of  proceedings  of  the  Loyalty  Security  Board  meeting  in  the 

case  of  John  S.  Service 1958 


WEDNESDAY,   MARCH   8,    1950 

United  States  Senate, 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
Subcommittee  Appointed  Under  Senate  Resolution  231, 

Washington^  D.  C. 

The  subcommittee  met,  pursuant  to  notice,  at  10 :  30  a.  m.  in  room 
318,  Senate  Office  Building,  Senator  Millard  E.  Tydings  (chairman 
of  the  subcommittee)  presiding. 

Present :  Senators  Tydings  (chairman  of  the  subcommittee) ,  Green, 
McMahon,  Hickenlooper,  and  Lodge. 

Also  present:  Senators  Connally  (chairman  of  the  full  committee) 
and  McCarthy. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

I  think  it  appropriate  first  that  the  record  show  why  this  committee 
is  meeting  and  what  its  scope  and  purpose  is  to  be  in  these  proceedings. 
Senate  Resolution  231,  introduced  by  Mr.  Lucas,  was  considered, 
amended,  and  agreed  to  on  February  22,  1950.  The  resolution  reads 
as  follows : 

Resolved,  That  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  or  any  duly  author- 
ized subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  and  directed  to  conduct  a  full  and 
complete  study  and  investigation  as  to  whether  persons  who  are  disloyal  to  the 
United  States  are,  or  have  been,  employed  by  the  Department  of  State.  The 
committee  shall  report  to  the  Senate  at  the  earliest  practicable  date  the  result 
of  its  investigation,  together  with  sucli  recommendations  as  it  may  deem  desirable, 
and  if  said  recommendations  are  to  include  formal  charges  of  disloyalty  against 
any  individual,  then  the  committee,  before  malviiig  said  recommendation,  shall 
give  said  individual  open  hearing  for  the  purpose  of  taking  evidence  or  testimony 
on  said  charges. 

In  the  conduct  of  this  study  and  investigation,  the  committee  is  directed  to 
procure  by  subpena  and  examine  the  complete  loyalty  and  employment  files  and 
records  of  all  the  Government  employees  in  the  Department  of  State,  and  such 
other  agencies  against  wliom  charges  have  been  heard. 

The  resolution  was  adopted  by  the  Senate  because  of  certain  state- 
ments made  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  on  Monday,  February  20,  1950, 
and  Wednesday,  February  22,  1950. 

In  order  that  the  committee  maj'^  have  all  of  the  evidence  that  it 
should  properly  consider  available  in  the  record,  the  chairman  has 
had  the  pages  dealing  witli  the  information  and  charges  and  debate 
on  these  2  days  culled  from  the  Congressional  Record  and,  without 
objection,  at  this  point  the  proceedings  of  the  Senate  dealing  with  this 
matter  will  be  incori)orated  by  reference  in  the  record.  Is  there  any 
objection?  (None.)  They  will  be  incorporated  bj^  reference  in  the 



(The  material  from  the  Congressional  Record  incorporated  by  ref- 
erence is  as  follows :) 

Pages  2043-2071,  February  20,  1950. 

Pages  2104-2110,  February  21,  1950. 

Pages  2168-2169,  2173-2195,  February  22,  1950. 

Daily  Digest,  February  27,  1950. 

Pages  2485-2486,  2523-2524,  February  28,  1950. 

Page  2678,  March  2,  1950. 

Senator  Tydings.  In  the  course  of  these  congressional  deliberations, 
Senator  McCarthy,  of  Wisconsin,  made  certain  statements  in,  I  be- 
lieve 81  different  cases,  and  gave  a  short  account  of  why  he  thought 
each  of  the  cases  questioned  the  loyalty  of  the  individual  in  each  case. 
Senator  McCarthy  has  been  invited  by  the  committee  to  come  before 
us  today  as  our  first  witness. 

I  am  sure,  Senator,  that  you  yourself  realize  that  the  individuals 
who  are  charged  with  disloyalty  to  our  Government  are  confronted 
with  one  of  the  most  serious  charges  that  can  be  leveled  at  a  patriotic 
or  other  individual. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Especially  the  "or  other." 

Senator  Tydings.  If  these  men  are  guilty  of  these  charges,  the  com- 
mittee would  want  to  find  it  out.  If  they  are  not  guilty,  we  will  want 
to  inform  the  public  accordingly. 

Unless  the  chairman  is  overruled,  all  witnesses  coming  before  this 
committee  will  be  sworn.  In  your  own  case,  as  a  Member  of  the 
Senate,  the  chairman  is  not  going  to  compel  you  against  your  will  to 
submit  to  be  sworn,  but  I  Avould  like  to  ask  you  now  if  you  would 
consent  to  be  sworn. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  it  is  an  excellent  idea 
to  SAvear  all  witnesses.  I  do  not  think  we  should  have  anyone  take 
advantage  of  any  immunity,  whether  it  is  a  Senator,  Secretary  of 
State,  or  wliat,  so  I  would  like  to  be  sworn. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  am  glad  you  said  that.  Senator.  That  is  the 
way  I  feel  about  it.  I  think  we  all  ought  to  feel  that  way.  If  you 
will  hold  up  your  hand,  I  will  proceed  to  swear  you. 

Do  you  promise  that  the  evidence  you  shall  give  in  the  pending 
matter  before  this  committee  shall  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and 
nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do. 

Senator  Tydings.  Now,  Senator  McCarthy,  the  information  you 
presented  to  the  Senate  has  been  read  by  all  of  us,  I  am  sure.  You 
will  want  to  supplement  that,  no  doubt,  and  comment  further  on  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  correct. 

Senator  Tydings.  But,  before  you  do,  there  is  one  matter  that,  to 
make  the  record  complete  as  of  the  congressional  debate,  I  would  like 
to  ask  you  about  for  just  a  minute. 

If  you  will  turn  to  case  14,  that  you  mentioned  in  the  Eecord 

Senator  McCarthy.  Do  you  know  what  page  that  is  on,  Mr.  Chair- 

Senator  Tydings.  I  will  try  to  find  it  in  a  minute. 

Case  14  is  in  the  Congressional  Eecord  of  February  20,  1950,  page 
2051,  column  3,  and  page  2052,  column  1.  I  would  like  to  read  this 
particular  case  to  ask  you  a  question  dealing  with  the  other  81  cases. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Certainly. 


Senator  Tydings.  I  am  quoting  your  remarks : 

Case  14 :  This  is  a  case  of  pressure  from  a  high  State  Department  official  to 
obtain  security  clearance  for  an  individual  with  a  bad  background  from  the 
standpoint  of  security.  He  was  appointed  in  December  1945  as  a  translator  in 
the  State  Department.  This  is  an  interesting  case,  showing  the  extent  to  which 
some  of  their  superior  officers  will  go  when  they  find  that  some  of  these  very 
unusual  individuals  are  going  to  lose  their  jobs.  He  was  appointed  in  December 
194;j  as  a  translator  in  the  State  Department.  A  report  from  another  Govern- 
ment investigating  agency,  under  date  of  January  9,  1946,  advised  that  the 
subject  should  be  dismissed  as  a  bad  security  risk  because  he  was  flagrantly 
homosexual.  He  had  extremely  close  connections  with  other  individuals  with 
the  same  tendencies  and  wlio  were  active  members  of  Communist  front  organiza- 
tions, including  the  Young  Communist  League. 

I  think  this  is  interesting,  Mr.  President.  I  asked  one  of  our  top  intelligence 
men  in  Washington  one  day,  "Why  do  you  find  men  who  are  so  fanatically  Com- 
munist? Is  there  something  about  the  Communist  philosophy  that  attracts 

He  said,  "Senator  McCarthy,  if  you  had  been  in  this  work  as  long  as  we  have 
been,  you  would  realize  that  there  is  something  wrong  with  each  one  of  these 
individuals.  You  will  find  that  practically  every  active  Communist  is  twisted 
mentally  or  physically  in  some  way." 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  interrupt  you  there,  Mr.  Cliairman. 
The  "or  physically"  should  not  be  in  there.  I  was  quoting  accurately. 
I  do  not  agree  with  the  "or  pliysically."  I  think  a  vast  number  of 
people  have  physical  defects.  I  have  some  myself.  I  do  not  think  that 
makes  a  Communist.  Let's  make  that  clear.  I  wanted  to  make  that 
clear  as  we  go  through  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  It  is  reported  in  the  Record.  I  have  read  the 
Record  as  it  is  reported. 

The  State  Department's  own  security  agency  recommended  the  discharge  of 
this  employee  on  January  22,  1946. 

Now  this  is  the  part  to  which  I  would  like  to  draw  your  attention. 
I  will  repeat  that. 

The  State  Department's  own  security  agency  recommended  the  discharge  of 
this  employee  on  January  22,  1946.  On  February  19,  1946,  this  individual's 
services  were  terminated  with  the  State  Department.  Subsequently,  on  April  1, 
1946,  the  action  discharging  this  individual  was  rescinded  and  he  was  rein- 
stated in  his  job  in  tlie  State  Department.  In  this  case  a  CSA  report  of  Sep- 
tember 2,  1947,  is  replete  with  information  covering — 

and  this  is  the  point — 

the  attempt,  of  a  high  State  Department  official  to  induce  several  individuals 
who  had  signed  affidavits  reflecting  adversely  upon  the  employee  to  repudiate 
their  affidavits.  The  file  shows  that  that  high  State  Department  employee  even 
went  out  and  personally  contacted  the  individuals  who  signed  the  affidavits 
and  asked  them,  "Won't  you  repudiate  them?" 

This  individual,  according  to  the  security  files  of  the  State  Department  was 
a  very  close  associate  of  active  Soviet  agents.  As  to  whether  he  is  in  the  State 
Department  at  this  time  or  not  I  frankly  do  not  know,  but  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  he  was  reinstated,  I  assume  that  he  is. 

Now,  the  purpose  of  reading  that  is  this.  Is  this  man  who  was  in 
the  State  Department,  this  high  State  Department  official  whom  j^ou 
allege  tried  to  doctor  the  records,  one  of  the  cases  of  the  81  that  you 
brought  before  the  Senate,  or  have  you  referred  to  him  here  only  to 
substantiate  the  facts  in  case  14  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  afraid,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  you  will  have 
to  let  me  go  through  these  cases  as  I  have  them  documented,  and  we 
will  get  to  that  case.     I  think  we  will  have  to  wait  until  we  get 


to  that  case,  and  I  can  assure  you  we  will  get  to  it.  I  have  other 
cases  documented  for  your  information  this  morning.  I  am  going 
to  ask  the  committee  to  do  this,  if  I  may.  As  I  discuss  one  case,  let's 
try  and  stick  to  that  case,  and  I  assure  you  we  will  get  to  all  of  them 
without  any  trouble  at  all.  I  will  be  unable  to  jump,  say,  from  case  1 
to  case  72  back  to  case  58.  As  of  this  time  I  can  assure  the  Chairman 
that  all  the  information  which  he  wants  on  case  No.  57  will  be  gotten  to 
him,  but  I  frankly  cannot  give  him  that  information  now,  because  I 
haven't  arrived  at  that  case  this  morning.  I  am  sure  we  won't  get 
to  that  case  this  morning. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Just  a  minute.  Just  a  minute.  Just  a  minute! 
All  I  am  askino-  you  is  this.    This  is  a  very  serious  charge 

Senator  McCarthy.  Very  serious. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  a  high  official  in  the  State  Department  is 
tampering  with  the  records  to  protect  people  who  are  charged  with 
disloyal  activities. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  right. 

Senator  Tydings.  What  I  would  like  to  know  is  this :  Is  he  one  of 
the  cases  that  you  are  going  to  bring  before  this  committee,  or  is  he 
just  incidental  in  this  case^     You  can  certainly  tell  me  that. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  bring  his  name  before  the  committee  and 
give  the  committee  all  the  information. 

Senator  Lodge.  I  would  like  to  express  the  hope  that  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy will  get  the  courtesy  everyone  gets,  of  being  able  to  make  his 
own  statement  in  his  own  way,  and  then  be  subject  to  questioning. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  only  reason  I  am  bringing  this  out  now  is, 
we  want  to  hear  Senator  McCarthy.  We  have  put  this  all  in  the 
record.  I  have  read  over  all  of  these  cases  three  or  four  times,  and 
studied  the  possible  ramifications  of  them.  I  would  like  to  know 
whether  we  are  to  hear  this  as  a  collateral  matter  of  pi'oving  case  14, 
or  whether  this  man  himself  is  to  be  charged  with  disloyal  conduct 
as  a  separate  case.  You  can  certainly  answer  that,  and  then  we  can 
leave  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  answer  that.  I  will  give  the  committee 
all  of  the  information  which  I  have.  If  the  committee  decides  this 
man  is  disloyal,  all  right.  If  they  decide  not,  it  is  up  to  the  com- 
mittee. There  will  be  no  information  held  back  from  the  committee, 
and  I  want  to  thank  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  very  much.  I 
would  like  to  be  allowed  to  proceed  and  present  the  information  in  an 
orderly  fashion,  and  the  committee  can  be  sure  that  any  questions 
they  have  to  ask  will  certainly  be  answered.  I  will  answer  that  ques- 
tion. Senator,  that  you  will  be  given  all  the  information  on  the  case. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  ask  the  questions,  Senator  McCarthy.  I 
am  at  least  charged  with  the  responsibility  of  conducting  this  hearing, 
and  I  prefer  to  conduct  it  as  I  want  it  conducted  and  as  the  conmiittee 
wants  it  conducted,  rather  than  to  have  you  tell  me  how  to  conduct  it. 
I  will  be  glad,  and  we  will  give  you  full  and  free  opportunity  to 
present  anything  you  want  to  present. 

All  I  am  asking  you  now  is,  do  you  know  the  name — I  do  not  want 
you  to  tell  it — but  do  you  know  the  name  of  this  particular  high  State 
Department  official  who  is  allegedly  aiding  disloyal  persons  in  the 
State  Department  ?     Do  you  know  the  name  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  when  we  get  to  case  No.  57  I 
will  give  you  all  of  the  names  in  that  case.     No  names  will  be  held  back. 


There  are  any  number  of  names.     I  frankly  cannot  remember  the  vast 
number  of  names. 

Senator  Tydings.  Yon  know  whether  you  know  the  name  or  not, 
and  you  can  answer  "Yes"  or  "No"  and  we  can  end  this  right  here. 

Senator  Lodge.  I  do  not  think  we  ought  to  put  the  witness  in  the 
position  of  answering  "Yes"  or  "No."  I  think  he  has  a  right  to 
develop  his  own  statement  in  his  own  way,  and  then  be  subject  to 
questioning,  which  is  a  normal  procedure  here. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  like  to  ask  him  now,  Do  you  or  do  you 
not  know  the  name  of  this  high  official  in  the  State  Department  who 
allegedly  committed  the  very  thing  that  I  have  read  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  I  can  go  back  to  my  office  and  dig  up 
the  name.  I  am  not  prepared  to  testify  in  case  No.  57  this  morning. 
I  was  sure  we  would  not  get  to  case  No.  57.  When  we  get  to  it,  the  Sen- 
ator will  have  all  of  the  information  which  I  have.  I  assure  him  of 
that.  And  I  hope  that  then  he  takes  advantage  of  that  and  completes 
the  investigation. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  if  you  will  listen  to  me  a 
moment,  I  think  you  and  I  probably  can  arrive  at  an  understanding. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  we  can. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  have  made  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  state- 
ments concerning  81  individuals.  That  is  all  right.  The  reason  I 
am  interested  in  this  case  particularly  is  that  in  no  other  case  that  I 
recall,  and  I  read  them  all  several  times,  is  there  any  allegation  that 
any  high  official  in  the  State  Department  is  covering  up  disloyal  activi- 
ties or  disloyal  persons.    This  was  the  only  case  where  that  happened. 

Now  if  we  have  such  an  individual  in  the  State  Department,  and 
we  may  have — I  don't  know  whether  we  have  or  not — the  most  im- 
portant thing  this  committee  could  do  right  away  to  clean  out  any 
subversive  elements  in  the  State  Department  is  to  find  out  who  this 
man  is,  and  we  don't  want  you  to  give  his  name  in  public,  but  find  out 
who  he  is  and  get  him  out  of  there.  We  don't  want  to  wait  until  case 
57  or  86  or  next  week.  We  certainly  don't  want  somebody  high  up 
in  the  State  Department  who  is  shielding  disloyal  persons,  fixing  their 
records  and  asking  people  to  withdraw  their  comments. 

Now  if  this  were  just  an  ordinary  matter  of  one  individual,  that 
would  be  one  thing.  But  I  cannot  think  of  anything  more  important 
in  this  whole  hearing.  ^Nlaybe  this  is  true  or  false,  I  don't  know. 
But  I  would  like  to  know  if  you  know  the  name  of  this  man.  Then 
we  will  go  on  and  let  you  testify. 

Senator  McCarthy.  A  very  good  question,  Mr.  Chairman,  and  I 
tried  to  explain  to  you  that  1  cannot  give  you  information  now  on 
case  No.  57. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  said  case  14. 

Senator  ^IcCarthy.  Let  me  answer  when  you  ask  a  question,  please. 

Let  me  add  tliis,  too.  If  you  are  eager  fo  get  to  that  case  today, 
when  the  testimony  ends  this  morning  if  you  will  come  to  my  office  I 
will  dig  that  case  out  and  give  you  all  the  names  in  the  file,  all  the 
information  you  want.  I  cannot  give  you  testimony  on  case  No.  57 
because  I  have  prepared  cases  which  I  think  are  more  important.  I 
hope  the  connnittee  will  try  and  take  the  information  which  I  have. 
I  have  it  available  for  you.  As  I  say,  if  the  chairman  feels  that  case 
No.  57  is  urgent,  he  can  come  right  over  to  m}'  office  as  soon  as  we  get 


through  and  he  and  the  reporter  can  take  all  of  the  information  on 
case  No.  57,  but  that  is  all  I  can  tell  3^  ou  on  that  now. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  we  do  not  want  to  go  to  your 
office.     We  are  conducting  a  hearing. 

Senator  McCarthy.  You  will  have  to  wait,  then,  until  I  get  the 
information  over  here,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  are  in  the  position  of  being  the  man  who  oc- 
casioned this  hearing,  and  so  far  as  I  am  concerned  in  this  committee 
you  are  going  to  get  one  of  the  most  complete  investigations  ever 
given  in  the  history  of  this  Republic,  so  far  as  my  abilities  will  permit. 

Now  what  I  am  asking  you  now  is,  Do  you  or  do  you  not  now  know 
the  name  of  this  man?     Don't  tell  me.     Do  you  now  know  it? 

Senator  McCarthy.  At  this  particular  moment,  Mr.  Chairman,  I 
could  not  give  you  the  names  of  half  of  these. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  did  not  ask  you  if  you  could  give  me  the  names. 
I  asked  you  if  you  knew  this  name. 

Senator  McCarthy.  ]Mr.  Chairman,  I  cannot  give  you  any  informa- 
tion on  case  57.  Have  I  made  that  clear  ?  Case  No.  57  will  be  devel- 
oped and  you  will  get  all  the  information,  every  name  that  is  in  this 
file,  when  I  get  to  that  case. 

Senator  Lodge.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  the  most  unusual  procedure 
I  have  seen  in  all  the  years  I  have  been  here.  Why  cannot  the  Sena- 
tor from  Wisconsin  get  the  normal  treatment  and  be  allowed  to  make 
his  statement  in  his  own  w^ay,  aiid  not  be  cross  questioned  like  this  be- 
fore he  has  had  a  chance  to  present  what  he  has  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  If  the  Senator  from  Massachusetts  will  listen  to 
me,  what  I  have  already  put  in  the  record  are  the  81  cases  that  the 
Senator  from  Wisconsin  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Senate  and 
the  country  on  the  Senate  floor.  Now  I  asked  him  first  whether  this 
particular  individual  was  one  of  tlie  81  cases.  He  did  not  seem  able 
to  tell  me  that,  although  I  thought  it  was  the  most  important  allega- 
tion of  disloyalty  in  the  whole  81  cases. 

I  then,  in  order  to  bring  it  down  into  focus,  asked  him  if  he  could 
tell  me  the  name  of  this  man.  I  did  not  want  him  to  tell  me  here  in 
the  open,  but  I  wanted  to  know  if  he  knew  it,  because  it  seemed  to 
me  to  be  a  rather  odd  situation  that  here,  out  of  all  these  cases,  was  a 
high  official  of  the  State  Department  who  was  attempting  to  falsify 
records,  suppress  evidence,  and  pi'otect  disloyal  persons,  and  no  charge 
of  a  separate  case,  so  far  as  I  could  find,  was  made  out  against  him 
as  one  of  the  things  we  should  investigate.  So  before  leaving  these 
81  cases  which  I  have  put  in  the  record  this  thing  attracted  my  atten- 
tion, and  sim])ly  before  we  closed  the  Senate  part  of  these  hearings 
I  am  asking  the  Senator,  Is  this  man  known  to  him  so  that  he  can 
give  us  his  name  ? 

If  tliat  is  not  a  reasonable  request,  he  can  sfiy  "Yes"  or  "No"  or  "I 
will  go  get  it  for  you  and  in  executive  session  I  will  give  it  to  you." 

Senator  Lodge.  I  think  it  is  a  perfectly  reasonable  request,  Mr. 
Cliairman,  at  the  proper  time. 

I  think  it  is  the  uiost  important  request  that  will  be  made  on  this 
question,  but  I  tliink  this  is  the  wrong  time  to  make  it.  I  think  the 
Senator  from  Wisconsin  ought  to  have  the  courtesy  that  every  Sena- 
tor and  every  Avitness  has,  of  making  his  own  presentation  in  his  own 
way  aud  not  to  be  pulled  to  ]:)iecos  before  he  lias  had  a  chance  to  utter 
one  siugle  consecutive  sentence. 


Senator  Green.  It  seems  to  me  that  it  is  important  to  proceed  in 
this  unusual  manner,  not  only  for  the  reason  stated  by  the  chairman 
but  for  tliis  reason :  We  may  be  asked  to  call  upon  the  State  Depart- 
ment to  ))roduce  papers  or  evidence.  It  may  be  this  very  man  to  whom 
that  might  be  left.  If  there  is  such  an  individual  in  the  State  Depart- 
ment suppressino-  information,  distorting-  facts,  we  ought. to  tend  to 
that  before  we  ask  the  State  Department  for  an}'  papers. 

Senator  Lodge.  Of  course  we  ought  to  know  it,  Senator  Green. 

Senator  Green.  The  question  is  whether  the  witness  knows  the 
name  or  whether  it  was  imaginary. 

Senator  Lodge.  We  ought  to  know  that  man's  name;  we  ought  to 
know  the  names  of  all  these  people  in  here.  All  I  say  is  that  every 
witness,  whether  he  is  a  Senator  or  whether  he  is  not  a  Senator,  is 
entitled  to  make  his  statement  in  his  own  words,  and  not,  the  minute 
he  sits  down,  be  subjected  to  a  whole  lot  of  piece-meal  questioning, 
thereby  making  it  impossible  for  him  to  make  his  presentation.  I 
think  it  is  just  common  courtesy  and  fairness  to  let  a  man  make  his 

Senator  Tydings.  We  will  give  him  all  the  chance  in  the  world  to 
make  his  statement,  if  he  will  simply  say  he  doesn't  know  the  name  of 
the  man  or  he  does  know  the  name  of  the  man.  Certainly  he  can  tell 
us  whether  he  knows  the  name  or  does  not  know  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  why  is  it  so  vital  at  tliis 
original  jump-otf  meeting  of  this  committee  to  know  the  name  of  an 
individual  man,  when  the  witness  says  in  due  course  and  in  the  course 
of  his  i3resentation  he  will  give  and  disclose  to  this  committee  those 
names  ?  It  would  seem  to  me  that  Senator  McCarthy  ought  to  be  per- 
mitted to  present  his  charges,  his  allegations,  his  information,  and  then 
this  committee  can  look  into  them  and  evaluate  which  is  the  most  im- 
portant to  first  go  into. 

Senator  Green.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  I  may  answer  my  distinguished 
colleague's  argument,  it  is  this,  that  if  we  are  going  into  the  files  of 
the  State  Department,  we  ought  to  have  confidence  that  they  are  not 
furnished  or  handled  by  an  individual  against  whom  such  a  charge  is 
made  as  that  he  is  a  high  officer  in  the  State  Department  using  his 
power  improperly,  because  the  testimony  which  we  may  need  may 
come  through  him,  and  therefore  we  ought  to  clear  the  decks  before 
we  proceed.  Not  only  that,  but  if  these  charges  are  true,  that  man  still 
has  access  to  the  files  in  the  meantime.    That  is  my  point. 

Senator  Lodge.  If  it  were  essential  to  do  this  so  soon,  why  wasn't  it 
done  the  minute  Senator  McCarthy  made  his  speech  on  the  Senate 
floor?    AVhy  did  we  wait  until  this  "particular  moment  ? 

Senator  Ttdings.  Let  me  say  this :  I  have  no  desire  to  delay  Senator 
McCarthy.  I  am  anxious  for  him  to  get  on.  My  first  question  was,  Is 
this  individual  who  is  accused  of  fraudulent  conduct  in  the  State  De- 
partment to  be  made  a  case  number '. 

Now,  it  seems  to  me  that  we  can  find  out  if  he  is,  and  then  that's 
that.  And  the  second  question  is.  Does  the  Senator  know  the  name 
of  this  man  ?  He  can  say  "Yes''  or  "No"  and  that  would  be  that  and 
we  could  get  on  with  this  thing. 

Senator  Lodge.  I  hope  Senator  McCarthv  will  be  allowed  to  pro- 
ceed in  the  normal  way. 

68970 — 50 — pt.  1 2 


Senator  Tydings.  I  still  leave  my  two  questions  to  be  answered. 
I  think  that  the  most  important  thing  before  this  committee  is  to 
clear  out  men  in  high  places  if  they  are  guilty  of  fraudulent  conduct, 
suppressing  evidences  of  disloyalty  in  the  State  Department.  There 
is  nothing  we  are  going  to  do  that  is  more  important  than  that. 

Senator  Lodge.  Of  course  I  favor  doing  that  too.  We  all  want 
to  get  rid  of  all  the  rotten  apples  in  the  State  Department.  That  is 
the  purpose  of  this  investigation,  and  simply  because  I  object  to  Sena- 
tor McCarthy  being  torn  apart  this  way  does  not  mean  I  am  not  in- 
terested in  getting  these  men  cleared  out.  But  this  is  a  most  extraor- 
dinary and  unusual  procedure,  to  start  off  in  this  confused  way. 
It  is  not  the  way  things  are  done  around  here. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  he  has  to  do  is  answer  two  very  simple  ques- 
tions :  ''I  don't  know  the  name  of  this  man,  Senator,"  or  "I  do  know 
the  name  of  this  man.  Senator.     He  won't  be  made  a  case  subject." 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  How  will  that  help  the  investigation  at 
this  point,  if  he  answers  ? 

Senator  Lodge.  If  he  says  it  at  3  o'clock  this  afternoon,  why  isn't 
that  just  as  good?  You  have  waited  all  this  time  before  you  brought 
it  up. 

Senator  Tydings-  This  is  a  public  hearing  and  I  do  not  want  too 
much  of  this  in  star  chamber. 

Senator  Lodge.  Let's  have  it  in  public  in  Senator  McCarthy's  own 
time  and  own  way.  Give  him  the  courtesy  of  letting  him  make  the 
charges  to  the  best  advantage  from  his  viewpoint. 

Senator  McMahon.  As  I  understand  it,  what  you  want  is  to  know 
the  name  of  this  man  as  quickly  as  possible,  because  it  is  conceivable, 
because  of  what  Senator  McCarthy  said  about  him,  that  he  could 
frustrate  this  investigation.  As  I  understand  it,  that  is  the  purpose 
of  the  question.  It  is  obvious  that  he  hasn't  got  it  with  him  at  the 
moment.  It  is  too  bad  that  he  hasn't,  because  I,  too,  would  like  to 
know  if  this  rascal  is  in  the  State  Department,  and  if  that  is  what  he 
is  up  to,  and  I  hope  that  before  the  end  of  the  day  we  can  have 
the  name  of  this  person,  because  I  think  it  is  pertinent.  Senator,  at 
the  beginning  of  this  investigation,  to  drag  out  this  key  figure,  who 
is  apparently,  if  your  charge  is  true,  right  down  there  with  his  hand 
on  the  throttle,  and  we  ought  to  know  that  as  quickly  as  possible. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  man  has  been  in  the 
State  Department,  apparently,  according  to  the  statement  of  Senator 
McCarthy,  I  think,  on  the  floor,  since,  let  us  say,  1947. 

Senator  Tydings.  And  is  still  there. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  All  right.  He  has  been  in  the  State 
Department,  perhaps — I  do  not  know  who  he  is — since  Senator 
McCarthy  made  his  charges  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  If  he  is  going 
to  do  an}^  dirty  work,  he  has  had  all  the  time  since  1947,  and  especially 
since  Senator  McCarthy  made  his  formal  statement  on  the  floor  of 
the  Senate;  he  has  had  all  that  time  to  do  whatever  dirty  work  he 
might  potentially  do,  and  I  do  not  see  that  another  day  will  add 
to  his  potential  danger  very  much  over  what  he  may  have  done  in 
the  past,  if  he  is  guilty. 

Therefore,  I  think  Senator  McCarthy  ought  to  be  able  to  proceed 
in  his  own  way. 


Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  minute.  I  was  very  hopeful  that  we 
"Could  ^et  answers  to  these  two  questions.  You  could  say  "I  don't 
know  the  name  of  the  man"  or  "I  do  know  the  name  of  the  man," 
because  you  have  said  that  you  had  photostatic  copies  of  the  files, 
as  I  recall  your  testimony.  And  if  you  said  you  knew  the  man,  we 
weren't  goin*^  to  ask  you  to  give  us  that  name  this  morning.  But 
we  just  wanted  to  get  at  that  the  very  first  thing  and  have  that  man, 
if  he  is  in  the  State  Department  now,  relieved  of  his  duties  pending 
this  investigation.  We  don't  want  to  be  charged  with  having  let 
him  roam  around  the  State  Department  where  he  can  keep  on  with 
doctoring  the  records,  if  he  has  access  to  them. 

The  first  thing  I  asked  you — the  other  proposition  was  the  second — 
was,  Was  he  to  be  made  one  of  the  case  numbers?  That  is,  was  he 
to  be  a  man  against  whom  you  were  going  to  bring  charges? 

Now  certainly  it  is  very  hard  for  the  chairman  to  believe  that  a 
charge  of  this  kind  would  not  be  a  case  number  and  if  it  is  to  be  a 
case  number,  all  right;  say  so.  We  will  forget  it.  If  it  is  not  to 
be  a  case  number,  then  we  had  better  look  into  it  right  away. 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  have  the  chairman's  copy  of  the  reso- 
lution ? 

Senator  Lodge.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  time  to  try  to  get  this  par- 
ticular individual  was  after  Senator  McCarthy  mentioned  him  on 
the  floor  of  the  Senate,  rather  than  to  wait  for  two  whole  weeks  and 
bring  it  up  now  this  morning. 

Senator  Tydings.  How  could  I  get  him  when  I  don't  know  his  name  ? 
Senator  Lodge.  At  this  Roman  holiday  we  are  having  here  this 
morning  it  looks  to  me  as  though  all  of  a  sudden  we  have  gotten 
interested  in  this  man,  when  14  days  have  gone  by  within  which 
Senator  McCarthy  could  have  been  asked  the  same  question,  if  there 
was  such  a  terrible  urgency  about  it.  I  just  don't  see  why  we  can't 
have  procedings  go  along  in  a  normal  way.  If  Senator  McCarthy 
is  allowed  to  make  a  statement  without  interruption  he  will  probably 
reach  this  case  today  sometime. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  am  not  so  certain.  He  said  it  was  No.  57.  He 
also  said  he  could  take  up  only  a  certain  number  of  cases  today,  and 
we  do  not  know  when  we  are  going  to  meet  again.  But  the  point  is 
this :  I  have  asked  two  simple  questions ;  one,  Is  this  man  to  be  made 
a  case  number  ?  Do  you  know  the  name  of  the  man  ?  If  there  is  any- 
thing of  an  inquisitorial  nature  about  getting  an  answer  to  those  two 
(juestions  before  we  proceed,  I  do  not  Know  what  it  is.  The  answer 
is  very  simple,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  we  could  get  the  answers  and 
dispose  of  it  and  go  on  with  something  else. 

Senator  McCarthy.  ]N[ay  I  answer  the  chairman,  and  that  is,  that 
I  will  be  unable  to  give  him  detailed  information  on  case  No.  57  this 
morning.  In  order  to  get  the  complete  picture  of  that  case,  he  will 
need  the  files. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  have  the  files. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Just  a  minute.  I  say  in  order  to  get  the  de- 
tailed information  necessary  for  the  committee  to  act  it  will  be  neces- 
sary that  you  subpena  the  files.  Let's  make  this  clear  when  we  speak 
of  files.  If  the  committee  wants  to  be  sure  they  have  the  complete 
files,  it  will  be  necessary  to  subpena  a  number  of  things. 

No.  1,  you  will  have  to  subpena  the  loyalty  files,  both  categories,  the 
part  that  vou  will  normally  be  handed  plus  the  sub  rosa  section. 


No.  2,  you  will  have  to  subpena  the  personnel  files,  and  by  that  I 
don't  mean  merely  the  subsection  of  the  personnel  files. 

No.  3,  in  order  to  check  that,  it  will  be  necessary  for  you  gentlemen 
to  subpena  the  Civil  Service  Commission  files.  I  understand  that  the 
State  Department  has  a  loose-leaf  file.  The  Civil  Service  Commission 
has  a  cop3^  of  those  files,  a  little  more  intricate  filing  system.  The 
FBI  also  has  a  copy  of  that  section  of  the  files,  which  was  compiled  by 
the  FBI. 

Let  me  say  this :  Every  case  that  I  am  giving  you  gentlemen  today, 
every  case  that  you  will  hear  about,  will  have  in  the  files  derogatory 
information  developed  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation. 
Merely  the  top  half  of  the  State  Department's  loyalty  file  will  be 
meaningless.    I  assure  you  of  that. 

Now  this  case  No.  57,  as  I  have  told  you  three  times,  Senator,  1 
cannot  give  j'ou  information  on  that  now.  If  you  had  called  me 
and  told  me  you  wanted  that  case  developed  this  morning,  it  would 
have  been  developed.  The  only  contact  that  I  have  had  with  the  com- 
mittee was  the  day  the  chairman  met  me  on  the  floor  and  said,  "Come 
over  to  the  committee  at  10 :30  Wednesday  morning  and  present  what- 
ever you  have  to  us." 

I  am  here  ready  to  do  that,  Mr.  Chairman.  As  I  say,  I  am  not  pre- 
pared this  morning  in  case  No.  57.  I  am  not  prepared  because  the 
Chair  did  not  indicate  he  wanted  me  prepared.  I  am  not  prepared, 
No.  2,  because  I  do  not  think  that  is  the  all-important  case.  I  do  think 
that  is  a  very  important  case.  All  of  the  names — all  of  the  names — 
will  be  found  in  those  files  that  I  have  suggested  you  subpena,  so 
yon  can  get  to  that  very  easily. 

Now,  if  the  chairman  wants  case  No.  57,  I  assume  he  is  meeting 
tomorrow.  If  he  meets  tomorrow,  if  he  wants  that  case  developed,  it 
will  be  developed  before  the  committee.  If  the  committee  wants  to 
meet  this  afternoon,  if  he  wants  to  come  to  my  office  I  will  try  and  get 
him  all  the  information  he  desires  on  that  case.  But  this  morning  I 
cannot  give  the  chairman  the  information  on  case  No.  57 ;  period ! 

Senator  Tydings.  Now  let  me  ask  you  this :  If  we  were  to  take  a 
recess  for  10  minutes  so  the  Senator  could  go  to  his  office  and  refresh 
his  memory  on  file  57,  if  that  is  the  file,  could  he  not  then  come  back 
here  and  answer  the  question,  to  wit,  (1),  Is  this  individual  against 
whoni  these  grave  charges  are  made  to  be  the  subject  of  a  particular 
case  for  investigation,  or  is  he  left  out  of  the  matter?  (2),  Does  the 
Senator  know  his  name  ? 

If  the  Senator  will  come  back  and  answer  those  two  simple  ques- 
tions, we  can  go  ahead  with  the  procedures.  It  would  only  take  him 
5  or  10  minutes  to  do  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  let  me  say  the  Chair  asks 
whether  I  will  make  him  the  subject  for  investigation.  I  didn't  know 
that  I  was  running  this  committee.  I  don't  think  I  am  by  a  long 
stretch.  I  intend  to  submit  to  the  committee  information  bearing  upon 
the  disloyalty,  the  bad  security  risks,  in  the  State  Department.  Then 
it  is  up  to  the  committee  to  investigate  those  particular  cases.  The 
committee  has  been  allowed,  I  believe,  $25,000  or  $50,000  to  do  that. 
I  do  not  have  the  investigative  staff,  I  do  not  have  access  to  the  files,  to 
make  any  complete  investigation  and  make  any  formal  charges.  All 
I  intend  to  do,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  to  submit  to  the  committee  the  evi- 


dence  Avliich  I  have  gathered  over  painstaking  months  of  work,  and  I 
hope  tliat  the  Chair  will  allow  me  to  give  that  tomorrow,  and  I  assure 
that  chairman  that  there  ^yill  be  no  names,  nothing  kept  secret  from 
this  committee.    He  can  be  sure  of  that. 

I  say,  if  the  Chair  had  informed  me  that  he  was  particularly  inter- 
ested in  case  No.  57,  that  case  would  have  been  developed  this  morning. 
As  it  is,  it  will  not  be  developed  this  morning  because  I  am  not  pre- 
pared to  do  so,  and  after  a  10-minute  recess  f  would  not  be  prepared 
to  do  so.  I  have  some  facts  which  I  hope  the  committee  will  allow 
me  to  present  to  them  this  morning. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  If  the  Senator  will  allow  me  to  read  just  one  sen- 
tence from  case  1-4,  he  says,  "In  his  case  a  CSA" — what  is  a  "CSA"  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  the  investigative  agency,  as  I  under- 
stand it. 

Senator  Ttdings.  I  don't  know. 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  when  you  ask  a  question,  let 
me  finish,  please. 

I  don't  understand  this  lettering  system  too  well.  "CSA"  I  believe 
is — they  change  the  names  of  the  organizations  over  there  so  much 
I  can't  keep  track  of  them.  It  is  the  investigative  agency,  or  some- 
thing along  that  line. 

Senator  Tydings  (reading)  : 

In  this  case  a  CSA  report  of  September  22,  1947,  is  replete  with  information 
covering  the  a  tempt  of  a  hiiih  State  Department  official  to  induce  several  indi- 
viduals who  had  signed  affidavits  reflecting  adversely  upon  the  employee  to 
repudiate  their  affidavits.  The  file  shows  that  that  high  State  Department  em- 
ployee went  out  and  personally  contacted  the  individuals  who  signed  the  affida- 
vits and  asked  them  "Won't  you  repudiate  them?" 

Senator  INIcCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  let  me  say  this.  I  have  quoted 
from  the  files  in  81  cases.  The  President  of  the  United  States  has 
answered  merely  by  saying  that  McCarthy  is  lying;  it  is  not  true. 
This  committee  can  very  easily  determine  where  the  truth  lies  by 
saying  "We  shall  get  those  files.''  'V^^len  you  get  those  files,  then  you 
will  know  whether  or  not  every  word  I  have  spoken  here  is  true. 

Now,  when  I  get  to  case  No.  57  I  will  give  you  all  of  the  informa- 
tion which  I  can  on  it.  That  will  not  be  complete.  You  will  have  to 
get  four  separate  files  to  make  sure  you  have  the  complete  case. 

Senator  XiUDGe.  Mr.  Chairman,  so  far  as  one  member  of  this  com- 
mittee is  concerned,  speaking  for  myself,  I  do  not  understand  what 
kind  of  a  game  is  being  played  here,  and  I  cannot  do  my  work  as  a 
member  of  this  committee  if  we  are  going  to  do  this  picking  and 
choosing  and  jumping  around  all  over  the  place.  If  we  are  going  to 
depart  from  the  usual  procedure  of  having  him  make  his  charges, 
then  he  makes  his  charges  and  we  investigate  the  charges,  I  want  to 
know  that.  But  I  do  not  understand  at  all  what  is  sought  to  be 
achieved  by  this  business  of  picking  first  one  case  and  then  another 
case  and  asking  the  witness  about  that  before  he  has  even  had  a  chance 
to  make  a  single  connected  statement. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  Lodge,  as  I  will  try  to  tell  you  once 
more — 1  thought  I  had  made  it  plain — I  have  no  disposition  to  inter- 
fere with  the  witness  going  ahead  with  any  statement  he  has  before 
him.  I  put  in  the  record  all  of  the  proceedings,  and  one  of  the  pro- 
ceedings put  in  the  record  was  the  one  to  which  I  have  just  drawn 
attention,  and  in  that  particular  case  I  found  this  statement.    I  simply 


asked  the  witness,  to  make  the  record  complete,  whether  or  not  this 
was  one  of  the  81  cases  which  he  wanted  investigated,  to  wit,  that  a 
high  State  Department  official  had  tried  to  cook  or  alter  or  doctor  the 
evidence,  and  if  he  had  said  "Yes''  or  "No,"  that  would  liave  been 
one  thing. 

Then  I  asked  him  if  he  knew  the  name  of  this  man,  thinking  it 
would  be  very  desirous  for  the  committee  to  get  that  man  out  of  this 
investigation  and  all  contact  with  the  papers  at  the  earliest  possible 

It  seems  to  me  that  if  those  two  questions  had  been  answered,  and 
I  can  see  no  reason  why  they  could  not  be  answered,  either  that  they 
are  going  to  be  made  a  case  or  they  are  not  going  to  be  made  a  case, 
and  that  "I  do  know  the  name  and  will  give  it  to  the  conunittee  in 
due  time"  or  "I  don't  know  the  name  and  cannot  give  it  to  the  com- 
mittee"— if  there  is  anything  captious  or  inquisitorial  or  bad  about, 
just  asking  those  two  questions,  to  me  they  are  tlie  simplest  kind  of 
thing,  and  they  make  the  record  which  we  have  already  made  com- 
plete as  to  whether  this  man  is  one  of  the  81  cases  or  whether  he  is 
not,  and  that  "I  know  his  ]uime  and  in  due  time  I  will  give  it  to  the 
committee"  or  "I  don't  know  the  name  and  I  can't  give  it  to  the 

Senator  Lodge.  If  there  was  such  an  awful  hurry  about  getting 
this  man,  it  seems  to  me  the  time  to  have  done  it  would  have  been 
immediately  after  Senator  McCarthy  raised  the  point  on  the  floor  of 
the  Senate.     It  is  just  a  question  here  of  orderly  procedure. 

Senator  Ttdings.  You  do  not  see  things  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate 
you  see  when  you  read  them  over.  Senator  Lodge. 

Senator  LodCxE.  AVe  can  all  rend  the  Congressional  Record,  and,  if 
the  thing  is  there,  it  is  perfectly  possible  to  go  to  work  on  it  then, 
instead  of  waiting  for  two  whole  weeks  until  we  have  this  hearing. 
It  seems  to  me  this  is  a  perfectly  extraordinary  procedure.  I  have 
never  seen  anything  like  it,  and  I  have  been  here  since  1937.  You 
have  been  here  longer  than  I  have.  But  I  have  been  here  since  10?>7, 
and  it  is  a  perfectly  amazing  procedure  to  pick  No.  57  and  then  to 
pick  No.  14,  and  I  suppose  after  you  are  through  playing  wnth  that 
you  will  pick  23.  In  the  meantime  the  witness  sits  here.  He  has  a 
prepared  statement  and  he  isn't  given  the  common,  ordinary  courtesy 
of  telling  his  story  in  his  own  words.  I  think  it  is  perfectly  amazing. 
I  don't  know  what  the  purpose  of  it  is,  because  I  haven't  been  told. 

Senator  Tydimgs.  There  is  nobody  knows  what  the  purpose  is  ex- 
cept myself,  because  on  my  word  of  honor  I  have  never  discussed  it 
with  any  of  my  Democratic  colleagues  or  Re]>ub]ican  Colleagues.  It 
simply  occurred  to  me  that  this  was  about  the  most  serious  thing  I 
had  run  across  and  I  wanted  simply  to  know  whether  a  special  case 
was  to  be  made  out  against  this  individual  and  whether  the  Senator 
had  his  name,  and  if  he  had  answered  those  questions  "Yes"  or  "No" 
lie  would  have  been  probably  a  third  through  with  his  written  state- 
ment. If  there  is  any  reason  why  they  should  not  be  answered  I  do 
not  know  why  the  Senator  does  not  say  it,  or  say  "Yes,  they  will  be  a 
special  case.  They  ought  to  be  a  special  case,  and  in  due  time  I  will 
give  the  committee  his  name."  I  can  see  no  reason  why  that  could 
not  be  done.     If  there  is  a  reason,  I  have  not  heard  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  seems  to  me  that  in  read- 
ing over  the  Congressional  Record  when  these  cases  and  charges  were 


made  by  Senator  McCarthy  that  there  are  quite  a  number  of  charges 
of  very  serious  importance  in  this  whole  set-up.  I  would  not  neces- 
sarily pick  this  case  as  the  most  serious,  just  from  reading  the  record. 
1  tliink  there  are  others  that  probably  will  come  in  for  just  as  serious 
consideration.  Therefore  I  see  no  justification  in  picking  out  this 
particular  case  for  special  interrogation  at  the  moment. 

And  then,  another  thing,  it  seems  to  me  that  this  committee  will 
make  the  cases,  not  necessarily  Senator  McCarthy.  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy gives  his  evidence  and  gives  his  conclusions,  and  furnishes 
this  committee  with  what  he  believes  to  be  facts  or  the  sources  of 
the  facts  for  investigation,  and  then  it  is  up  to  this  committee  to  dif- 
ferentiate and  to  examine  and  to  make  the  cases. 

I  strongly  urge  that  a  perfectly  normal,  sound  procedure  is  to  let 
Senator  ISIcCarthy,  mIio  has  originated  these  charges,  go  ahead  and 
make  his  charges  and  canvass  his  situation,  and  then  let's  question 
him  about  the  individual  cases  if  we  want  to. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  Chair  will  try  to  comply  with  the  requests 
of  the  two  Republican  members  of  the  committee  and  he  will  simply 
iinish  this  phase  of  the  matter  by  asking  Senator  McCarthy,  the  next 
time  he  comes  before  the  committee,  to  be  in  a  position  to  answer  two 
questions :  First,  is  the  "high  State  Department  official''  Avho  allegedly 
attempted  to  doctor  the  loyalty  records  in  the  State  Department  to  be 
made  the  subject  of  a  special  case  in  the  information  and  charges  that 
he  will  bring  before  us?  Secondly,  does  he  know  the  name  of  this 
individual,  and  will  he  give  it  to  the  committee  in  executive  session? 

So,  with  those  two  things  in  the  Senator's  mind,  if  he  will  furnish 
them  at  the  next  meeting,  I  will  be  glad  to  have  him  go  ahead  with  his 
statement.     I  am  sorry  we  could  not  get  them  this  morning. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  a  question  that  I  would  like  to  sug- 
gest to  Senator  McCarthy -at  this  time  which  I  may  ask  him  later — ^I 
clon't  know — along  this  same  line  .  I  may  see  fit  to  ask  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy if  he  believes,  based  upon  what  knowledge  and  investigation 
he  has  had,  that  the  high  State  Department  official  which  has  been 
referred  to  here  might  well  be,  upon  the  evidence  developed,  the 
subject  for  investigation  and  further  inquiry  by  this  committee.  I 
say  I  may  ask  the  Senator  that  question  at  a  later  date,  when  he  is 
prepared  to  canvass  the  particular  case  that  involves  this  allegedly 
high  State  Department  official. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  will  ask  the  Senator  if  he  will  be  good  enough  to 
try  to  bring  the  answers  to  those  two  questions  of  the  committee  at  the 
next  meeting  of  the  committee.  I  think  I  have  conformed  to  his  wish 
to  postpone  and  give  him  time.  I  would  rather  have  had  them  this 
morning.  I  think  they  are  very  important.  I  think  it  is  the  most 
important  thing  in  the  whole  investigation,  and  I  am  sorry  that,  it 
being  so  important,  he  hasn't  that  evidence  available. 

Now,  Senator,  we  will  be  glad  to  hear  your  statement. 



Senator  McCarthy.  I  thank  the  chairman,  and  so  there  is  no  doubt 
in  the  committee's  mind  let  me  say  this :  I  think  this  is  so  important 
that  I  do  want  to  stick  to  the  cases  as  I  document  them  and  develop 


tliem  SO  there  can  be  no  question  about  the  absolute  truth  of  every- 
thing presented. 

Let  me  say  this  also :  I  hope  that  every  witness'  testimony,  includ- 
ing mine,  is  gone  through  with  a  fine-tooth  comb.  There  are  some 
very  important  witnesses  down  here,  and  I  am  very  happy  the  chair- 
man swore  them  all.  We  have  found,  you  recall,  back  in  the  case 
of  the  famous  racketeers  of  Capone  that  the  Government  could  not  get 
them  for  their  crimes,  but  they  finally  discovered  a  way  of  getting 
them.     They  got  them  for  income  tax  evasion. 

We  find  where  Communists  are  concerned  they  are  too  clever.  They 
work  underground  too  much.  It  is  hard  to  get  them  for  their  criminal 
activities  in  connection  with  espionage,  but  a  way  has  been  found. 
We  are  getting  them  for  perjury  and  putting  some  of  the  worst  of 
them  away.  For  that  reason  I  hope  every  witness  who  comes  here 
is  put  under  oath  and  his  testimony  is  gone  over  with  a  fine-tooth 
comb,  and  if  we  cannot  convict  some  of  them  for  their  disloyal  activi- 
ties, perhaps  we  can  convict  them  for  perjury. 

Senator  Tydings.  Are  you  going  to  relate  to  cases  in  the  same  order 
before  the  Senate,  so  I  can  follow  them  here? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  intend  to  give  the  committee  additional 

Senator  Tydings.  If  you  refer  to  case  1  or  case  2,  that  will  be  case  1 
or  case  2  as  you  referred  to  it  in  the  Senate? 

Senator  McCarthy.  When  I  refer  to  a  case,  I  will  also  identify  it  by 
the  case  number  if  it  was  referred  to  in  the  Senate. 

Now,  the  chairman  made  a  statement  that  I  think  he  would  like  to 
retract,  because  he  said:  "McCarthy  will  be  subject  to  the  most  thor- 
ough investigation  in  the  history  of  this  Republic."  I  think  he  meant 
that  the  disloyal  people  in  the  State  Department  will  be  subject  to 
such  investigation. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  did  not  say  "McCarthy,"  I  said  this.  I  said: 
"This,  Senator  McCarthy,  will  be  one  of  the  most  thorough  investiga- 
tions    *     *     *."    I  did  not  make  it  personal. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Some  people  in  the  room  got  the  impression 
he  said  that. 

Senator  Tydings.  If  they  got  that  impression  they  got  something  I 
did  not  intend. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  did  not  think  he  did. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  grateful  to  the  committee  for  its  invitation  to 
appear  here  today,  and  make  available  information  which  has  come 
to  me  from  a  variety  of  sources  bearing  on  the  security  of  our  Nation. 

Certainly  we  are  all  in  accord  on  the  premise  that  every  possible 
precaution  should  be  taken  to  protect  the  national  welfare  and  time 
and  experience  has  shown  us  that  subversive  and  un-American  actions 
cannot  stand  the  light  of  day. 

To  that  end,  I  shall  make  available  to  this  committee  the  names  and 
background  of  persons  wlio  are,  or  have  been,  in  the  service  of  the 
Government  who,  by  virtue  of  their  background  and  activities,  do  not 
deserve  the  confidence  and  trust  placed  in  them. 

The  fair  security  risk  does  not  exist.  Every  man  or  woman  in  the 
employ  of  the  United  States  Government  is  a  bad  or  good  security 


AVe  have  had,  through  our  courts,  our  oovernmeiital  investigatiEg 
bodies,  our  public  press  and  radio,  a  shocking  and  frightening  serios 
of  reports  on  men  and  women  in  liigh  and  low  places  in  our  Govern- 
ment who  transferred  their  allegiance  to  a  foreign  and  dangerous 

It  is  obviously  impossible  for  me,  without  investigative  personnel, 
funds,  and  authority  and  without  full  and  free  access  to  the  volumi- 
nous and  comprehensive  files  of  numerous  Government  agencies,  to 
givt^.  you  gentlemen  an  adequate  picture  of  this  distressing  situation, 

I  hope  that  this  distinguished  committee,  charged  by  its  colleagues 
in  the  Senate  with  a  diflicult  and  exhaustive  duty,  will  be  able  to 
find  a  solution  to  a  hitherto  insoluble  j)roblem. 

After  the  information  I  have  received  is  collated  and  examined,  it 
Avill  be  turned  over  to  this  committee.  I  shall  withhold  nothing  and 
shall  make  available  to  the  committee  the  information  which  has  been 
made  available  to  me. 

I  have  carefully  studied  the  standards  of  loyalty,  as  set  forth  by 
Secretary  of  State  Acheson. 

I  agree  with  them  wholeheartedly. 

I  have  come  to  the  conclusion,  however,  that  these  standards  of  loy- 
alty are  meaningless  unless  they  are  applied  to  all  Government  em- 
ployees without  exception. 

It  is  the  exception  that  I  wish  to  bring  to  the  attention  of  the  com- 

I  am  convinced  that  in  a  sizable  number  of  cases  these  standards 
have  not  been  applied  properly. 

JNIr.  Chairman,  one  bad  risk  is  too  many,  and  a  very  few  of  these 
bad  risks  might  well  be  disastrous  to  our  national  security. 

At  the  outset  I  think  it  is  important  that  the  committee  know  that 
the  statement  I  shall  make  here  today  regarding  various  persons  in  the 
employ  of  the  United  States  Government  is  based  on  documented  evi- 
dence and  these  documents  I  will  submit  to  the  connnittee  as  I  go 

Senator  McMahon.  Senator,  is  it  your  intention  to  name  individ- 
uals against  whom  you  are  making  charges? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  intend  to  name  names  of  those  that  are  thor- 
oughly documented  and  important,  yes.  The  ones  that  are  not  thor- 
oughly documented  I  intend  to  give  to  the  committee  and  have  the 
committee,  with  its  own  investigative  staff,  do  the  documenting. 

Senator  McIVIahon.  Senator,  as  I  understand  it,  this  is  the  first 
of  a  series  of  cases  in  which  you  are  going  to  name  names. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  right. 

Senator  McMahon.  And  you  are  going  to  give  to  the  public  and 
to  us  the  digests  of  the  files  as  you  have  had  them  given  to  you  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  In  this  first  case  I  am  going  to  give  nothing 
from  any  files.     I  am  going  to  present  documents. 

Senator  McIMahon.  What  documents  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  going  to  give  them  to  you  as  I  go  along. 

Senator  McMahon.  I  mean,  are  they  abstracts  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment files? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  give  you  the  documents.  Senator,  as  I 
go  along.  They  are  photostats,  and  I  can't  give  you  a  preview.  I 
have  to  go  through  them. 


Senator  Lodge.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  don't  like  to  be  tedious  about  this, 
but  I  do  hope 

Senator  McMAHOisr.  Senator,  if  you  do  not  mind,  I  have  not  yielded. 

There  is  a  very  important  point  involved  here,  Senator,  whether 
you  realize  it  or  not,  and  this  is  the  point  where  this  committee  is  going; 
to  have  to  consider  it,  as  to  whether  or  not  we  are  going  to  adopt  a 
procedure  whereby  charges  are  made  about  citizens  for  all  the  world 
to  see,  based  upon  material  that  has  been  taken  from  files  without  an 
opportunity  for  the  connnittee  to  have  a  full  preview  of  that  file. 

Now,  what  I  have  in  mind  is  the  Coplon  case  and  what  took  place 
down  in  the  district  court.  I  have  no  fixed  opinion  on  this  at  the 
moment.  Senator,  but  I  just  want  the  committee  to  understand  that 
apparently  we  are  going  to  open  up  the  files  for  public  inspection. 
Is  that  the  Senator's  idea  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No,  no.  I  have  no  intention — even  if  I  had  the 
files  I  would  have  no  intention — of  presenting  any  of  the  State  De- 
partment files.  I  say  "even  if  I  had  them."  It  is  not  my  decision  to 
conduct  the  hearing  in  this  fashion.  The  committee  has  asked  for 
information.  I  have  the  documents.  The  names  appear  on  the  docu- 
ments very  clearly.  If  the  committee  wants  to  go  into  executive 
session  and  take  this  testimony,  that  is  entirely  up  to  the  committee. 
Otherwise  I  shall  have  to  proceed,  and  it  is  impossible  to  develop  this 
and  say  "Mr.  X,"  "Mr.  Y,"  "Mr.  Z."    Do  you  follow  me.  Senator? 

If  the  committee  wants  to  go  into  executive  session  and  hear  these 
cases,  let  me  tell  you  without  mentioning  her  name  that  the  first  case 
will  involve  a  person  in  a  high  State  Department  position  getting 
about  $12,000  a  year  who  belongs  to  28  organizations  that  have  been 
listed  by  the  Attorney  General  and  by  various  senatorial  and  House 
committees  as  subversive  or  disloyal — 28  different  organizations.  I 
have  the  documents  to  show  that  she  has  belonged  to  those  28  subver- 
sive organizations — not  organizations  that  I  say  are  subversive,  but 
organizations  that  the  Attorney  General  has  said  are  subversive,  plus 
senatorial  and  House  committees. 

In  presenting  these  documents,  I  think  it  is  impossible  to  dismiss 
or  hide  this  individual's  name.  I  think  this  is  very  important.  We 
will  want  to  ask,  for  example,  Mr.  Acheson  wh}^  he  keeps  in  a  high 
position,  a  $12,000-a-year  position,  someone  who  belongs  to  28  sub- 
versive organizations.  She  may,  you  understand,  belong  to  10  or  12 
others.    I  have  the  documents  to  show  the  membership  in  28. 

I  have  no  desire  whatsoever  to  make  this  name  public,  but  the  com- 
mittee has  called  me  here.  They  say,  "Give  us  information,"  and  I 
can't  give  this  information  by  referring  to  X,  Y,  and  Z. 

Senator  TydinCxS.  I  think.  Senator  McMahon,  your  question  is  a 
proper  one,  but  I  believe  the  better  way  to  handle  it  would  be  when 
we  get  to  a  document  to  ask  for  a  description  of  it,  et  cetera,  rather 
than  to  try  to  make  a  blanket  ruling  here  where  we  might  have  to 
amend  it  over  and  over  again.  Do  you  agree  with  that,  Senator?  In 
other  words,  postponing  the  time  until  the  Senator  gets  to  the  docu- 
ment, and  then  we  can  ascertain  whether  or  not  it  is  a  State  Depart- 
ment matter  or  loyalty  file  or  FBI  file,  or  what  the  matter  may  be. 

I  don't  think  we  want  to  get  in  the  position  of  denying  the  witness 
.any  proper  testimony  that  he  might  deliver. 


Senator  McMahon.  It  is  a  very  difficult  question,  and  I  would 
•defer  to  you  as  chairman  of  this  committee  on  this  matter  of  proce- 
dure. The  only  thing  that  disturbs  me  is  this:  Let  us  assmne  that 
the  Senator  charges  this  specific  person  what  is  true  and  is  determined 
tjo  be  true.  Then  there  is  certainly  no  reason  why  the  public  should 
not  be  advised  of  the  fact  that  she  is  what  he  says  she  is. 

Contrariwise,  let  us  assume,  hypothetically,  that  it  turns  out  on  an 
investigation  that  she  is  completely  innocent  of  the  charges  that  are 
made.  Senator,  you  and  I  know  that  that  verdict  will  be  on  page  27  or 
47,  if  there  are  47  pages,  but  the  charges  will  be  on  page  1. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  must  say  I  heartily  agree  with  you. 

Senator  McMahon.  And  we  must  be  careful,  it  seems  to  me,  that  in 
our  desire  to  do  a  thorough  job  of  investigation  here  and  bring  to 
book — and  they  should  be  brought  to  book — any  persons  who  do  not 
belong  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  not,  in  the  process 
of  doing  that,  to  do  a  great  injustice  to  decent  American  citizens. 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  May  I  say  that  I  heartily  agree  with  the  Sena- 
tor. Oil  the  Senate  floor  I  said  that  I  would  not  divulge  any  names. 
I  said  I  hoped  any  names  that  were  divulged  would  be  developed  in 
executive  session.  Mr.  Lucas,  who  is  the  leader  of  the  majority  party, 
demanded  time  after  time  on  the  Senate  floor  and  publicly  that  I 
divulge  names.  I  am  now  before  the  committee.  In  order  to  present 
the  case  I  must  give  the  names,  otherwise  I  cannot  intelligibly  present 
it.  If  the  committee  desires  to  go  into  executive  session,  that  is  a 
decision  that  the  committee  and  not  I  can  make,  but  if  I  am  to  testify, 
I  say  it  is  impossible  to  do  it  without  divulging  names. 

Senator  Lodge.  Mr.  Chairman,  may  I  get  recognized  now?  This 
committee  unanimously  voted  to  hold  public  hearings.  That  was  our 
decision.  Senator  McCarthy  now  has  the  opportunity  to  name  names. 
That  is  his  decision.  If  he  wants  to  give  this  information  in  private, 
then  we  have  to  decide  whether  we  will  hear  them  or  not.  Those  is- 
sues were  all  settled  when  we  had  our  meeting  last  week.  I  do  not 
understand  why  Senator  McCarthy  cannot  have  the  opportunity  to 
present  his  statement  and  not  be  compelled  to  act  as  though  he  were 
in  some  sort  of  a  kangaroo  court — '"Answer  'Yes'  or  'No' "  and  that 
sort  of  thing.  It  almost  looks  as  though  there  was  an  attempt  to 
rattle  him.  ,  We  ought  to  let  him  make  his  statement,  and  then,  if  he 
has  facts  with  him,  we  will  investigate  the  facts.  It  seems  to  me  just 
as  simple  as  that. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Gentlemen  of  the  committee,  so  far  as  the  Chair 
is  concerned  about  this,  I  think  we  ought  to  leave  pretty  well  the  man- 
ner of  presenting  the  evidence  up  to  Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  at 
any  time  that  you  feel  you  want  to  go  into  executive  session  with  part 
of  this  testimony,  if  you  will  indicate  that  I  will  call  the  committee 
right  here  together  and  we  will  see  what  the  situation  is.  If  any  mem- 
ber of  the  committee  at  any  time  thinks  that  the  matter  that  is  being 
made  public  should  be  heard  iii  executive  session,  he  will  indicate  that 
to  me.  We  will  go  into  a  huddle  and  come  out  with  a  decision  on  that. 
In  the  meantime,  proceed. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  make  my  position  clear.  I  personally 
do  not  favor  presenting  names,  no  matter  how  conclusive  the  evidence 
is.  The  committee  has  called  me  this  morning,  and  in  order  to  intelli- 
gibly present  this  information  I  must  give  the  names.    I  think  this 


should  be  in  executive  session,  I  think  it  would  be  better.  However,, 
I  am. here.  The  committee  has  voted  to  hold  open  sessions,  so  I 
shall  proceed. 

Let  us  take  the  case  of  Dor 

Senator  Ttdings.  I  told  you  when  I  invited  you  to  testify  that  you 
could  testify  in  any  manner  you  saw  fit.  If  it  is  your  preference  to 
give  these  names  in  executive  session  we  will  be  very  glad  to  have  your 
wishes  acceded  to.  If  it  is  your  desire  to  give  them  in  open  session, 
that  is  your  responsibility.  Now,  if  you  will  indicate  how  you  want 
to  proceed,  the  committee  will  take  it  under  advisement  and  give  you 
an  answer  in  2  minutes. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  say  this  first  case  has  been  handed  to  the 
press  already,  I  think  we  will  have  to  proceed  with  this  one  in  open 
session.     When  we  get  to  the  next  case,  let  us  consider  it. 

Let  us  take  the  case  of  Dorothy  Kenyon. 

Senator  Tydings.  Is  that  one  of  the  cases  your  brought  up  on  the 
Senate  floor  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  is  not. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  see.    Go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  lady,  according  to  the  latest  issue  of  the 
official  registry  of  the  United  States  Government,  is  on  the  Commis- 
sion on  the  Status  of  Women,  LTnited  States  Member  on  the  Commis- 
sions of  the  Economic  and  Social  Council,  United  States  Mission  to 
the  United  Nations,  Department  of  State.  Her  salary  is  $12,000 
per  year. 

And  I  now  present  to  the  chairman  of  the  committee  the  documen- 
tation of  that  ]);\rt  of  my  testimony. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Will  you  hold  that  a  minute  until  I  find  whether 
it  is  listed  here  in  the  Eegister  or  not. 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  lady  has  been  affiliated  with  at  least  28 
Communist-front  organizations,  all  of  which  have  been  declared  sub- 
versive by  an  official  Government  agency.  Nine  of  the  28  have  been 
cited  as  subversive  by  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  and 
I  might  say  that  her  record  of  belonging  to  these  subversive  organi- 
zations dates  back  10  or  15  years.     It  is  not  something  new. 

On  February  21,  1940,  Miss  Kenyon  signed  a  protest  under  the 
auspices  of  the  Veterans  of  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  condemning 
the  war  hysteria  "being  whipped  up  by  the  Roosevelt  administration." 

Exhibit  marked  "1"  I  now  hand  the  committee.  This  organization 
has  been  cited  as  subversive  by  the  congressional  House  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities,  the  California  Un-American  Activities 
Committee,  and  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States. 

Senator  Tydings.  Will  you  let  us  read  that  a  minute.  Is  her  name 
marked  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  you  will  find  her  name  marked. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  have  it.     It  isn't  marked.     We  will  mark  it. 

Let  me  read,  Senator,  for  the  record,  the  caption : 

The  following  outstanrlins:  Americans,  writers,  poets,  playwrishts,  educators, 
judges,  critics,  and  public  officials  signed  the  letter  to  President  Roosevelt  and 
Attorney  General  Jackson  protesting  the  attacks  upon  the  Veterans  of  the  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  Brigade  and  condemning  the  war  hysteria  now  being  whipped  up 
by  tlie  Roosevelt  administration. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  might  say  that  this  is  the  only 
photostat  that  I  have,  and  I  do  not  like  to  have  it  out  of  my  possession. 


If  the  committee  ^vants  these  documents,  I  wish  they  would  arrange 
with  me  to  have  them  photostated  so  they  may  have  a  photostatic  copy 
of  the  document. 

Senator  Tvotngs.  Senator  McCarthy,  we  will  have  to  file  all  of  the 
exhibits  in  the  record  that  you  <iive  publicly,  and  I  will  instruct  the 
stenojirapher  to  o^uard  these  exhibits,  and  when  the  committee  finishes 
its  deliberations  to  return  them  to  you.    Is  that  all  riiiht  ? 

Senator  jMcCakthy.  May  I  ask  one  other  thino;,  Mr.  Chairman. 
This  is  my  only  copy.  I  wonder  if  the  Chairman  Avould  not  instruct 
the  clerk  to  have  photostats  made  so  that  my  file  may  be  complete. 

Senator  McMahon.  Could  I  ask  a  question  on  that  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Yes. 

Senator  jNIcMahon.  Senator,  this  is  a  clip  from  the  Daily  Worker, 
February  21, 1940,  and  it  is  entitled  "Signers  of  Protest." 

Senator  McCarthy.  That's  right. 

Senator  Mc^Maiion.  Of  course,  the  list  is  a  very  lengthy  one.  As  to 
some  of  the  people  on  this  list,  I  see  one  or  two  that  I  know  casually 
myself.  The  description  of  the  petition  that  was  signed  is  the  Daily 
Worker's  description,  and  it  does  not  appear  to  be  a  copy  of  the  peti- 
tion that  these  people  signed.    Is  the  Senator  aware  of  that? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  the  Senator  has  stated  it  correctly. 

Senator  McMahon.  Yes. 

Well,  knowing  the  Daily  Worker  and  its  genius,  from  the  copies  that 
I  have  seen,  for  misrepresentation,  I  am  curious  as  to  just  wdiat  the 
petition  said.    You  haven't  got  that  with  you,  have  you  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  when  the  Senator  sees  the  28  docu- 
ments he  will  no  longer  be  skeptical. 

Senator  McIMahon.  It  is  not  a  question  of  that.  I  am  curious  as  to 
what  they  did  sign.  It  may  be  that  in  this  instance  the  Daily  Worker 
is  telling  the  truth  as  to  what  they  signed,  do  you  see  ?  But  the  Senator 
has  not  got  the  actual  petition  that  they  signed  ? 

Senator  INIcCarthy.  That  is  correct.  That  is  a  copy  of  the  petition 
run  in  the  Daily  Worker  as  a  paid  ad,  and  advertised  as  having  been 
run  by  these  people. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Does  the  Senator  know  where  we  could  get  the 
original,  so  we  could  see  wdiat  the  petition  pur})orted  to  advocate? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  the  committee  must  hire  a  competent 
staff  to  run -anything  down  they  care  to  run  down. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  say,  does  the  Senator  have  any  idea  of  where  we 
might  search  for  this  particular  item,  so  we  can  save  time  in  finding  it  ? 

Senator  IMcCarthy.  There  are  many  places  the  Senator  could 
search.     I  do  not  know  where  he  could  find  it. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  The  question  that  the  Senator  does  not  answer, 
apparently,  is  that  the  Senator  has  no  information.  I  am  simply 
trying  to  find  out  where  we  could  get  it  in  the  quickest  possible  time. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  have  the  original  petition.  I  do  not 
know  where  it  is. 

Senator  McMahon.  I  think,  I\Ir.  Chairman,  that  we  should,  as 
quickly  as  possible,  get  this  petition,  for  this  reason,  that  there  are 
in  this  list  about  100  names,  and  some  of  them  bear  good  reputations. 
Xow,  to  characterize  them  in  a  i-ecord  of  the  Senale  of  the  United 
States  just  on  the  basis  of  a  clip  from  the  Daily  Worker  is  something 
that  perhaps  they  are  not  entitled  to  either,  so  I  do  hope  that  we  can 
get  -"-hat  they  reall}'^  signed. 


Senator  McCarthy.  I  hope  I  have  made  it  clear  that  I  also  hope  that 
the  committee  proceeds  to  develo])  the  situation. 

Senator  Tydings.  Before  the  Senator  proceeds,  without  any  reflec- 
tion on  the  press,  newspaper  accounts  are  not  always  the  best  evidence. 
The  petition  itself,  as  the  Senator,  who  has  been  an  eminent  judge, 
would  know,  would  be  the  best  evidence,  but  we  have  a  pretty  wide 
latitude  in  these  committees  and  we  can  look  that  phase  of  the  matter 
over  afterward. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Thank  you. 

In  signing  this  statement  Miss  Kenyon  collaborated  with  such  well- 
known  Communists  as  Paul  Robeson,  Bernard  J.  Stern,  Albert  Maltz, 
Anna  Louise  Strong,  William  Gropper,  Langston  Hughes,  and  Harry 
F.  Ward. 

Miss  Kenyon  is  presently  the  sponsor  of  the  National  Council  of 
American  Soviet  Friendship.  This  organization  has  been  declared 
subversive  by  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  the 
California  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  and  the  Attorney 

Understand,  when  I  say  "presently,"  some  of  this  information  may 
be  6  months  old.  It  is  the  best  information,  and  I  have  no  informa- 
tion that  it  has  been  withdrawn. 

On  November  16,  1948,  Miss  Kenyon  as  a  member  of  the  board 
of  sponsors  of  this  officially  declared  subversive  organization  welcomed 
the  Red  Dean  of  Canterbury,  Hewlett  Johnson,  at  a  rally  in  Madison 
Square  Garden  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Only  a  few  days  ago  the 
State  Department  refused  to  permit  the  Dean  of  Canterbury  to  enter 
the  United  States  because  of  his  Communist  record. 

For  the  guidance  of  the  connnittee  I  hand  you  herewith  exhibit  2, 
which  fully  documents  Miss  Kenyon's  affiliation  with  the  National 
Council  of  American  Soviet  Friendship. 

Senator  McMahon.  Senator,  that  National  Council  of  American 
Soviet  Friendship  had  quite  a  vogue  when  we  were  cobelligerents 
back  during  the  war  days.  I  may  be  in  error,  but  I  think  that  there 
were  a  couple  of  Senators  of  the  United  States  who  are  still  members 
of  this  body  who  were  members  of  that  organization  at  the  time.  Are 
you  aware  of  that  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Senator  is  talking  about  war  days.  This 
document  is  dated  late  19-18,  November  16,  19-18.  And,  Senator,  I 
may  say  this,  that  I  have  not  declared  these  organizations  subversive. 
I  tell  you  in  each  instance  which  official  bodies  have.  In  this  case  it 
was  declared  subversive  by  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Com- 
mittee, the  California  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  and  the 
Attorney  General. 

I  assume  when  they  declared  this  organization  subversive  they  did 
it  upon  very  excellent  and  competent  proof,  so  when  I  refer  to  these 
subversive  organizations  I  am  not  saying  that  I  myself  have  deter- 
mined whether  or  not  they  are  subversive. 

Senator  McMahon.  I  did  not  assert  that  you  did.  I  just  asked 
you  whether  or  not  it  is  not  a  fact  that  a  couple  of  the  Senators  had 
been  members  of  the  National  Council  of  American  Soviet  Friend- 
ship. I  would  doubt,  of  course,  that  it  was  as  late,  though,  as  Novem- 
ber 16, 1948,  and  you  do  point  out  that  she  was  a  member  of  the  Board 
on  that  date. 


Senator  Tydings.  Seniitor  McCarthy,  going  back  to  the  first  exhibit 
that  you  introduced,  I  see  some  names  on  here  that  1  think  it  only 
fair  ouiilit  to  be  associated  with  the  evidence  you  have  given.  I  see 
such  names  as  Ernest  Hemingway,  Dr.  Harold  Urey,  the  man  who  was 
in  the  forefront  of  development  of  the  atomic  bomb  for  the  United 
States,  and  several  others  I  recognize  by  reputation,  some  of  them 
holding  ])ul)lic  oflice.  I  believe  here  is  one  man,  the  Honorable  Stanley 
Isaacs;  my  recollection  is  that  he  holds  an  office  in  Xew  York  State 
of  some  kind.  So  that  there  is  rather  a  large  mixture  of  names  that 
are  pretty  prominent. 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  is  exhibit  2,  Mr.  Chairman.  It  is  a  letter 
on  the  letterhead  of  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friend- 
ship, and  has  a  list  of  the  sponsors,  Kenyon's  name  being  one  of  the 
list  of  sponsors.  The  letter  reads  as  follows — or  would  the  chairman 
rather  see  it  before  I  read  it? 

Senator  Tydings.  This  is  2? 

Senator  McCarthy  (reading)  : 

On  Monday  evening.  December  18,  the  Very  Reverend  Hewlett  Johnson,  Dean 
of  Canterbury,  and  foremost  leader  in  the  democratic  movement  for  world 
peace,  siieaks  at  IMadison  Square  Garden.  This  eminent  churchman,  who  will 
climax  a  month's  tour  of  the  United  States  with  this  rally,  will  present  his 
impressions  of  the  American  peace  movement  as  it  relates  to  the  peace  forces 
of  England  and  the  continent.  He  will  also  report  on  his  recent  observations 
of  conditions  in  eastern  Europe  and  his  personal  conversations  with  the  leaders 
of  the  new  democracies. 

We  feel  it  is  a  rare  privilege,  indeed,  for  us  to  be  able  to  present  the  dean  in 
the  first  significant  rally  to  follow  the  elections.  We  know  you  will  appreciate 
the  importance  of  forcefully  demonstrating,  particularly  before  the  new  congres- 
sional .session,  the  people's  will  for  peace  through  cooperation  and  friendship 
with  the  Soviet  I  nion. 

The  Ambassador  from  the  Soviet  Union,  His  Excellency  Mr.  Alexander  S. 
Panyushkin.  will  address  the  meeting.  The  mreting  will  also  feature  Paul 
Robeson,  other  well-known  speakers,  and  a  program  of  entertainment. 

As  you  may  recollect,  thousands  were  turned  away  from  the  Garden  on  the 
occasion  of  the  dean's  last  visit  here  in  1945.  Thus,  to  insure  you  proper  ac- 
commodations, we  are  enclosing  an  advance  ticket  order  blank. 

Senator  Tydings.  What  was  the  date  of  that? 
Senator  McCarthy.  Tliis  is  November  l(i,  1948. 

Won't  you  plan  to  attend  this  rally  for  peace  and  reserve  seats  for  yourself 
and  your  friends? 

I  point  out  that  Miss  Kenyon  was  not  merely  a  member  of  this 
organization  Init  one  of  the  sponsors,  and  I  hand  the  Chair  the  exhibit 
labeled  ^'2." 

Senator  Tydings.  "Will  you  pause  a  moment  there,  Senator,  until 
we  look  at  the  document  '^. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  while  the  balance  of  the  com- 
mittee are  looking  at  the  docuunent,  may  I  inquire  as  to  how  long 
the  committee  intends  to  remain  in  session  today  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  How  long  w^ould  you  like  us  to  remain? 

Senator  McCarthy^.  I  frankly  had  hoped  to  develop  three  or  four 
cases.  HoAvever,  I  do  want  to  be  on  the  floor  today,  and  my  thought  is 
that  we  should  certainly  develop  more  than  we  have  now,  but  I  would 
not  like  to  stay  away  more  than  an  hour. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  have  conferred  with  the  members  of  the  com- 
mittee, and  most  of  them  seem  to  be  of  the  opinion  that  we  could  con- 
tinue for  another  half  hour.  Their  engagements  are  such  that  at  that 
time  thev  won't  be  able  to  remain. 


Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  might  suggest  that  Senator  McCarthy 
probably  can  get  through  with  his  presentation  and  the  presentation 
of  his  exhibits  which  he  alleges  support  his  position  if  we  just  let 
him  go. 

Senator  Tydings.  Yes;  but  Senator,  we  want  to  get  all  the  evidence 
that  is  pertinent  as  we  go  along.  We  do  not  want  to  get  it  lopsided. 
We  want  to  make  sure  that  everything  is  weighed  properly  and  proper 
connotations  are  put  on  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  ask  the  Chair,  so  I  may  make  prepara- 
tions, is  it  planned  that  we  will  have  daily  hearings? 

Senator  Tydings.  We  will  meet  tomorrow  morning  at  10 :  30,  and 
the  only  possible  change  I  can  see  to  that  would  be  that  the  Senate 
would  agree  to  some  unanimous-consent  agreement  during  the  day 
to  vote  prior  to  12  o'clock.  We  will  certainly  run  from  10 :  30  to  12, 
and  maybe  longer,  if  we  ai-e  not  confronted  with  a  vote  in  the  Senate. 

Tomorrow  I  hope  you  will  have  the  answei-s  to  those  two  questions, 
Senator  McCarthy. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  the  Chair  will  be  satisfied  with  the 
information  lie  gets. 

Senator  Green.  With  regard  to  this  exhibit  that  has  been  put  in 
as  evidence,  I  would  like  to  draw  attention  to  some  of  the  names  on 
these  sponsors  of  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friend- 
ship, Inc.,  which  is  considered  such  a  Communist  group.  Here  are  the 
Honorable  Arthur  Capper 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  Capper? 

Senator  Green.  Yes.  The  Honorable  Claude  Pepper;  the  Honor- 
able Elbert  D.  Thomas ;  the  Honorable  Joseph  E.  Davies,  and  a  great 
many  other  similar  names. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  There  are  a  great  many  others  that  the 
Senator  could  read  too,  off  that  list. 

Senator  Green.  If  there  are,  I  would  like  for  you  to  read  them. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  do  not  want  to  take  the  time.  That  is  an 
exhibit  the  Senator  has  put  in  to  substantiate  the  fact  that  the  person 
he  alleges  was  a  sponsor  of  an  organization,  and  it  seems  to  me  we  are 
wasting  time. 

Senator  Green.  And  the  names  on  it  are  significant. 

Senator  Tydings.  No  exhibit  can  be  given  in  part  under  any  rules 
of  evidence  that  I  have  ever  heard  of,  either  before  a  Senate  commit- 
tee or  anything  else.    You  have  to  put  it  all  in  or  keep  it  all  out. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  That  is  what  he  has  offered. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  Senator  has  read  a  letter  and  he  has  read 
one  name.    I  am  going  to  take  the  liberty  of  reading  all  the  names : 

Louis  Adamic,  a  candidate  for  the  Senate  in  Illinois;  George  F. 
Addes;  Maxwell  Anderson,  playwright;  John  Taylor  Arms;  Max 
Bedecht;  Mrs.  Alice  S.  Belester;  Dr.  Henry  Lambert  Bibby;  Mrs. 
Louis  Bldch;  Mrs.  Anita  Block;  Simon  Breines;  Prof.  E.  W.  Burgess; 
Hon.  Arthur  Capper.  Was  he  a  United  States  Senator  at  the  time  this 
was  held?  Charles  Cha]^lin;  Hon.  John  M.  Coffee;  Dr.  Henry  S. 
Coffin ;  Aaron  Copland ;  Norman  Corwin ;  Jo  Davidson ;  Hon.  Joseph 
E.  Davies;  Dr.  Herbert  John  Davis;  Hon.  Hugh  DeLacy,  Member  of 
Congress;  Dr.  Stephen  Duggan;  Prof.  Albert  Einstein;  Max  Ep- 
stein; Dr.  Mildred  Fairchild:  Dr.  Robert  D.  Feild;  Lion  Feucht- 
wanger;  the  Reverend  Joseph  F.  Fletcher;  Homer  Folks;  Dr.  W. 


Horsley  Gantt :  Dr.  Caleb  F.  Gates,  Jr.;  Dean  Christian  Gauss;  Ben 
Gold;  Dr.  Mortimer  Graves;  Dr.  Plarry  Grundfest. 

Also  Dr.  Alice  Hamilton;  Lillian  Hellman;  Mrs.  Tliomas  N. 
Hepburn;  Dr.  Leslie  Pinckney  Hill;  Prof.  William  Ernest  Hocking; 
Dr.  Walter  M.  Horton;  Langston  Hughes;  Dr.  Walter  Hullihen;  Hon. 
Stanley  M.  Isaacs;  Dr.  Millard  H.  Jencks;  Prof.  Howard  INIumford 
Jones;  Helen  Keller;  Rockwell  Kent;  Dorothy  Kenyon;  Dr.  Serge 
Koussevitzky,  leader  of  one  of  the  great  orchestras,  I  believe;  Mrs. 
Thomas  W.  Lamont;  William  W.  Lancaster;  Dr.  Emil  Lengyel; 
John  F.  Lewis,  Jr.;  Prof.  Robert  S.  Lynd;  Clifford  T.  McAvoy; 
Judge  Lois  JNIary  McBride ;  Maurice  Maeterlinck ;  Fritz  Mahler ;  Dr. 
Thomas  Mann ;  Frank  X.  Martel ;  Dr.  Kirtley  F.  Mather ;  Lewis  Mer- 
rill; Dr.  George  R.  Minot;  Mrs.  Lucy  Sprague  Mitchell;  Dr.  Wesley 
C.  Mitchell;  Charles  Michael  Mitzell;  Pierre  Monteux;  Mme.  Pierre 
Monteux ;  Bishop  Arthur  W.  Moulton ;  Hon.  James  E.  Murray,  United 
States  Senator;  Dr.  Philip  G.  Nash;  Dr.  Robert  Hastings  Nichols; 
Eugene  O'Neill ;  Dr.  ]\Iarion  Edwards  Park ;  Dr.  Frederick  Douglas 
Patterson ;  Bishop  Malcom  E.  Peabody ;  Hon.  Claude  Pepper,  United 
States  Senator ;  Prof.  Ralph  Barton  Perry ;  Dr.  E.  C.  Peters ;  Dr.  John 
P.  Peters ;  Henry  W.  Pope ;  ISIichael  Quill :  Carl  Randau. 

Also  Anton  Refregier;  Elmer  Rice;  AVallingford  Riegger;  Paul 
Robeson;  Col.  Raymond  Robins;  Earl  Robinson;  Reid  Robinson; 
Harold  J.  Rome;  Joseph  A.  Rosen;  Joseph  A.  Salerno;  Miles  M. 
Sherover;  Raymond  P.  Sloan;  Dr.  P.  A.  Sorokin;  Maxwell  S.  Stew- 
art; Leopold  Stokowski,  leader  of  an  orchestra;  Raymond  Swing, 
radio  commentator;  Genevieve  Tabouis;  Hon.  Elbert  D.  Thomas; 
R.  J.  Thomas:  Dr.  Max  Thorek;  S.  A.  Trone;  Philip  H.  Van  Gelder; 
R.  E.  Van  Horn;  Professor  George  Vernadsky;  Bishop  W.  J.  Walls; 
Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward;  Leroy  Waterman:  Max  Weber;  Dr.  Henry  N. 
Wieman  ;'Dr.  C.  C.  Williams ;  Hon.  James  H.  Wolfe ;  Dr.  Max  Yergan ; 
Dean  Mary  Yost ;  Dr.  J.  J.  Zmrhal ;  Leane  Zugsmith. 

I  think  that  they  all  ought  to  be  in  there,  so  that  we  can  judge  from 
the  association  the  full  purport  of  the  letter  and  the  inference. 

Senator  Lodge.  Before  you  go  on,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  want  to  say 
once  again  that  I  am  for  having  questions  and  I  am  for  having  the 
statements  with  the  proper  connotations  and  proper  evaluation,  but 
I  think  to  interrupt  the  witness  every  single  time  and  break  up  his 
continuity  and  destroy  the  flow  of  his  argument,  the  way  we  are  doing, 
is  not  the  right  procedure. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Just  let  me  sav  somethino-  here  in  answer  to  that, 
Senator  Lodge.  I  have  never  in  my  life  been  connected  with  an}-  sena- 
torial, legal,  or  other  inquiiy  where  an  exhibit  could  be  placed  in  evi- 
dence and  only  parts  of  it  read.  It  is  not  only  fair,  it  is  incumbent 
upon  this  committee  that  the  whole  exhibit  be  placed  before  the  press 
of  tlie  country  if  this  is  an  open  hearing,  and  not  just  the  parts  of  i*" 
that  may  serve  some  ulterior  motive. 

Senator  Lodge.  Of  course  if  we  read  the  list  on  every  single  letter- 
head of  ever}'  single  thing  that  is  put  in  here,  we  will  be  here  until 
Christmas.  I  am  not  objecting  to  putting  in  the  complete  documents 
in  the  record;  of  course  I  am  not  objecting  to  that.  I  am  objecting  to 
this  constant  interruption  of  the  witness  so  that  he  never  gets  a  fair 
shake,  that's  all. 

68970 — 50 — pt.  1 3 


Senator  Green.  Mr.  Chairman,  it  seems  to  me  it  is  the  only  proper 
thing  for  us  to  do  to  interrupt.  Here  the  witness  has  introduced  a 
document,  and  he  ended  up  his  introduction  by  introducing  the  docu- 
ment as  evidence  of  the  Communist  affiliations  of  Miss  Kenyon.  He 
ends  up  by  saying,  "other  well-known  Communists  sponsoring  the 
event  were  Howard  Fast,  Saul  Mills,  Ella  Winter,  John  Howard  Law- 
son,  and  Langston  Hughes,"  and  I  wanted  to  ask  the  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  whether  he  thinks  it  is  fair  to  pick  out  those  names  and 
omit  the  other  names  that  were  read. 

Senator  Lodge.  I  think  the  time  to  do  that  is  after  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy has  made  his  statement.  Then  we  can  each  one  go  at  him. 
That  is  the  way  it  has  been  done  here  ever  since  I  have  been  here.  I 
think  the  immemorial  practice  is  to  let  the  witness  make  a  statement 
and  then  the  chairman  asks  the  senior  man  to  ask  questions,  and  then 
the  senior  man  on  the  other  side,  and  then  he  finally  comes  down  to 
the  low  man  on  the  totem  pole  and  everybody  has  his  chance  to  ask 
questions.  That  is  the  way  it  has  always  been  done.  For  some  reason 
that  has  not  been  made  clear  to  me,  whether  it  is  to  rattle  or  whether 
it  is  to  confuse  or  something,  I  do  not  knoAV,  we  have  an  entirely  dif- 
ferent procedure  today. 

Senator  Green.  What  the  witness  is  attempting  to  do  is  to  give  the 
impression  of  a  certain  instrament — I  do  not  mean  to  say  it  is  inten- 
tional, but  the  result  of  the  names  that  he  has  selected  gi^es  a  very 
false  impression  of  the  instrument. 

Senator  Lodge.  And  the  Senator  from  Khocle  Island  is  perfectly 
capable  of  clearing  that  point  up.  He  is  a  very  eloquent  man.  He 
is  not  a  Philadelphia  lawyer,  he  is  a  Providence  lawyer,  and  when 
his  time  comes  to  question  he  can  clear  all  those  points  up,  and  that 
is  the  orderly  way  to  do  it  from  the  standpoint  of  the  committee,  from 
the  stand])oint  of  the  presentation  in  the  press,  and  from  the  stand- 
point of  fairness  to  the  witness. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  Lodge,  if  I  may  say  this,  if  this  were  a 
hearing  in  executive  session,  that  would  be  one  thing,  but  these  charges 
are  going  out  all  over  the  country  in  the  press  and  they  ought  to  go 
out  with  all  of  the  evidence  available,  and  not  just  selected  parts  of  it. 
If  it  does  not  go  out  in  that  status  before  the  people  of  the  country, 
then  the  people  cannot  draw  the  full  conclusion  that  the  evidence 
presented  warrants,  and  I  think  it  has  to  go  that  way  or  it  should 
not  go  at  all,  if  we  are  going  to  have  open  hearings. 

Senator  Green.  We  are  not  attem]:)ting  to  introduce  other  evidence 
to  contradict  tlie  witness  or  to  supplement  it.  All  we  want  is  the  full 
statement,  and  not  extracts. 

Senator  Lodge.  All  the  evidence  is  not  available.  I  quite  agree  with 
the  chairman  and  with  Senator  Green  that  it  would  be  most  unfortu- 
nate if  reputations  of  innocent  persons  were  in  any  way  besmirched, 
but  we  cannot  in  any  possible  way  clear  up  the  wrong  that  has  been 
done  on  the  spur  of  the  moment.  The  time  to  do  that  is  after  the  Sena- 
tor has  made  his  charges.  Then  we  investigate  the  charges.  That 
is  the  Avay  to  proceed. 

Senator  Green.  Mr.  Chairman,  as  was  brouoht  out  in  the  intro- 
ductory  discussion  of  this  matter,  this  is  a  public  meeting  and  charges 
go  out  and  are  spread  all  over  the  country  in  the  news]iapers,  and  if 
at  the  time  a  mistaken  summary  of  a  document  is  given,  the  correct 
summary  won't  catch  up  with  it  at  all.     The  matter  will  be  ancient 


history  and  newspapers  won't  print  it.  The  eloquent  Senator  from 
Massachusetts  knows  as  a  newspaperman  that  that  is  tlic  fact,  so  it  is 
important  to  have  tliat  false  impression  removed  at  the  time  the  list 
of  these  people  is  given  out  to  the  press. 

Senator  Lodge.  I  also  know  that  there  are  none  of  us  here  in  this 
connnittee  who  have  the  information  at  hand  to  correct  any  misstate- 
ments that  the  Avitness  may  make. 

Senator  Gijeen.  The  witness  has  given  it  to  us  to  be  given  to  the 

Senator  Tydtngs.  Now  that  the  Chair  is  overruled,  all  documents 
that  are  submitted  will  be  read  in  full  hereafter  so  that  the  people 
of  the  country  may  get  all  the  evidence  at  the  time. 

Senator  Lodge.  That  is  perfectly  all  right  with  me.  I  have  no 
objection  to  the  documents  that  the  witness  puts  in  being  read  in  full. 
What  I  object  to  is  this  constant  interruption  and  hacking  away  at 
him  all  the  time  so  he  does  not  get  a  chance  to  make  his  argument. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Just  to  clear  up  a  statement  of  the  chair- 
man, the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  just  submitted  the  Official  Register 
of  the  United  States,  1949,  containing  on  page  490  the  name  of  Doro- 
thy Kenyon,  Commission  on  the  Status  of  Women,  New  York;  sal- 
ary and  compensation,  $12,000  a  year.  Does  the  chairman  intend  to 
read  the  entire  Official  Register  of  the  United  States  every  time  the 
Senator  from  Wisconsin  wants  to  produce  a  name  or  something  to 
prove  a  specific  point? 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  will  read  into  the  record  the  names  of  all  the 
people  on  this  Commission.  I  do  not  see  any  need  to  go  and  put  all 
the  consuls  from  Shanghai  to  Singapore  on  the  one  hand,  and  Ice- 
land to  some  other  place,  in  the  record. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  witness  only  intro- 
duced that  to  indicate  a  position  of  employment  of  a  particular  in- 

Senator  Tydixgs.  That's  right. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  other  names  are  not  involved  one  way 
or  another,  other  than  the  allegation  that  she  was  employed  by  the 
State  Department. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  And  there  is  no  allegation  here  that  this  is  a 
Communist-front  organization,  but  there  was  an  allegation  in  the 
other  case  that  that  was  a  Communist-front  organization,  and  there- 
fore we  ought  to  see  who  is  in  it,  which  is  an  entirely  different  matter. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  just  want  to  know  whether  the  chairman 
is  going  to  read  the  entire  Register. 

Senator  Tydix'GS.  I  would  also  draw  the  observation  that  the  gen- 
tlemen on  the  right  of  me  are  now  consuming  more  time  than  are  the 
gentlemen  on  the  left. 

Senator  Lodge.  I  deny  that.  I  would  like  to  have  my  comments 
drawn  up  against  those  of  the  chairman,  and  we  will  find  out. 

Senator  Tydix-^os.  You  should  not  complain  and  then  adopt  the 
ver}^  thing  j'ou  are  complaining  about. 

Senator  Lodge.  I  am  not  doing  that.    No,  I  am  not  doing  that. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  think  as  I  give  the  documents 
showing  the  Communist-front  organizations  that  this  individual  has 
belonged  to.  you  will  find  in  almost  rather  a  sizable  number  the  names 
of  some  fine  individuals,  I  think  that  it  is  possible  that  you  yourself 
may  be  duped  into  joining,  or  having  your  name  used  on  some  Com- 


munist-front  organization.  The  reason  I  submit  the  vast  number 
is  that  it  is  impossible  for  any  normal  individual,  of  normal  intel- 
ligence, to  be  so  deceived  that  they  can  act  as  sponsors  for  28  different 
Communist-front  organizations,  I  might  say  that  I  personally  would 
not  be  caught  dead  belonging  to  any  one  of  the  28. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  opinion,  Senator.  We  would  like  to  have 
the  evidence  and  the  facts,  and  we  can  judge  more  from  them  than 
we  can  from  opinions.    We  will  have  to  form  the  opinions. 

Senator  Lodge.  Surely  the  Senator  can  express  opinions. 

Senator  Tydings.  If  we  are  going  to  condemn  people  on  opinion 
evidence,  there  won't  be  many  people  left  in  the  end. 

Senator  Lodge.  If  we  are  going  to  prevent  the  Senator  from  ex- 
pressing opinions,  the  character  of  this  whole  body  is  going  to  change. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  thank  the  Senator. 

I  might  say  that  one  of  the  grounds  for  dismissal  of  an  employee 
who  has  top-secret  clearance  is  his  associations.  As  the  Senator  knows, 
if  he  is  a  banker  and  he  is  looking  for  a  cashier  and  he  finds  that  Mr. 
Smith  chums  with  safecrackers,  bookies,  gamblers,  cheats,  and  rogues, 
he  won't  hire  Mr.  Smith  as  a  cashier,  and  that  is  the  theory  that  I  as- 
sume our  State  Department  goes  upon.  If  they  find  these  individuals 
with  unusual  connections,  a  long  trend,  they  can  assume  that  they  are 
unsafe  risks.    The  Secretary  has  so  stated,  I  believe. 

In  sponsoring  the  Red  Dean  of  Canterbury's  appearance  in  the 
United  States  a  j^ear  and  a  half  ago  Miss  Kenyon  collaborated  with 
such  pro-Communists  as  Ben  Gold,  the  avowed  Conamunist  leader  of 
the  Fur  Workers  Union,  and  Paul  Robeson. 

Here  we  have  the  singular  situation  of  the  Department  of  State 
refusing  to  admit  one  of  the  world's  most  prominent  radical  Com- 
munist churchmen  and  on  the  other  hand  one  of  the  Department's 
prominent  officials  welcoming  and  sponsoring  him  to  this  country. 

It  would  seem,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  though  perhaps  the  State  Depart- 
ment's left  hand  does  not  know  what  the  other  hand  is  doing ;  or  per- 
haps put  it  the  other  way  around.  The  right  hand  does  not  know 
what  the  left  hand  is  doing. 

I  should  now  like  to  hand  the  committee  exhibit  3.  This  is  a  cordial 
invitation  to  attend  a  dinner  and  presentation  of  the  first  annual  award 
of  the  American  Russian  Institute  to  President  Franklin  Roosevelt  for 
"Furthering  American-Soviet  Relations." 

The  event  occurred  on  May  7,  1946,  at  6 :  30  o'clock  in  the  evening 
in  the  grand  ball  room  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hotel  in  New  York  City. 
The  dinner  cost  $7.50  a  plate. 

The  American  Russian  Institute  has  been  cited  as  subversive  by  the 
House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  California  Un-American 
Activities  Committee,  and  the  Attorney  General. 

Senator  McMahon.  On  what  date.  Senator? 

Senator  McCarthy.  What  date  were  they  cited  ? 

Senator  McMahon.  Yes. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  haA^e  the  dates  of  the  citation.  I  think 
the  Senator  will  recall  as  well  as  I  do  the  date  the  Attorney  General 
put  out  his  list. 

Senator  Tydings.  Was  this  before  or  after  the  Attorney  General 
put  out  his  list? 


Senator  IMclMAirox.  That  is  quite  material.  You  see  Senator  Lodge, 
this  is  a  perfect  illustration  of  the  value  of  a  question  at  the  proper 
time  to  clear  up  a  statement  of  fact.  Here  is  a  dinner  which  is  held 
under  date  of  May  7,  1946.  in  New  York  City.  The  Senator  proceeds 
to  say  that  the  organization  that  sponsored  it  was  cited  as  subversive 
by  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  the  California  Un- 
American  Activities  Committee,  and  the  Attorney  General.  Now,  it 
is  quite  conceivable  that  a  jierson  would  have  been  a  sponsor  on  May 
7,  194G,  and  have  refused  to  have  been  a  sponsor  a  year  or  a  year  and 
a  half  later,  after  the  American  Russian  Institute  had  been  denom- 
inated as  being  subversive.  There  is  a  perfect  illustration  of  the  value 
of  questioning  any  Avitness,  whether  he  be  a  Senator  or  anybody  else, 
in  order  to  ti-y  to  convey  what  the  truth  of  the  matter  is. 

I  think  it  is  regrettable,  Senator,  that  you  have  not  that  information 
with  you  at  the  present  time.     I  shall  secure  it  and  jnit  it  in  the  record. 

Senator  Ttuings.  I  am  sure  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  sees  the 
wisdom  of  what  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  has  so  pertinently 
brought  out — the  great  difference  that  there  might  be  in  a  case  like 
this,  of  an  innocent  person  joining  what  he  thought  was  a  worth-while 
organization  or  movement  or  occasion  or  ceremony  on  the  one  hand, 
thinking  there  was  nothing  subversive  about  it,  and  who  learns  later 
that  it  is  denominated  as  a  subversive  organization. 

Now,  certainly,  don't  we  owe  it  to  these  people  whose  names  we  are 
throwing  about  the  country,  on  the  radio  and  in  the  press  and  in 
magazines  and  in  the  newspapers,  to  at  least  give  them,  those  who  have 
acted  in  good  faith  and  with  purely  patriotic  motives,  the  right  to  have 
the  testimony  surrounded  by  facts  before  it  is  given,  so  that  we  do  not 
do  infinite  harm  to  people  mIio,  I  am  sure  the  Senator  himself  in  some 
cases  would  say,  are  not  Communists  ? 

Senator  Lodge.  Before  the  witness  answer  that,  my  able  friend  from 
Connecticut  addressed  me.  I  do  not  agree  with  him  at  all  that  this 
is  an  example  of  why  it  is  a  good  thing  to  interrupt  the  witness.  It 
is  perfectly  possible  to  make  a  note  of  the  fact  that  he  did  not  mention 
the  date  and  later  on  bring  it  out.  In  fact,  I  think  that  is  a  more 
effective  way  to  do  it.  These  questions  of  dates,  I  noted  that  myself 
and  I  made  a  note  of  it  to  ask  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  later,  when 
my  turn  came  to  ask  questions. 

All  I  want  to  do  is  not  to  break  the  continuity  of  the  argmnent.  Then 
let  him  make  the  argument,  and  those  who  want  to  try  to  tear  the 
argmnent  down  will  have  a  chance  to  do  it. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Let  me  say  I  thought  I  was  speaking  for  every 
member  of  the  committee  wdien  I  said  that  I  hoped  we  could  conduct 
this  investigation  so  that  it  would  not  be  labeled  either  a  witch  hunt 
or  a  whitewash.  In  order  to  do  that,  if  we  are  going  to  live  up  to  that 
formula,  it  seems  to  me,  if  we  allow  a  lot  of  statements  to  go  in  the 
record  that  are  subject  to  instantaneous  false  impressions  and  con- 
clusions, that  we  may  not  have  intended  to  conduct  a  witch  hunt  but 
we  are  getting  pretty  close  over  on  the  other  barrier. 

I  have  no  desire  to  shut  off  anj^  testimony  that  the  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  has,  but  I  would  caution  him  that  when  he  makes  a  state- 
ment he  ought  to  be  able  to  supply  the  dates  so  that  false  impressions 
and  false  conclusions  cannot  be  drawn  from  his  testimony,  which, 
even  though  we  corrected  it  later,  might  not  reach  the  press  and  the 


radio,  and  I  simply  say  that  tliat  is  just  justice,  nothing  more  than 
simple  justice. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  can  say  right  now  that  the 
proceedings  as  far  as  they  have  gone  this  morning,  if  the  proceedings 
as  patterned  this  morning  are  to  continue  throughout  this  investiga- 
tion, it  is  heading  for  a  label  of  some  kind,  and  I  may  have  to  name  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  agree  with  you  thoroughly,  and  I  could  name 
it  too. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Chair  just  stated  that  he  thought  these 
names  should  not  be  all  bandied  about  the  country.  I  have  pointed 
out  to  the  Chair,  and  I  believe  this  was  pointed  out  by  the  Attorney 
General,  that  in  almost  any  one  of  these  organizaitons  labeled  sub- 
versive you  will  find  from  time  to  time  competent  people's  names  listed. 
You  will  not  lind  one  individual  belonging  to  25  or  30. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  drawing  a  conclusion,  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  When  the  Senator  says  we  shall  not  put  all 
these  names  out  to  the  country,  it  is  the  Senator  who  is  reading  them. 
I  am  merely  reading  the  name  of  this  individual  who  belongs  to  28 
organizations  that  have  been  listed  as  subversive  by  the  Attorney  Gen- 
eral, by  the  House  committee,  and  other  official  bodies.  Let  us  make  it 
clear  that  you  are  referring  to  all  of  these  names  going  out.  I  am 
not  putting  those  names  out ;  that  is  the  chairman. 

Along  with  the  lady  sponsoring  this  dinner  appeared  Lee  Pressman, 
who  has  been  named  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  underground  cell 
in  the  Government  by  Whitaker  Chambers.  Other  well-known  Com- 
munists sponsoring  the  event  were  Howard  Fast,  Saul  Mills,  Ella 
Winter,  John  Howard  Lawson,  and  Langston  Hughes. 

Senator  Green.  There,  I  think  that  is  a  selected  list  that  you  have 
made  up,  is  it  not  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  present  executive  director  of  this  subver- 
sive organization  is  Henry  H.  Collins,  late  of  the  State  Department, 
who  has  been  named  by  Whitaker  Chambers  as  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist spy  ring  operating  in  the  Federal  Government. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Didn't  you  skijD  a  paragraph  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  another  paragraph,  following  the 
list  of  names  the  Senator  read  in.  I  don't  know  whether  the  Senator 
intended  to  leave  the  paragraph  out  or  not,  or  whether  I  have  an 
accurate  copy. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  beg  your  pardon.  The  Senator  from  Khode 
Island  interrupted,  and  I  lost  my  place. 

Other  well-known  Communists  sponsoring  the  event  were  Howard 
Fast,  Saul  Mills,  Ella  Winter,  John  Howard  Lawson,  and  Langston 

Although  I  shall  discuss  the  unusual  affinity  of  Mr.  Phillip  C. 
Jessup,  of  the  State  Department,  for  Communist  causes  later  in  this 
inquiry,  I  think  it  pertinent  to  note  that  this  gentleman  now  formulat- 
ing top-flight  policy  in  the  Far  East  affecting  half  the  civilized  world 
was  also  a  sponsor  of  the  American  Russian  Listitute. 

The  present  executive  director  of  this  subversive  organization  is 
Henry  H.  Collins,  late  of  the  State  Department,  who  has  been  named 
by  Whitaker  Chambers  as  a  member  of  the  Communist  spy  ring  oper- 
ating in  the  Federal  Government.    It  was  in  the  home  of  Mr.  Collins, 


accoixling  to  Chambers,  that  some  of  the  niicrofihns  of  secret  State 
Department  documents  were  made.  Collins  was  also  one  of  those 
who  refused  to  testify  before  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Com- 
mittee as  to  whether  or  not  he  was  a  Communist  Party  member. 

The  Conference  on  Pan  American  Democracy  has  been  declared  to 
be  a  subversive  Communist  organization  by  the  Attorney  General  of 
the  United  States,  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  and 
the  California  Un-American  Activities  Committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  would  you  put  in  the  dates 
tliere,  if  you  have  them? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  much  of  the  material  the  Chair  wants 
will  have  to  be  developed  by  the  committee.  I  just  cannot  afford  to 
hire  the  investigators  to  present  a  court  case  to  the  committee. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  thought  you  might  have  it  and  it  would  save 
us  work ;  that  is  all. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  would  rather  the  committee  saved  me  some 

Senator  Tydixgs.  You  are  making  charges 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  not  making  charges.  I  am  giving  the 
committee  information  of  individuals  who  appear  to  all  tlie  rules  of 
common  sense  as  being  very  bad  security  risks.  I  am  giving  the 
committee  information  which  I  think  they  are  bound  to  follow  under 
the  Senate  mandate. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  follow  you  there. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  finish,  Mr.  Chairman.  Let's  have  an 
agreement.  When  you  ask  a  question,  let  me  finish  my  answer,  will 

The  Senate  unanimously  gave  this  committee  a  mandate.  I  think 
that  mandate  is  to  develop  any  information  which  on  its  face  makes 
it  appear  tliat  the  individual  concerned  is  a  bad  security  risk.  And 
I  frankly  do  not — let's  make  this  clear — have  the  staff  to  take  each 
of  the  cases  and  develop  it  to  the  point  of  making  a  court  case.  You 
understand  that. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  have  left  the  committee  in  a  rather  embar- 
rassing position,  because  the  resolution  which  brings  us  here  and 
which  brings  you  here  reads  as  follows : 

In  the  conduct  of  this  study  and  investigation,  the  committee  is  directed  to 
procure  by  subpena  and  examine  the  complete  loyalty  and  employment  files  and 
records  of  all  Government  employees  in  the  Department  of  State  and  other  such 
agencies  against  whom  charges  have  been  heard. 

Without  somebody  makes  a  charge,  or  you  call  it  a  charge,  what 
do  we  do  then  ?  How  do  we  get  the  records  ?  We  are  only  author- 
ized to  get  them,  by  the  Senate  language,  if  you  or  somebody  makes  a 
charge.  You  say  you  are  not  making  any  charge.  We  are  in  a  pretty 
small  position  to  issue  a  subpena. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  let  me  say  this.  If  there  is  any- 
thing you  want  me  to  do  to  make  it  possible  for  you  to  get  those  sub- 
penas,  I  will  do  it.  I  am  not  in  a  position  to  file  any  formal  charges. 
What  you  mean  by  a  charge  I  do  not  know.  If  you  want  me  to 
charge  that  from  the  evidence  it  appears  that  this  woman  is  an  ex- 
tremely bad  security  risk,  that  she  should  not  be  in  the  State  Depart- 
ment 1  hour,  I  will  be  glad  to  say  that.  If  you  tell  me  what  you 
mean  by  a  charge,  what  3'ou  want  me  to  do  so  that  you  will  under  this 


mandate  be  entitled  to  say  to  the  President,  "We  want  those  files,  all  of 
them,"  yon  may  be  snre  I  will  do  that. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  let  me  say  to  yon  that  I  think  all  that 
you  have  said  up  to  now  are  charges,  and  you  have  given  information 
that  you  have  to  support  those  charges  as  you  see  it.  I  would  call 
them  charges.  Certainly  we  are  not  going  to  have  an  investigation 
without  some  charges  being  made,  and  the  Senate  itself  put  the  lan- 
guage in.  Fortunately  I  was  not  there  the  night  the  resolution  was 
adopted.  I  only  inherited  it,  and  I  have  read  it  over  six  or  eight 
times.  I  think  that  we  are  perfectly  at  liberty  to  get  these  files  by 
any  proper  method  that  we  can  devise,  because  of  what  you  are  testi- 
fying. But  I  would  label  them  charges,  because  I  am  sure  you  are 
charging  these  people  with  being  either  Communists  or  allied  with 
Communists.  You  called  it  a  Communist  spy  ring  in  the  State  De- 
pai'tment,  and  I  think  all  those  things  are  charges,  and  I  think  it  is 
our  duty  to  investigate  it.    I  think  they  are  charges. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  take  it  the  witness  is  actu- 
ally charging  that  the  people  to  whom  he  refers  in  these  outlines  of 
information  are  bad  security  risks.  I  take  it  the  Senator  is  making 
that  charge. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  convinced  of  that.  I  think  any  normal 
man  would  be  convinced  of  that.  If  I  must  do  something  in  addition 
to  that  to  make  it  possible  for  you  to  get  the  files,  you  can  be  sure 
I  will  do  it. 

Senator  Ttdings.  I  will  consider  that  what  you  said  are  charges. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  say  before  handing  you  this  next  doci^- 
ment  that  it  is  difficult  for  me  to  understand  the  apparent  perplexity 
of  my  Democratic  colleagues  on  the  committee  with  reference  to  the 
names  that  appear  on  these  documents.  I  know  the  Senators  are  all 
aware  of  the  fact  that  if  the  Communists  did  not  enlist  well-meaning 
and  prominent  persons  in  every  phase  of  American  life  it  would  not 
be  a  front  organization.  Wlien  the  FBI  turned  over  the  results  of  its 
probe  of  these  front  organizations  to  the  Attorney  General,  it  was  well 
known  that  the  names  of  prominent  and  reputable  citizens  were  inter- 
mingled with  the  Communists  and  pro-Communists.  Despite  this 
knowledge  he  proceeded  to  declare  without  equivocation  these  organi- 
zations that  I  have  specified  as  Communist  front  and  as  subversive 
and  therefore  dangerous  to  our  national  security ;  and  I  might  say  that 
the  significance  of  these  documents,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  not  that  this 
woman  belongs  to  one  organization  that  the  Attorney  General  has  said 
is  subversive,  but  her  long  chain  of  activity  starting  from,  I  believe  the 
first  document  is  1935,  right  up  to  date. 

Senator  Tydings.  To  reassure  you,  I  do  not  know  of  anything  you 
have  said  so  far  that  we  should  not  investigate. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Thank  you. 

Senator  McMahon.  I  gather,  then,  from  what  you  have  just  said, 
that  just  because  a  person's  name  is  on  the  list  of  sponsors  of  an  organi- 
zation which  has  been  declared  as — what  is  the  language,  "subversive"? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Attorney  General  declares  them  subver- 
sive.    Different  committees  have  given  them  a  different  label. 

Senator  McMahon.  That  that  per  se  does  not  make  a  citizen  suspect. 

Senator  McCarthy.  No.  I  think  this,  though,  Senator.  If  you 
find  someone  in  the  State  Department  who  is  a  member  of  a  Commu- 


nist  front  oroanizatioii,  then  you  should  check  the  amount  of  activity 
he  has  had  in  that  organization,  his  association  with  people  who  are 
known  Communists.  No,  definitely  not.  There  are  some  fine  people 
who  have  been  tricked  into  having  their  names  placed  on  these.  For 
example,  I  would  not  be  surprised,  Senator,  if  some  of  the  members 
sitting  at  the  table,  who  are  certainly  all  loyal  Americans,  might  have 
at  some  time  or  another  received  a  letter  from  an  organization,  "Will 
you  sponsor  a  dinner  we  are  throwing  for  So-and-so?",  and  you  might 
write  back  and  say  "All  right." 

I  do  think,  however,  wdien  you  get  to  people  who  are  on  loyalty 
boards,  who  are  getting  top  secret  clearance^  then  if  you  find  they  even 
belong  to  one  Communist  front  organization  we  should  go  further. 
I  think  when  you  find  that  you  have  a  long  chain  such  as  we  have  here, 
of  28,  you  haA'e  an  extremely  bad  situation. 

Senator  McMaiion.  The  point  you  are  making  is  that  it  is  cumula- 
tive. One  case  might  well  be  just  casual  and  accidental,  but  your 
opinion  is  that  it  is  cumulative,  and  if  there  are — how  many  has  she 
been  a  member  of  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Twenty-eight  I  have  now.  Most  likely  that  is 
not  the  entire  list. 

Senator  ]\IcMaiiox.  That  is  a  great  number  and  it  is  something  to  be 
looked  into,  and  it  would  be  very  helpful,  Senator,  and  of  course  I 
understand  that  you  say  you  can't  do  it,  but  it  would  be  very  helpful 
to  me  in  evaluating  it  to  find  how  many  she  joined  after  the  Attorney 
General  went  into  them,  and  how  many  before. 

This  is  said  with  no  reference  to  this  Kenyon  woman,  whom  I  never 
heard  of  before  in  my  life,  but  there  are  some  naive  people  in  the 
country,  too,  that  will  join  any  old  thing  that  comes  along. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Someone  so  naive  is  a  bad  security  risk,  so 
naive  that  they  would  sponsor  28. 

Senator  McMahox.  I  am  not  arguing  that.  I  am  just  pointing 
out  that  it  would  be  interesting  to  find  out  the  dates  this  woman 
joined  the  organizations  and  when  they  were  declared  subversive. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  one  of  the  reasons  I  hope  very  quickly 
the  committee  hires  a  staff  so  that  these  matters  can  be  checked  into. 

I  give  the  committee  exhibit  4,  a  letterhead  of  this  organization 
dated  November  16,  1938,  going  back  12  years.  The  members  will 
note  that  over  11  years  ago  Dorothy  Kenyon  was  a  sponsor  of  this 
organization  which  held  a  conference  in  Washington  on  December  10 
of  the  same  year. 

Her  Communist  associates  in  this  enterprise  included  Langston 
Hughes,  Rockwell  Kent,  Lewis  Merrill,  Mervyn  Rathborne,  and  Dirk 
J.  Struick. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Put  in  all  the  names,  Mr.  Recorder,  in  addition  to 
those  the  Senator  has  named. 

(Note. — Other  names  on  the  letterhead  marked  exhibit  4  are  as 

Prof.  Donald  ^IcConnell  Algernon  Black 

Dr.  David  Efron  Bruce  Bliven 

Louis  Adamic  Dr.  Franz  Boas 

Dr.  Wallace  W.  Atwood  Heywood  Broun 

Eleanor  Copenhaver  Anderson  Erskine  Caldwell 

Prof.  Hugo  Fernandez  Artucio  Charlotte  Carr 

Eunice  Fuller  Barhard  Bennett  A.  Cerf 

Alfred  M.  Bingham  Evans  A.  Clark 



Max  Lerner 

Marine  Lopes 

Jeau  Lyons 

George  Marshall 

Lewis  Merrill 

Dr.  Clyde  R.  Miller 

Prof.  Gardner  Murphy 

William  Pickens 

A.  Phillip  Randolph 

David  Saposs 

Prof.  Margaret  Schlauch 

Adelaide  Schulkind 

Guy  Emery  Shipler 

James  T.  Shotwell 

Upton  Sinclair 

George  Soule 

Isobel  Walker  Soule 

Maxwell  Stewart 

Isidore  F.  Stone 

William  Wachs 

Prof.  Goodwin  Watson 

Roy  Wilkins 

Dr.  Max  Winkler 

Dr.  Stephen  S.  Wise 

Max  Yergan 

Gifford  A.  Cochran 

Dr.  Gilberto  Concepcion  De  Gracia 

Prof.  George  Counts 

Malcolm  Cowley 

Prof.  Horace  Davis 

Prof.  Jerome  Davis 

R.  E.  Diffendorfer 

Bail<?y  W.  Diffie 

Dr.  William  K.  Dodo 

Prof.  Paul  H.  Douglas 

Dr.  Henry  Grattan  Doyle 

John  L.  Elliott 

Prof.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild 

Prof.  Irving  Fisher 

Prof.  Eugene  Forsey 

Margaret  Forsythe 

Frances  R.  Grant 

Alberto  Grieve 

Sidney  Hillman 

Prof.  Arthur  H.  Holcombe 

John  Haynes  Holmes 

Quincy  Howe 

Rev.  William  Lloyd  Imes 

Stanley  M.  Isaacs 

Gardner  Jackson 

Prof.  Chester  L.  Jones 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Senator  will  note  this,  that  yon  have  the 
names  of  the  same  men  who  have  been  pnblicly  labeled  as  Communists 
on  practically  each  one  of  these  Communist-front  organizations  as  a 
sponsor  or  one  of  the  top  officers.  You  will  note  also  that  the  re- 
spectable names  that  you  will  find  on  one  or  two  of  these  do  not  perme- 
ate the  whole  file. 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  ahead,  Senator.  Conclude  that  page,  and 
then  we  will  try  to  quit ;  before  you  get  to  the  next  exhibit. 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  might  be  of  interest  to  the  committee  to 
knoAv  that  Mervyn  Rathborne,  a  consponsor  with  Miss  Kenyon,  has 
just  testified  for  the  Government  at  the  trial  of  Harry  Bridges,  stating 
under  oath  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party  at  the 
time  of  this  conference  and  that  he  was  frequently  a  visitor  at  the 
White  Plouse. 

I  think  it  is  important  that  the  committee  know  that  the  Communist 
activities  of  Miss  Kenyon  are  not  only  deep-rooted  but  extend  back 
through  the  years.  Her  sponsorship  of  the  doctrines  and  philosophy 
of  this  ruthless  and  Godless  organization  is  not  new. 

It  is  inconceival^le  that  this  woman  could  collaborate  with  a  score 
of  organizations  dedicated  to  the  overthrow  of  our  form  of  govern- 
ment by  force  and  violence,  participate  in  their  activities,  lend  her 
name-  to  their  nefarious  purposes  and  be  ignorant  of  the  whole  sordid 
and  un-American  aspect  of  their  work. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  finishes  exhibit  4.  The  committee  will 
stand  in  recess  until  10 :  30  tomorrow  morning,  in  this  place. 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  ask  the  Chair  before  you  adjourn  how 
long  you  p]i\n  on  proceeding  tomorrow  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  imagine  Ave  would  go  for  probably  an 
hour  and  a  half  for  certain,  and  maybe  2  hours. 

Senator  McCarthy.  In  other  words,  to  12 :  30  or  1  o'clock. 

(Whereupon,  at  12:40  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  adjourned,  to  re- 
convene at  10 :  30  a.  m.  of  the  following  day,  Thursday,  March  9, 


THURSDAY,   MARCH  9,   1950 

United  States  Senate, 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
Subcommittee  Appointed  Under  Senate  Resolution  231, 

Washington^  I).  C. 

The  subcommittee  met,  pursuant  to  notice,  at  10 :30  a.  m.  in  room  318 
Senate  Office  Building,  Senator  Millard  E.  Tydings,  chairman  of  the 
subcommittee,  presiding. 

Present :  Senators  Tydings  (chairman  of  the  subcommittee) ,  Green, 
McMahon,  Hickenlooper. 

Also  present :  Senators  Connally  (chairman  of  the  full  committee) , 
McCarthy,  Lucas,  and  Knowland. 


Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  at  the  opening  of  yesterday's  hearing  I 
asked  you,  or  sometime  during  the  hearing  I  asked  you,  if  you  could 
be  in  position  this  morning  to  give  us  the  name  of  the  individual  that 
caused  so  much  controversy  yesterday.  Would  you  care  to  respond  to 
that  request  now  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  very  happy  to  do  so,  ]Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  understand  you  would  like  me  to  answer  the  fol- 
lowing questions  in  case  No.  14.  We  are  referring  yesterday  to  case 
No.  57.    I  learned  afterward  you  meant  case  No.  14, 

Senator  Tydings.  I  said  No.  14,  but  I  did  not  know  what  connota- 
tion you  had. 

Senator  .McCarthy.  Question  No.  1:  "Will  you  give  the  name  of 
this  individual  ?"  The  answer  is  yes.  I  now  hand  you  that  name,  with 
a  copy  for  each  of  the  individuals  on  the  committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  moment.  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  finish  the  statement :  Can  I  give  you  the 
name  of  the  State  Department  official  mentioned  in  the  secret  files  in 
that  case,  and  am  I  making  any  charge  against  that  official  ? 

The  answer  is  no. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Would  you  repeat  what  you  said.  Senator? 
I  was  busy  looking  here  and  did  not  hear  what  you  said.  You  handed 
in  the  name  of  the  individual. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  read  you  both  of  them.  I  understand 
the  chairman  wants  me  to  answer  two  questions  this  morning.  No.  1 : 
"Will  you  give  the  name  of  the  individual  in  case  No.  14  ?*'  The  answer 
to  that  is  yes,  and  I  have  now  handed  him  the  name,  with  a  copy  for 
each  member  of  the  committee. 



No.  2,  can  I  give  him  the  name  of  the  State  Department  official  men- 
tioned in  the  secret  files  in  that  case,  and  am  I  making  any  charge 
against  that  official?  The  answer  is  no.  The  committee  can  make 
snch  charge  against  this  or  any  other  individual  in  this  case  or  any 
other  case  as  it  sees  fit.  That  is  the  task  delegated  to  the  committee  by 
the  Senate.  Only  those  whom  I  name  am  I  charging  as  bad  security 
risks.  However,  the  committee  undoubtedly  will  find  many  whom  it 
desires  to  charge  in  like  manner. 

If  the  chairman,  now  that  he  has  the  name  of  case  No.  14,  desires 
the  name  of  the  particular  State  Department  official  whom  he  referred 
to  yesterday,  I  can  tell  him  how  to  obtain  it  in  a  very  simple  and  easy 
manner.  That  is  by  subpenaing  the  files.  However,  to  get  the  com- 
plete story  in  this  case,  it  undoubtedly  will  be  necessary  to  get  not 
merely  the  State  Department's — and  this  is  important,  Mr.  Chair- 
man— loose-leaf  loyalty  and  personnel  files,  the  two  files  of  the  State 
Department,  but  also  the  files  of  the  Civil  Service  Commission  and  the 

If  tlie  chairman  considers  this  morals  case  more  important  than  the 
other  cases,  I  have  no  objection  whatsoever  to  recessing  the  hearings 
until  the  committee  obtains  the  files. 

Senator  Ttdings.  Senator,  might  I  ask  you  whether  the  name  of  this 
individual  is  in  your  files? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No. 

Senator  Tydings.  It  is  not? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No. 

Senator  Tydings.  It  is  not  in  the  file  in  case  No.  14? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  given  the  chairman  all  of  the  informa- 
tion in  case  No.  14  on  the  Senate  floor.  There  are  a  great  number  of 
names  in  the  secret  files,  in  the  FBI  files,  and  the  Civil  Service  Com- 
mission files.  He  wdll  find  those  names  by,  as  I  say,  subpenaing  and 
getting  the  files. 

Senator  Tydings.  Wlien  you  testified  in  this  case — and  I  just  want 
to  clear  it  up — you  said : 

In  this  case — 

that  is  case  No.  14 — 

a  CSA  report  of  September  2,  1947,  is  replete  with  information  concerning  the 
attempt  of  a  high  State  Department  official — 

and  so  forth. 

Now  I  assume  that  the  information  which  is  so  replete  did  not  con- 
tain the  name  of  this  high  State  Department  official. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  the  chairman  will  find  all  the  names 
he  is  interested  in  in  that  file.  I  tell  the  chairman  those  are  the  secret 
files  to  which  I  have  not  access.  I  have  the  information.  I  am  sure 
the  chairman  will  find  that  every  word,  every  single  word,  that  I  have 
stated  on  the  Senate  floor  in  'regard  to  this  case  is  true.  If  the 
chairman  wants  the  name,  he  can  get  the  name.  I  can't.  I  do  not 
have  subpena  powers.  If  the  chairman  is  interested  in  this  case,  he  can 
now  test  the  authority  of  the  committee  and,  as  I  say,  if  the  chairman 
thinks  this  particular  morals  case — this  is  principally  a  morals  case, 
understand — is  of  sufficient  import,  I  have  no  objection  whatever  to 
recessing — not  that  my  objection  would  be  controlling,  understand — 
letting  the  chairman  subpena  the  files ;  and,  if  upon  examination  of 
those  files  he  finds  that  he  wants  to  investigate  some  individual  other 


than  those  I  have  named,  obviously  that  is  completely  up  to  the  chair- 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  like  to  say,  Senator  McCarthy,  we  will  in 
due  time,  I  am  sure,  attempt,  and  I  believe  obtain,  access  to  all  these 
files.  A-NHiat  I  was  trying  to  ascertain  this  morning  was  whether  or  not 
your  photostatic  copies,  whicli  you  said  you  had,  of  a  great  many  of 
these  cases — I  assumed  all  of  them — had  the  name  of  this  person  in 
j'our  own  files,  and  I  understand  that  you  say  it  is  not  there. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  have  the  name  of  the  individual.  Un- 
doubtedly his  name  will  show  up  from  time  to  time  in  my  files,  but  I  as 
of  now  cannot  identify  the  individual  to  whom  you  refer.  But  there  is 
nothing  mysterious  aljout  any  of  these  names,  Mr.  Chairman.  If  the 
Chair  is  so  anxious  to  get  that  name,  he  can  recess  this  very  minute  and 
go  over  and  say  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  "Let  me  see  the  file  in  case 
No.  14.  I  want  tlie  names."  Then,  if  the  Secretary  of  State  says  you 
cannot  see  them,  that  that  is  a  secret  from  you,  the  Chair  has  the  power 
to  subpena.  Mr.  Chairman,  don't  expect  me  to  give  you  all  the  minute 
details  of  these  files. 

Senator  Greex.  Apparently  Senator  Tydings  has  not  made  clear  the 
point.  It  isn't  that  we  want  to  know  the  names,  but  we  wanted  to  know 
whether  you  knew  the  names. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  told  you  that  I  cannot  give  you  the 
name.    I  do  not  know  it  at  this  time.    I  can  try  and  get  it  for  you. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  may  say  that  the  point  certainly  has  not 
been  made  clear  to  me  as  yet.  1  don't  know  what  the  purpose  of  this 
persistent  inquiry  on  a  matter  which  this  committee  can  readily  find 
out  if  we  just  subpena  the  files  and  get  hold  of  the  information  is. 
I  think  the  Senator  has  made  clear  that  he  does  not  have  all  the  minute 
details,  and  I  take  it  that  it  is  a  part  of  the  duty  of  this  committee  to 
get  hold  of  those  files  and  to  get  hold  of  the  intimate  and  detailed 
information.  So,  I  agree  with  the  Senator  from  Ehode  Island  that 
the  point  probably  hasn't  been  made  clear. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say  I  have  a  very  strong  suspicion  as 
to  the  name  of  the  individual.  I  will  not  give  the  Chair  any  suspicions. 
1  understand  that  certain  other — in  fact,  one  of  the  members  of  one 
of  the  investigating  committees  called  me  and  told  me  he  thought 
lie  knew  the  name  of  the  individual.  He  might  be  able  to  help  you. 
I  can  give  you  that.  But  it  is  much  simpler  to  get  the  name  definitely 
and  certainly  by  calling  and  getting  the  FBI  file  in  this  case. 

Senator  Tydings.  Thank  you.  Senator.  We  will  endeavor  to  get 
the  names  of  all  people  who  are  involved  in  this  case  from  all  of  the 
files  that  are  pertinent  to  this  case.  But  I  don't  want  to  pursue  the 
matter  unduly.  I  simply  wanted  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  the 
name  of  this  man  was  in  file  14  of  your  own  records,  and  I  under- 
stand from  your  statement  that  the  answer  is  "No." 

Am  I  correct  or  wrong  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  name  of  the  individual  is  not  in  my  file 
No.  14,  period ;  at  least,  not  that  I  know  of.  When  you  ask  do  I  know 
his  name,  I  have  a  strong  suspicion  as  to  what  his  name  is,  but  the 
Chair  can  find  out  definitely. 

I  am  very  curious,  incidentallv- 

5,  im^n^ciiLtiii  V f 

Senator  Tydings.  I  want  to  get  on  with  the  testimony,  but  I  would 
like  to  tell  you  that  the  reason  I  have  asked  you  this  question  again 


was  this :  You  say,  "In  this  case  a  CSA  report  of  September  2,  1947, 
is  replete — is  replete — with  information  covering  the  attempt  of  a 
high  State  Department  official  to  induce  several  individuals  who  had 
signed  affidavits  reflecting  adversely  upon  the  employees  to  repudiate 
their  affidavits,"  and  it  occurred  to  me  that  if  you  could  make  that 
statement,  obviously,  the  name  of  the  individual  would  be  in  your  hies, 
and  I  thought  we  could  get  it  very  quickly  that  way  and  act  on  it 
very  quickly  in  accordance  therewith. 

But  now  that  you  have  testified  that  the  name  of  this  individvial 
is  not  in  case  14,  although  you  say  it  is  replete  with  information,  there 
is  nothing  else  for  us  to  do  but  look  elsewhere  for  the  name,  as  you 
obviously  do  not  have  it. 

Senator  Green.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  think  that  necessarily 
follows.  The  witness  has  several  times  limited  his  reply  to  saying, 
when  asked  about  the  source  of  his  statement  that  you  have  read, 
that  he  did  not  have  the  name  in  file  14.  I  would  like  to  ask  hmi 
whether  he  has  it  in  any  other  files. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  put  it  this  way,  so  there  is  no  doubt  in 
jour  mind :  I  think  I  know  the  name  of  the  individual.  I  have 
naturally  written  that  name  down.  It  is  in  my  files.  I  have  seen  no 
original,  no  document,  upon  which  I  can  definitely  state  the  name  is 
John  Jones  or  Pete  Smith.  That  is  available  to  you,  gentlemen.  I 
do  have  papers,  any  number  of  them.  I  have  information  from  indi- 
viduals indicating  various  names.  I  do  not  have  any  documentary 
proof  of  that,  and  I  am  sticking  to  that.  Do  you  understand  me  now, 
Senator  ? 

I  have  a  very  strong  suspicion.  I  think  I  know  the  name,  but  it  is. 
too  easy  for  you  gentlemen  to  find  it  out  for  me  to  start  giviiig  my' 
suspicions,  to  give  you  hearsay  of  what  John  Jones  or  Pete  Sinith 
has  told  me.  When  I  say  I  do  not  have  the  name,  I  have  seen  no 
original  document  stating  what  his  name  was.  I  have  not  seen  the 
original  file  giving  his  name.  I  have  not  seen  a  photostatic  copy 
of  that  file  giving  his  name. 

You,  gentlemen,  apparently  know  his  name  also.  I  think  I  know 
the  name.  If  you  Icnow  the  name,  which  I  assume  you  do,  you  can 
j^roceed  to  make  any  charge  you  care  to  against  this  individual. 

The  Senator  has  referred  to  this  as  a  "mystery"  case.  I  don't  think 
there  is  anything  mj^sterious  about  the  case  to  the  Senator.  I  am 
slightly  mystified  as  to  the  importance  of  this  particular  individual. 
I  think  that  case  is  important,  you  understand,  or  I  Avould  never  have 
mentioned  it  on  the  Senate  floor.  I  think  it  is  important.  But  let 
me  repeat  that,  while  I  feel  I  am  reasonably  certain  I  know  his  name, 
I  think  the  Senator  who  is  now  addressing  me  knows  it  just  as  well 
as  and  better  than  I  do. 

I  have  no  documentary  proof,  no  original  file,  upon  which  I  can 
say  definitely  "The  name  is  John  Jones"  or  "Pete  Smith."  I  have 
given  you  the  name  of  the  individual  in  case  No.  14.  In  his  file  you 
will  find  documented  everything  which  I  said  on  the  Senate  floor, 
everything  I  have  said  about  this  man,  and  I  intend  to  stick  to  facts 
that  are  completely  documented.     I  hope  that  is  clear.  Senator. 

Senator  Green.  I  don't  think  your  answer  is  responsive  to  my  ques- 
tion. You  mistake  the  purpose  of  it.  The  purpose  is  not  to  find 
the  name  of  the  individual ;  it  is  to  find  out  how  accurate  the  founda- 
tion is  for  your  charges. 


Senator  McCarthy.  That  .you  can  find  out  by  obtaining  the  files. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  the  Senator  finish  his  question. 

Senator  Greex.  The  question  is  not  of  the  fact,  but  whether  your 
charges  are  based  on  facts.  This  is  an  illustration  that  I  would  like 
to  follow  up. 

I  do  not  yet  understand  from  your  answer  whether  or  not  this 
charoe,  where  you  say  the  files  are  replete  with  references  to  this 
individual  and  yet  you  cannot  say  whether  you  have  his  name  or  not. 
And  I  want  to  know  AA'hether  there  is,  not  in  file  14  alone  but  in  any 
otlier  file  on  which  your  charges  are  based,  the  name  of  this  individual. 

Senator  jNIcCakthy.  Senator,  if  you  want  to  know  whether  or  not 
my  charges  are  true  or  false,  the  best  way  in  the  world  to  find  out  is 
to  get  the  file.  I  have  told  you  what  is  in  the  files.  That  file  can  be 
subpenaed  by  you.  You  understand  that,  Senator.  And  that  is  the 
best  way  in  the  world  that  you  can  determine  whether  every  word  I 
have  spoken  here  is  true  or  false.  We  have  given  you  the  subpena 
power.  The  entire  Senate  said  to  this  committee,  "We  want  this 
committee  to  go  into  those  files  and  find  out  whether  or  not  what 
McCarthy  said  is  true,"  and  the  easiest  way  to  do  that  is  to  get  those 
files.  If  I  am  saying  a  single  word  that  is  not  true,  I  know  that  many 
in  the  administration  will  enjoy  proving  it.  The  best  way  they  can 
prove  it  is  to  bring  down  all  those  files. 

Now  let  me  make  this  clear :  I  and  the  public  will  not  be  satisfied 
with  a  loose-leaf  State  Department  file  in  which  you  can  shove  in  and 
take  out  material.  Unless  you  get  all  the  files,  so  you  are  sure  you 
have  them,  and  I  will  tell  you  how  to  do  that  without  any  difficulty, 
when  you  do  that,  then  you  will  find  that  every  word,  every  word,  that 
I  have  given  you  as  to  what  those  files  contain  is,  so  far  as  I  know, 
absolutely  true. 

Now,  the  simplest  and  easiest  way  to  find  that  out  is  to  get  those 

Senator  Green.  As  I  have  stated  to  you  several  times,  the  object 
of  this  question  is  not  to  find  out  whether  it  is  true  or  false;  it  is  to 
find  out  how  far  3'ou  relied  on  facts  in  your  possession  for  making 
the  charges. 

You  have  said  that  your  files  are  replete  with  references  on  which 
you  based  an  accusation  against  a  high  official  of  the  State  Depart- 

Senator  McCarthy.  Not  my  files.  I  said  the  State  Department  files. 
I  didn't  say  copies  of  files  in  my  possession.  If  the  Senator  will  read 
that  statement,  he  will  see  that  I  said  "the  files'' — referring  to  the 
State  Department  files,  the  FBI  files,  the  Civil  Service  Commission 
files — "are  replete  with  that  information."  I  repeat  it  now.  I  repeat 
it.  Senator,  that  every  Avord  that  I  have  given  you,  every  piece  of 
evidence  as  to  what  those  files  contain,  you  will  find  is  there  if  you 
will  get  the  files. 

Senator  Green.  I  am  going  to  be  persistent,  and  I  am  going  to  get 
an  answer  out  of  this  or  else  get  your  refusal  to  answer.  My  question 
is  whether  there  is  in  your  files  the  name  of  this  individual. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  I  know  the  name  of  the  individual. 

Senator  Green.  That  isn't  what  I  asked. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  finish.  Senator,  please.  I  am  reason- 
ably certain  I  know  his  name. 

Senator  Green.  That  isn't  what  I  asked. 


Senator  McCarthy.  You  be  quiet  until  I  finish. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  the  witness  answer  in  his  own  way. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Thank  you,  Mr.  Chairman. 

I  am  reasonably  certain  I  know  his  name.  I  have  nothing  in  my 
files  upon  which  I  can  base  a  definite,  documented  answer.  There- 
fore, I  am  not  going  to  guess  for  you.  Senator.  I  have  told  you  this, 
and  let  me  make  it  clear.  Unless  I  have  seen  the  document  showing 
the  name  of  that  individual,  I  will  not  try  and  give  it  to  you.  Is  that 
clear  ? 

Senator  Green.  The  question  is  perfectly  clear,  but  the  answer  is 
not.    The  question  is :  Is  there  in  your  files  the  name  of  this  individual  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  I  don't  know,  because  I  don't  know 
definitely  what  his  name  is.  There  are  many  names  in  my  file.  Un- 
doubtedly his  name  is  in  some  of  those  files ;  but,  unless  I  know  defi- 
nitely that  he  is  this  particular  State  Department  official,  I  can't 
answer  that. 

Now  the  Senator  can  get  that.  He  can  find  it  out  very  simply.  He 
can  get  it  in  half  an  hour  by  calling  Secretary  Acheson. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  you  can  proceed  in  a  moment,  but,  with- 
out wishing  to  be  captious  about  it,  I  don't  think  the  witness  is  testi- 
fying to  the  accusation  here  by  telling  us  over  and  over  and  over  again 
what  we  can  do.  1  think  the  witness  ought  to  be  more  responsive  to 
the  direct  question.  I  say  this  in  the  best  of  temper  and  with  no  desire 
to  cut  him  off,  but  I  do  think  he  ought  to  say  "I  have  it"  or  "I  haven't 
it"  and  not  how  we  can  get  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  made  it  very  clear,  Mr.  Chairman.  I 
am  sure  the  chairman  is  not  dull.  No  one  has  ever  accused  him  of 
that.  The  chairman  understands  exactly  what  the  situation  is.  He 
knows  the  names  in  that  file.  I  think  I  know  them.  I  haven't  seen 
the  original.  I  haven't  seen  a  photostatic  copy  of  the  original  so  I 
cannot  tell  this  committee  whether  the  name  is  John  Jones  or  Pete 
Smith,  and  until  I  can  give  them  that  information  I  will  not  attempt 
to  guess  at  it.  This  is  not  going  to  be  any  guessing  contest  so  far  as 
I  am  concerned,  gentlemen. 

Senator  Green.  That  is  just  what  we  want  to  avoid — a  guessing 

Here  is  an  individual,  a  high  official  in  the  State  De]:>artment,  against 
whom  there  is  an  accusation.  I  am  not  asking  what  his  name  is;  I  am 
asking  whether  in  your  files  his  name  is. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  just  gotten  through  telling  you  that  I 
do  not  know  definitely  what  his  name  is,  period. 

Senator  Green.  That  is  not  the  answer  to  the  question. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  the  answer  you  will  get. 

Senator  Green.  I  am  not  asking  you  what  the  name  is.  I  am  asking 
you  whether  you  know  the  name  is  there — whether  you  know  it  or  not. 

Senator  McCarthy.  If  I  do  not  know  definitely  what  his  name  is, 
how  can  I  know  whether  it  is  there?  Your  name  is  in  my  files,  per- 
haps ;  I  don't  know.    Not  as  a  Communist,  you  understand. 

Senator  Green.  I  would  not  be  surprised,  in  view  of  the  long  list 
of  very  prominent  people  and  people  of  highest  position  in  the  world. 
I  should  judge  it  an  honor  to  be  on  some  of  those  lists  you  have  put  in. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Just  a  minute.  If  you  think  it  is  an  honor  to  be 
on  any  of  the  lists  that  I  am  giving  you — strike  that. 


Senator  Hickenloopek.  Mr.  Chairniaii,  I  might  suggest  that  these 
organizations  have  been  declared  subversive  by  the  Attorney  General, 
^vlio  is  a  member  of  the  Senator's  own  party,  and  it  is  an  official  de- 
termination of  the  Federal  Government  bodies  that  these  are  sub- 
versive organizations.    If  the  Senator  can  take  comfort  out  of  that 

Senator  Green.  The  list  seemed  to  be  bipartisan  so  far  as  I  can 

Senator  Hickenloopek.  But  the  organizations  have  been  declared 
to  be  subversive. 

Senator  Green.  As  I  have  said  several  times,  and  I  am  going  to 
stick  to  it,  I  haven't  J'et  an  answer  to  ni}^  question.  Do  you  know 
whether  the  name  of  the  individual  to  whom  you  have  referred,  ap- 
pearing in  your  files,  not  only  once  but  the  files  are  replete  with  his 
name,  do  you  know  whether  his  name  is  there  or  not  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let's  first  answer  the  first  part  of  your  ques- 
tion. We  will  go  right  through  it.  You  will  get  all  the  answers  you 
want.  It  may  not  be  the  one  you  want.  Can  we  have  an  agreement 
that  Avhen  you  are  talking  I  will  be  quiet,  and  when  I  am  talking  you 
will  be  quiet  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  The  witness  will  proceed  until  he  has  completed 
his  answer,  without  interruption. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Can  we  have  that  understanding? 

Senator  Green.  I  think  that  is  an  understanding. 

Senator  McCarthy.  You  are  speaking  about  honorable  people, 
honorable  organizations.  Here  is  what  Secretary  Acheson  said  about 
the  organizations  that  I  have  cited  to  you.  He  said  this  4  days  ago. 
Referring  to  the  security  files,  he  said : 

Participation  in  one  or  more  of  tlie  parties  or  movements  referred  to  above, 
or  in  organizations  whicli  are  fronts  for,  or  are  controlled  by,  any  such  party 
or  movement,  either  by  membership  therein,  taking  part  in  its  executive  direction 
or  control,  contribution  of  funds  thereto,  attendance  at  meetings,  employment 
thereby,  registration  to  vote  as  a  member  of  such  party,  or  signature  on  petition 
to  elect  a  member  of  such  party  to  political  office  or  to  accomplish  any  other 
purpose  supported  by  such  a  party,  or  by  written  evidences  or  oral  expressions 
by  speeches  or  otherwise,  or  political  or  economic  or  social  views — 

he  lists  those  people  as  bad  security  risks.  I  am  giving  you  the  names 
of  organizations  that  come  within  the  purview  of  that.  If  you  think 
these  are  honorable  organizations  you  are  entitled  to  that  opinion. 

Now  you  asked  the  next  question.  Now  you  say,  "Is  there  in  your 
file  the  name  of  the  State  Department  official  referred  to  in  the  secret 
files  of  case  No.  14?"  I  have  told  you  that  I  have  a  strong  suspicion 
as  to  who  the  individual  is.  I  have  no  way  of  definitely  knowing. 
There  is  in  my  file  the  names  of  individuals  whom  I  suspect  of  being 
mentioned  in  that  particular  file,  but  not  being  able  to  say  definitely 
it  is  John  Jones  or  Pete  Smith,  I  cannot  tell  you  whether  he  is  in  the 
file  or  not. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  like  to  interject  for  a  moment.  Inas- 
much as  a  charge  has  been  made  by  a  witness  now  on  the  stand  that 
attempts  have  been  made  to  doctor  the  record  in  the  State  Depart- 
ment, I  would  like  to  serve  notice  on  the  witness  now  that  we  may 
subpena  or  ask  him  to  deliver  his  own  files,  so  that  we  can  check  as 
to  whether  the  information  that  he  has  obtained  in  his  photostatic 
copies  ties  in  with  the  loyalty  and  other  files  that  we  will,  I  hope,  in 
the  course  of  time  examine,  and  I  wnll  ask  the  Senator  now  to  keep 

68970—50 — pt.  1 4 


those  files  intact,  with  all  the  papers  in  them,  so  that  we  may  make  the 
comparison  at  the  proper  time  to  see  whether  or  not  the  State  Depart- 
ment files  and  the  photostats  which  he  allegedly  had  of  them  contain 
the  name. 

Senator  McMahon.  ]\Ir.  Chairman,  as  I  understand  it,  yesterday 
you  notified  Senator  McCarthy  that  this  case  was  to  be  the  subject 
of  discussion  today. 

Senator  Tydings.  That's  right. 

Senator  McMAHoisr.  I  take  it.  Senator,  that  you  have  prepared  your- 
self and  brought  with  you  everj^thing  that  you  have  on  case  14  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Everything  of  anv  moment  that  I  have  on  case 
14  has  been  read  into  the  Congressional  Record. 

Senator  McMahon.  Will  you  show  me  what  you  have  on  case  14  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Just  read  the  Congressional  Kecord. 

Senator  McMahok.  Will  you  produce  for  my  inspection  what  you 
have  on  case  14  ? 

Senator  JNIcCarthy.  I  am  telling  you  what  I  have  is  in  the  Congres- 
sional Record. 

Senator  McMahon.  Or  do  I  have  to  get  a  subpena  for  it,  Senator? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  I  have  gotten  through  telling  just  now 
that  what  I  have  in  case  14  is  in  the  Congressional  Record. 

Senator  McMahon.  Just  a  minute.  Senator,  if  you  please. 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  finish? 

Senator  Tydings.  Quiet,  first. 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  finish  the  answer? 

Senator  McMahon.  I  have  a  question  pending,  and  I  insist  upon 
an  answ^er  to  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  Will  the  reporter  read  the  pending  questions  ? 

The  Reporter  (reading)  :  "Will  you  produce  for  my  inspection 
what  you  have  on  case  14?" 

Senator  McCarthy.  If  somebody  will  hand  me  the  Congressional 
Record  I  will  produce  for  you  all  I  have  on  case  14.  It  is  a  very  com- 
plete case  in  the  Congressional  Record.    That  is  what  I  have  on  case  14. 

Senator  McMahon.  Senator,  you  have  brought  with  you  your  file  on 
case  14  and  all  related  papers,  according  to  your  own  statement,  of 
any  consequence.  Will  you  or  will  you  not  produce  them  for  my  in- 
spection right  now? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  produce  for  your  inspection  everything 
I  have  in  case  14.  It  is  all  in  the  Congressional  Record.  That  Con- 
gressional Record  refers  to  secret  State  Department  files.  The  infor- 
mation with  regard  to  what  is  in  those  files  is  in  the  Congressional 
Record.  If  the  Senator  questions  the  accuracy  of  what  I  have  put  into 
the  record,  the  only  way  he  can  determine — the  only  way  he  can  deter- 
mine— whether  that  is  accurate  or  not  is  by  getting  the  State  Depart- 
ment, the  FBI,  and  the  Civil  Service  Commission  files. 

So  there  is  no  question  in  your  mind,  all  of  the  information,  all  of 
the  information,  which  I  have  on  case  No.  14  is  in  the  Congressional 
Record.  If  the  Senators  wants  that  produced,  I  will  have  to  ask  him 
to  ask  one  of  his  clerks  to  get  me  a  copy  of  the  Record,  turn  to  page 
2050  and  2051,  and  he  will  find  everything. 

Senator  McMahon.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  again  direct  a  simple  question 
to  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin,  and  I  ask  the  Senator  whether  or  not 
he  will  produce  for  my  inspection  and  the  committee's  inspection  every- 


thing  that  he  has  on  case  No.  14  in  his  possession.  I  am  not  interested 
in  looking  at  the  Congressional  Record;  I  am  interested  in  what  infor- 
mation the  Senator  has  in  his  possession,  and  I  would  lilce  to  see  it.  I 
would  like  to  see  it  now.    1  f  he  won't  give  it  to  me,  that  is  his  privilege. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  glad  to  give  it  to  you,  Senator. 

Senator  McMaiion.  Let  me  have  it,  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  finish,  please. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  the  witness  answer. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  be  glad  to  give  it  to  you.  I  gave  the 
Senator  all  of  the  information  I  had  on  case  No.  14.  That  is  the 
extent  of  the  file.  It  is  all  in  the  Congressional  Record.  Now,  if  the 
Senator  questions  the  truthfulness  of  that,  the  only  way  he  can  deter- 
mine it  so  far  as  I  know  is  by  supenaing  the  files.  All  the  information 
is  in  the  Congressional  Record. 

Senator  Tydings.  Maybe  I  can,  by  being  an  observer  to  the  colloquy 
that  is  going  on,  help  to  clear  it  up  by  asking  one  question.  Have 
3^ou  in  your  possession  evidence,  papers,  photostatic  copies,  or  other 
matters  which  wall  support  what  you  put  in  the  Congressional  Record  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Kave  I  in  my  possession  evidence,  papers, 
photostatic  copies,  on  everything  that  is  in  the  Congressional  Record? 

Senator  Tydings.  I  didn't  ask  you  that. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  answer,  will  you,  Senator  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  state  the  question  again.  Senator.  Have 
you  in  your  possession  any  paper,  memorandum,  photostatic  copies, 
affidavits,  other  materials,  which  will  support  the  charges  in  whole 
or  in  part  that  you  put  in  the  Congressional  Record  in  case  14,  to  wit, 
that  a  high  official  in  the  State  Department  has  attempted  to  doctor 
the  records  of  the  loyalty  committee  passing  on  applicants  for  office 
and  those  who  held  office  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Everything  in  the  Congressional  Record,  in- 
sofar as  I  know,  is  absolutely  true.  There  is  no  doubt  about  that. 
If  the  Senator  questions  that  he  can  determine  it  very  easily.  As  to 
slips  of  paper,  notes,  and  such  like,  there  are  none  that  I  can  give 
the  Senator. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  didn't  ask  you  that.  I  didn't  ask  you  whether 
there  were  any  you  could  give  me.  In  order  to  end  the  controversy, 
I  asked  you  if  you  had  in  your  possession  any  material,  memoranda, 
affidavits,  photostats,  or  other  papers  or  evidence,  to  support  any  or 
all  of  the  charges  made  by  you  in  case  14.  The  answer  is  you  either 
have  them  or  you  don't  have. 

Senator  McCarthy.  All  of  the  supporting  evidence,  all  of  it  and 
plenty  of  it,  documents,  affidavits,  what  liaA^e  you,  all  of  that  evidence, 
is  in  the  files  and  not  in  my  office.  By  the  files  I  mean  a  combination 
of  the  four  files,  State  Department  loyalty  files;  personnel  files,  the 
Civil  Service  Commission  files,  and  the  FBI  files.  That  is  where  all 
of  the  supporting  documents  are.    They  are  not  in  my  office. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  didn't  ask  you  that,  but  I  will  go  back  to  Senator 
McMahon,  and  I  ask  his  pardon  for  interrupting.  I  thought  maybe 
that  one  question  might  bring  it  to  a  head. 

Senator,  I  apologize. 

Senator  McMahon.  That's  all  right.  Senator. 

I  am  left  with  the  unfortunate  opinion  that  the  Senator  has  material 
in  his  possession  on  this  case  which  lie  refuses  to  turn  over  to  the  com- 
jnittee.    He  again  and  again  has  stated  that  we  can  go  to  other  places 



to  get  it.  He  again  says  that  everything  he  has  he  has  put  in  the 
Record.  But  I  tliink  if  I  were  in  the  Senator's  place,  what  I  would 
do  is  say,  "Yes,  here  is  what  I  have  on  case  14"  and  turn  it  over  to 
us.  I  am  very  much  disappointed,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  the  Senator 
takes  the  attitude  that  he  does,  and  won't  give  the  committee  the  mat- 
ters that  are  in  his  possession  which  bear  upon  this  very  serious  case. 
I  regret  very  much  that  the  Senator  takes  that  attitude. 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  answer  that,  Mr.  Chairman? 

And  I  regret  very  much,  Senator,  that  this  committee  seems  so 
vitally  interested  in  find  out  whether  they  can  get  the  names  of  anyone 
in  the  State  Department,  good,  loyal  Americans,  who  may  have  given 
me  information.  You  are  not  fooling  me,  Senator.  I  know  what  you 
want.  I  know  what  the  State  Department  wants.  They  want  to  find 
out  who  is  giving  out  information  on  these  disloyal  people  so  their 
heads  will  fall,  and  so  far  as  I  am  concerned,  gentlemen,  no  heads  of 
any  loyal  people  in  the  State  Department  will  fall,  none  of  those  heads 
will  fall,  because  of  their  having  possibly  imparted  information  to  me. 

You  are  not  fooling  me.  Senator.  You  know  the  information — let 
me  finish.  You  know  the  information  is  in  tlie  file.  You  know  you 
can  get  it.  You  know  that  if  you  want  any  of  those  names  you  can 
get  them. 

I  know — I  have  been  informed  and  I  am  sure  of  it — that  the  State 
Department  is  very  curious  to  know  whether  or  not  someone  in  that 
Department  is  telling  me  who  has  communistic  activities,  who  belong 
to  these  Commie-front  organizations.    I  know  they  want  those  names. 

I  am  very  surprised  and  disappointed.  Senator,  that  this  committee 
would  become  the  tool  of  the  State  Department,  Senator,  not  to  get 
at  the  names,  the  information,  of  those  who  are  bad  security  risks,  but 
to  find  out  for  the  Department  who  may  have  given  me  information  so 
those  people  can  be  kicked  out  of  their  jobs  tomorrow. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  am  not  going  to  ask  a  question.  I  just  want  to 
say  that  the  chairman  of  this  committee,  and  I  am  sure  with  the  sup- 
port of  all  members  of  the  committee,  is  going  to  get  every  scrap  of 
evidence  in  any  files,  any  place,  that  have  to  do  with  any  charges 
brought  before  this  committee.  I  said  this  investigation  is  going  to 
be  thorough,  and  I  don't  mean  maybe.  So  far  as  that  is  concerned, 
the  investigation  will  go  to  the  -nth  degree  on  every  scrap  of  evidence 
that  is  available. 

But  that  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  immediate  matter  before  the 

Senator  McMahon.  Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  am  profoundly  shocked 
by  the  irresponsible  speech  that  has  just  been  made  by  the  Senator 
from  Wisconsin.  His  imputation  of  me,  of  the  members  of  this  com- 
mittee, of  any  such  motive  in  asking  that  question,  is  something  I 
repudiate  and  denounce.  It  is  unworthy  of  any  Senator  of  the  United 

We  are  engaged  in  responsible  business.  If  there  is  to  be  this  kind 
of  irresponsible  talk,  it  won't  be  in  the  best  interests  of  the  United 
States.  I  say  to  you.  Senator,  when  you  start  making  charges  of  that 
kind  against  me  you  had  better  reflect  on  it  more  than  once. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  you  can  be  sure  that  everything  I 
say  has  been  very  carefully  reflected  upon. 

Senator  McMahon.  I  doubt  it. 


Senator  jNIcCartht.  And  I  think  that  that  attempt — I  know — is 
going  to  continue  through  this  hearing,  the  very  clear-cut,  obvious 
attempt,  not  to  get  at  the  facts,  not  to  find  out  what  is  in  the  files.  You 
know  you  can  find  it  out.  But  this  obvious  attempt  to  try  and  find 
the  name  of  some  State  Department  official,  some  loyal  person  who 
has  come  down  to  a  Senator  and  said,  "Now  here  are  facts.  Here  are 
things  that  should  be  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Senate" — to 
try  to  get  their  names  so  their  heads  will  fall  I  think  is  shameful.  I 
think  it  is. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  questions  which  I  directed  to  you,  and  I  as- 
sume that  the  questions  which  other  members  of  the  committee  have 
directed  to  j'ou,  are  not  calculated  by  any  stretch  of  the  imagination  to 
ask  you  where  you  got  this  matter  and  I  had  no  thought  of  that  in  the 
question.  My  question  simply  was.  Did  you.  have  the  matter  and 
would  you  be  willing  to  tell  the  committee  what  that  matter  is?  I 
don't  want  to  know  who  gave  it  to  you.  I  don't  want  to  know  how 
you  got  it.  But  I  would  like  to  know  what  it  is  so  that  we  can  have 
evidence  here  upon  which  to  proceed. 

Now,  the  question  that  I  asked  was  simply  this :  Have  you  in  your 
possession  any  memorandum,  any  affidavit,  any  papers,  any  photo- 
stats or  other  material,  which  would  tell  us  who  this  individual  is — 
not  where  j'ou  got  it,  not  how  you  got  it,  not  who  gave  it  to  you,  but, 
have  you  the  material  ? 

Senator  McCartht.  Let  me  answer  the  first  half  of  your  question 
first.  You  say  it  isn't  your  intention,  it  is  not  your  desire  to  find  out 
where  I  have  gotten  this  information.  The  Senator  from  Connecticut, 
Mr.  McMahon,  has  just  ordered  me  to  produce  my  file  and  give  the  en- 
tire file  to  him  so  he  can  check  and  see  who  did  give  me  this  informa- 
tion. * 

Now,  No.  2,  you  have  asked  whether  T  have  in  my  possession  photo- 
stats, affidavits,  and  such  like.  I  again  tell  you  that  all  of  the  affidavits, 
all  of  the  photostats 

Senator  Tydings.  Why  don't  you  say  you  haven't  got  it  or  you  have 
got  it  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  say  all  the  photostats  are  easily  acces- 
sible to  you.  You  can  get  them  without  any  trouble  at  all.  They  are 
all  in  those  files. 

Senator  Tydings.  If  we  subpena  those  records,  which  I  hope  we 
will  never  "do,  we  would  get  the  names  of  the  people  who  gave  the 
information  to  you,  if  that  is  in  your  file.  I  am  not  after  that  at  all. 
I  am  after  the  memoranda  and  the  photostats  of  the  State  Department 
and  other  loyalty  agency  files  that  might  be  in  your  records,  not  who 
gave  them  to  you.  Do  you  or  do  you  not  have  that  information  in  your 
possession  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  if  you  are  after  the  material  in  the 
State  Department  files  don't  come  to  my  office.  Go  to  the  State  De- 
partment.   You  will  get  it  there.  Senator. 

Senator  IIickenlooper.  ]\Ir.  Chairman,  may  I  suggest  that  there 
has  been  reference  to  legal  procedure  here  in  the  past.  There  is  such 
a  rule,  of  course,  which  is  well  known  to  all  members  of  this  com- 
mittee, as  best  evidence,  and  the  courts  without  exception  recognize 
that  hearsay  or  copied  documents  are  not  available  when  the  best 
evidence,  which  is  the  original  and  fountainhead  of  information,  is 
available.     I  suggest  that  the  files  are  available  which  the  Senator 


says  will  substantiate  his  cliarges,  and  the  best  evidence  is  the  files 
which  are  the  property  of  the  United  States  Government.  I  think  all 
he  is  sno-gesting  is  that  we  get  the  files,  which  is  the  fountainheacl 
of  information,  and  I  hope  we  do  get  them. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  Green? 

Senator  Green.  ]\Ir.  Cliairman,  in  reph^  to  what  my  distinguished 
colleague  has  just  said  and  to  remind  him,  these  cases,  in  spite  of  the 
obvious  attempt  of  the  witness,  are  not  being  answered  on  the  basis 
Mdiich  he  assumes.  "We  are  not  asking  for  the  best  evidence  as  to 
what  has  happened.  We  are  seeking  to  know  tlie  basis  that  he  had 
for  his  charges  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate. 

Senator  PIicKENLOOPEPt.  That  is  exactly  what  disturbs  me. 

Senator  Green.  I  would  like  to  finish  my  statement,  if  I  may.  May 
I  proceed? 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  ahead. 

Senator  Green.  The  point  is,  what  basis  has  the  Senator  for  his 
charges  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  ?  Or  was  it  simply  guesswork  in  the 
hopes  that  it  might  start  a  general  investigation  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment files?  He  did  not  limit  himself  to  a  simple  general  statement 
that  he  suspected  the  State  Department  of  having  certain  papers  and 
doing  certain  things.  He  made  specific  charges,  and  my  questions 
were  directed  to  finding  out  what  was  the  basis  that  he  had  for  making 
the  charges,  or  whether  he  had  any.  He  has  made  the  charges,  and  he 
says  now,  as  I  understand  it,  if  my  understanding  is  correct — perhaps 
my  mind  doesn't  follow  his;  perhaps  he  doesn't  wish  to  give  it — but 
however,  he  has  not  answered  the  question,  which  was  to  find  out 
•whether  he  had  or  had  not  a  basis  for  the  charges. 

He  says,  "Go  elsewhere  and  prove  if  my  charges  are  false  or  true." 
That  isn't  the  point.  The  point  isn't  getting  the  best  evidence  of  the 
facts  of  whether  there  has  been  disloyalty  or  not.  The  point  is  whether 
the  Senator  had  any  basis  for  his  charges  which  he  has  made,  and 
which  he  said  he  was  ready  to  prove  before  this  committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  SfcCarthy,  I  want  to  repeat  again 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  first  ansvrer  the  Senator's  question? 

Senator  T^iT)iNGS.  There  is  no  answer.  He  was  making  an  observa- 
tion to  Senator  Hickenlooper's  proposition.  Pie  didn't  ask  you  a 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  thought  it  was  a  question. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  like  to  say  again  and  again  and  again 
and  again  and  again  and  again  that  this  committee  will  exhaust  every 
avenue,  investigate,  request,  and  I  feel  sure  obtain,  all  the  files  that 
are  in  question. 

Senator  McMahon.  Except  his. 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  moment. 

That  we  will  do.  The  pertinency  of  this  particular  question  grows 
out  of  your  own  testimony,  where  you  say : 

In  this  case  a  CSA  report  of  September  2.  1947,  is  replete  with  informatiou 
covering  the  attempts  of  a  high  State  Department  official  to  induce  several 
individuals  who  had  signed  affidavits  reflecting  adversely  upon  the  employees 
to  repudiate  their  affidavits. 

Now,  inasmuch  as  the  charge  is  here  made  that  there  have  been 
attempts  to  alter  these  records  which  we  will  in  due  course  examine,  it 
is  important  for  us  to  know  when  we  do  examine  them  whether  they 
are  all  there,  whether  the  things  that  you  have  asserted  we  will  find 


are  all  there,  without  any  alteration,  and  if  3'ou  have  photostats  that 
were  made  prior  to  this  hearing  and  prior  to  the  time  you  made  your 
testimony  on  the  floor,  it  is  important  for  us  to  know  that  the  same 
record  is  still  there,  and  the  only  way  we  can  be  sure  of  that  is  to 
compare  your  photostats  that  were  taken  before  you  spoke  on  the 
floor  of  the  Senate  on  February  20  with  what  we  shall  hnd  in  those 
tiles,  otherwise  we  shall  never  know  whether  they  have  been  tampered 
with,  which  you  A^ourself,  in  your  own  testimony,  say  was  the  result 
of  an  attempt,  at  least,  to  alter  them. 

So  therefore  you  can  see,  as  a  good  lawyer  and  judge  yourself,  the 
pertinency  of  making  sure  that  the  best  evidence  is  all  there.  It  is 
right.  The  Senator  from  Iowa  is  perfectly  right.  We  must  have  the 
best  evidence  to  draw  our  conclusions  upon.  But  we  must  proceed 
so  that  we  know  that  when  we  get  to  the  best  evidence  the  best 
evidence  has  not  been  altered  or  changed  during  the  course  of  the 

So,  therefore,  I  would  like  you  to  see  the  pertinency  of  this 
matter  and  tell  us  whether  or  not  you  have  in  your  possession  photo- 
stats or  other  material  that  will  substantiate  the  charge  made  in 
case  14. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  answer  that,  Senator — and  we  are  not 
fooling  each  other  in  this  case,  you  understand. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  am  not  fooling  anybody.  I  am  out  in  the  open 
and  aboveboard. 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  You  say  it  is  important  to  know  what  photo- 
stats I  have,  if  any.  I  know  there  is  nothing  that  the  State  Depart- 
ment would  like  better  than  to  know  what  photostats  I  have.  You 
have  and  I  have  heard  rumors  that  the  State  Department  is  rifling 
the  files.  We  know  that  that  is  the  kind  of  rumor  that  would  be  cur- 
rent; we  do  not  know  whether  this  is  true  or  false.  We  know  also 
that  if  the  State  Department  desired  to  rifle  any  of  these  files  it 
would  be  very  important  to  them  to  know  what  photostats,  if  any,  I 
had,  so  they  won't  be  caught  short. 

I  might  say  this :  If  I  have  any  photostats,  then  the  committee  should 
be  interested  in  keeping  the  particular  photostats  which  I  have  ab- 
solutely secret ' 

Senator  Tydixgs.  You're  right. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Until  they  have  seen  the  State  Department 
files.  I  think  when  we  get  through  with  those  files.  Senator,  then  the 
general  public  should  know  definitely  whether  or  not  they  have  seen 
all  the  files,  and  if  I  have  any  photostats  in  my  possession  they 
would  become  extremely  valuable  to  the  committee  if  those  photostats 
only  became  valuable  after  the  State  Department  files  have  been 
opened.  Those  photostats,  if  I  have  any,  would  be  extremely  impor- 
tant today  to  any  State  Department  official  who  was  desirous  of  rifling 
a  file. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  you  are  right. 

Senator  ^IcCarthy.  You  can  lie  sure  of  this.  Senator :  That  I  will 
give  this  committee  every  bit  of  help  I  possibly  can,  to  help  them  get 
at  the  truth ;  and,  I  will  resist  any  attempt  which,  in  my  opinion,  is 
aimed  toward  giving  the  State  Department  officials  information  which 
they  are  not  entitled  to  at  this  time,  and  any  attempt  to  aid  them  in 
the  way  of  a  whitewash  of  any  individual. 

You  can  be  sure  of  that  help  from  me,  Senator 


Senator  Tydings.  Waving  aside  the  imputation  that  the  committee, 
which  I  do  not  think  you  meant,  is  going  down  to  help  the  State  De- 
partment, in  the  event  any  papers  are  missing,  or  any  other  imputa- 
tion that  might  be  there — as  chairman  of  the  subcommittee,  and  speak- 
ing for  all  the  members  of  the  committee,  I  would  consider  it  a  mat- 
ter of  extreme  secrecy,  and  pledge  on  our  part  that  we  keep  your 
jBles  away  from  everybody  so  that  when  w^e  did  investigate  the  State 
Department  files,  they  w^ould  have  no  knowledge  of  what  was  in  your 
files  at  all.  We  would  simply  use  them  for  comparison,  to  see  whether 
or  not  the  allegation  that  tampering  has  been  attempted,  had  actually 
taken  place;  and,  under  no  circumstances  would  the  files  that  you  have 
be  commended  to  the  State  Department  so  that  they,  if  they  had  peo- 
ple of  this  kind  down  there,  could  alter  them. 

I  see  your  point  and  I  agree  with  it,  and  it  was  not  our  intention  to 
get  these  files  to  turn  over  to  the  State  Department  so  they  would 
have  any  knowledge  of  it. 

The  point  in  getting  it  was  to  make  sure  that  the  allegation  which 
you  have  made  in  this  particular  case  has  not  been  carried  into  prac- 
tice in  this,  or  any  other  case,  to  wit,  tampering  with  these  files. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  assure  the  chairman  that 

Senator  Tydings.  I  agree  with  you. 

Senator  McCarthy.  In  my  opinion,  if  the  committee  employs  a 
competent  staff,  in  my  opinion  we  will  have  no  difficulty  whatsoever 
in  determining  whether  or  not  the  complete  files  are  turned  over 
to  the  committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  We  do  not  want  to  detain  your  testimony.  I  am 
going  to  summarize  it  here  in  the  record,  just  as  I  understand  it: 

That  you,  this  morning,  will  not  give  us  the  name  of  this  individual ; 
that  you  are  not  saying  that  you  do  or  do  not  have  the  name  of  this 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  incorrect. 

Senator  Tydings.  In  this  file. 

Senator  McCaritiy.  That  is  incorrect. 

Senator  Tydings.  Then,  you  do  have  the  name  of  this  individual  in 
the  files. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  told  you  about  10  times,  over  and 
over — I  have  told  you  before  that  I  have  a  strong  suspicion,  I  have 
great  reason  to  believe  I  know  his  name.  I  have  seen  no  original 
document,  no  photostat  of  an  original  document  which  proves  to  me 
conclusively  that  I  have  his  name ;  and  until  I  can  give  you  the  defi- 
nite information  as  to  what  his  name  is,  I  do  not  feel  I  should  give 
you  any  name ;  and  I  have  stated  also  that  you  can  get  the  name  by  go- 
ing to  the  files 

Senator  Tydings.  I  understand  that ;  but  then,  do  I  understand  you 
to  say  that  you  do  not  know  whether  you  have  the  name  or  not? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No. 

Senator  Tydings.  Wliat  do  I  understand  then  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Exactly  what  I  said,  Senator.  T  do  not  know 
what  you  understand,  but  the  record  is  clear.  I  have  told  you  that  I  no  way  of  definitely  knowing  the  name  of  this  particular  in- 

Senator  Tydings.  You  have  no  way  of  knowing  it? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Definitely  knowing  it.  I  think  I  know  his 
name.     His  name  will  be  found  in  the  files,  in  the  secret  files.     The 


Senator  can  get  those  files,  so  if  the  Senator  actually  wants  any  names, 
he  can  get  them  without  holding  up  this  hearing  for  2  hours  this 

Senator  Green.  How  do  you  know  his  name  is  in  the  secret  files? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  if  you  question  that,  you  can  get  the 
files  and  look  at  them. 

Senator  Green.  I  am  not  asking  you  that.  I  want  to  know  how  you 

Senator  Tydings.  Answer  the  question. 

Senator  Green.  The  question  is :  You  say  you  know  the  name  was 
in  the  secret  files — how  do  you  know  the  name  is  in  the  secret  files? 

Senator  McCarthy^.  If  the  Senator  will  get  the  files  and  look  at 
the  files,  he  will  find  the  name.  He  will  find  that  everything  I  have 
told  him  is  in  that  file. 

Senator  Green.  I  am  not  asking  whether  the  name  is  there  or  not. 
I  want  to  know  how  you  know  it.  I  cannot  examine  your  mind. 
You  will  have  to  tell  us  how  you  do  know  the  name  is  in  the  secret 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  said  before  that  I  know ;  and  I  am  very 
disappointed  in  this — this  committee  has  spent  now  a  great  deal  of 
time  trying  to  find  out  whether  I  will  give  them  the  name  of  some  loyal 
employee  in  the  State  Department  who  told  me  what  was  in  the  file, 
who  has  given  me  the  information — I  am  very  much  disappointed  in 
that,  Senator.  I  think  that  is  entirely  improper.  You  and  I  know 
that  if  I  give  the  name  of  anyone  I  have  gotten  information  from, 
anyone  over  there,  if  his  name  were  made  known,  his  job  would  not 
be  worth  a  snap  of  the  fingers. 

Let  me  make  it  clear,  if  the  Senator  wants  the  name,  he  can  get  the 
files  and  he  will  see  the  name. 

Senator  Green.  I  cannot  avoid  the  conclusion  that  you  are  trying  to 
evade  the  question. 

Senator  McCarthy.  You  think  so  ? 

Senator  Green.  I  did  not  ask  you  for  the  name.  You  stated  that 
the  name  was  in  the  secret  files  of  the  State  Department.  I  asked  you 
how  you  knew  that  it  was  in  the  secret  files  of  the  State  Department, 
unless  you  have,  for  instance,  a  photostatic  copy.  If  you  say  that, 
that  will  be  the  answer;  if  that  is  not  the  answer,  what  is  the  answer? 
How  do  you  know  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  the  Senator  should  be  more  concerned 
with  finding  out  whether  the  information  I  have  given  is  true  or  not, 
than  trying  to  find  out  my  source  of  information,  if  any.  He  can  find 
out  whether  the  information  is  true  by  getting  the  file. 

Senator  Green.  You  refuse  to  answer  my  question  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No;  I  don't  refuse  to  answer  your  question. 

Senator  Green.  Please  answer  it 

Senator  Tydings.  Turn  back  and  read  the  question  of  the  Senator 
from  Rhode  Island. 

(The  record  was  read  by  the  reporter.) 

Senator  McCarthy.  Again  we  find  the  thing  that  the  chairman  has 
just  condemned,  an  attempt  to  find  out  what  photostats  if  any  I  may 

Now,  Senator,  let  me  say  this :  If  you  want  to  perform  a  ser\dce, 
rather  than  to  try  to  make  this  public  information  as  to  what  if  any 


photostats  I  have,  so  that  if  this  rumor  is  true,  the  rumor  we  hear  about 
rifling  the  files — if  instead  of  doing  that,  you  will  try  to  get  the  secret 
files — after  you  have  gotten  the  files,  I  will  give  you  all  the  aid  in  the 
world  to  help  determine  whether  or  not  you  have  the  complete  file. 

You  understand  that? 

Senator  Green.  That  does  not  answer  the  question,  and  you  know 
it  does  not  answer  the  question.     The  question  wasn't  that. 

The  question  was,  I  am  not  asking  you  to  produce  the  photostatic 
copy,  I  am  simply  asking  you  how  you  come  to  that  conclusion  in 
jour  mind,  that  you  said  you  knew  it  was  in  the  secret  files,  in  the 
State  Department. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  came  to  that  conclusion  by  all  the  informa- 
tion that  was  available  to  me. 

Senator  Green.  Well  then,  you  have  that  information  in  your 
files,  I  suppose.     Is  that  a  correct  conclusion  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  what  information  in  my  files? 

Senator  (treen.  That  they  had  the  name  in  the  secret  file  of  the 
State  Department. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  given  you  all  the  pertinent  information 
I  have,  or  all  I  know  about  the  case  in  the  Congressional  Record,  if 
you  will  read  that.  It  is  a  rather  important  case,  I  think.  You  will 
find  out  the  information  in  the  files,  you  won't  find  it  in  my  files. 
You  will  find  it  in  the  State  Department  files. 

Senator  Tydings.  Gentlemen,  it  is  perfectly  apparent  to  me,  unless 
the  members  of  the  committee  wish  to  pursue  this  further,  that  the 
witness  does  not  want  to  disclose  the  information  about  which  all  the 
interrogations  are  directed. 

The  question  is :  Shall  we  pursue  this  course  further  by  asking  the 
questions  again  and  again  and  again,  or,  shall  we  go  on  and  let  him 
testify  ?     What  is  the  committee's  pleasure? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  suggest  the  committee  go 
on  with  the  business  for  which  the  committee  was  set  up,  and  listen 
to  the  various  allegations  that  the  Senator  has  to  make ;  and  then,  to 
do  what  it  is  my  belief  the  committee  should  do — go  after  the  origi- 
nal sources  of  the  information,  instead  of  following  this  obvious 
attempt  to  require  the  witness  to  disclose  all  his  investigative  pro- 
cedures and  ramified  sources  from  which  he  mnj  have  gotten  the 

His  information  is  either  true  or  it  is  not  true.  It  can  either  be 
proved  or  disproved  by  the  files,  and  I  was  of  the  opinion  that  this 
subcommittee  was  after  the  facts,  and  not  after  any  procedure  which 
might  become  a  harassment  of  the  witness,  to  the  avoidance  of  the 
real  purpose  of  this  investigation. 

Senator  Tydings.  What  is  your  thought.  Senator  Green  ? 

Senator  Green.  Well,  I  think  it  is  futile  to  continue  to  ask  the 
same  questions  when  the  witness  insists  on  evading  them  and  makes 
a  speech,  instead  of  answering  the  questions.  I  don't  know  what  the 
chairman  would  suggest. 

Senator  Tydings.  What  do  you  suggest.  Senator  McMahon? 

Senator  McMahon.  I  won't  put  it  in  the  record. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  go  ahead  with  your  testi- 
mony; but,  the  chairman,  on  behalf  of  the  committee,  would  caution 
you  not  to  lose  any  of  these  files,  because  we  may  want  to,  in  case 
No.  14,  to  have  you  verify  or  have  verified,  one  or  the  other,  the  dif- 


ierence  in  these  files,  between  your  photostats  and  the  original  copies 
if  an}',  inasmuch  as  charges  of  tampering  have  been  brought  by  you, 
before  the  Senate  in  this  case,  and  in  order  that  we  may  see  that  there 
has  been  no  tampering,  we  may  want  to  see  if  your  photostats  accord 
with  what  we  find  in  the  files  in  question. 

Go  ahead  with  your  testimony.  Please  bear  that  in  mind  how- 
ever— to  keep  those  files  safe  and  untouched,  as  far  as  papers  are 
concerned,  until  we  get  a  chance  to  come  back  to  this. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Just  to  clear  that  point  up,  Mr.  Chairman : 
I  would  like  to  ask  the  witness,  because  it  is  not  my  recollection  that 
the  witness  has  specifically  and  formally  charged  that  the  files  of 
the  State  Department  have  in  fact  been  tampered  with,  if  he  has, 
I  want  to  be  clear  in  my  own  mind.  I  don't  know  what  the  situa- 
tion is. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Let  us  leave  that 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  us  make  it  clear,  it  is  all  a  part  of  the 

The  only  reference  I  have  made  to  the  files,  this  does  not  refer  to 
tampering"  with  the  files,  but  it  referred  to  information  in  the  files 
in  regard  to  attempts  to  get  certain  witnesses  in  this  morals  case  to 
alter  their  affidavits.  That  was  not  a  case  of  tampering  with  the  files, 
but  an  attempt  by  one  of  the  men  in  the  State  Department  to  get  wit- 
nesses to  alter  their  affidavits.     That  information  is  all  in  the  files. 

As  to  any  tampering  with  the  files,  that  is,  as  the  Chairman  knows 
as  I  know — once  you  start  talking  about  getting  files,  whether  it 
is  rumor,  or  true  or  not,  the  natural  rumor  is  that  the  files  are  being 
rifled  and  we  have  all  heard  those  rumors. 

The  Chairman  need  not  caution  me  to  save  anything  that  will  be  of 
assistance  to  this  committee  in  determining  whether  or  not  there  in  any 
rifling  of  the  files. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  can  well  see  that  this  committee  is  on  the 
spot.  You  can  well  see  that  if  we  look  into  this  file  and  unanimously 
say  that  the  charges  are  true,  that  is  one  thing.  If  we  say,  after  look- 
ing in  this  file,  unanimously,  that  the  charges  are  not  sustained,  that 
is  another  thing.  The  inference  would  immediately  be  drawn,  how- 
ever, from  the  testimony  you  have  made  on  the  Senate  floor,  that  the 
files  that  we  investigated  did  not  contain  all  the  papers  that  you 
allegedly  say  we  will  find  in  this  file. 

Now,  in  order  to  make  this  investigation  airtight,  it  ought  to  be 
cleared  up  as  to  whether  the  file  in  this  particular  case  is  an  accurate, 
exact,  and  complete  file  in  every  particular;  and  whether  these  at- 
tempts to  fix  it  have  succeeded  or  have  not  succeeded.  If  we  do  not 
cover  that  point  and  would  find  these  charges  unsustained,  the  infer- 
ence could  be  drawn,  very  properly,  that  the  file  was  not  the  same 
file  of  which  you  may  have  a  photostat. 

So,  that  is  the  reason  I  am  asking  you,  in  this  and  all  other  files,  to 
make  sure  that  any  photostates  and  other  memorandum  which  you 
have,  that  might  be  in  these  files,  are  not  in  any  way  allowed  to  fall 
into  places  where  they  would  not  be  cared  for,  or  changed  in  any  way 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  sincerely  hope  that  when  the  files  are  finally 
made  available,  the  committee  will  have  a  competent  staff  looking 
over  the  files  and  be  able  to  tell  the  committee  and  the  public  whether 
the  files  are  complete  or  not. 


Senator  Tydings.  Your  hopes  will  be  fully  gratified. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  can  be  done,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  Your  hopes  will  be  fully  gratified,  and  I  hope 
we  get  all  the  files  and  all  the  evidence  when  we  go  over  it  and  make 
a  complete  report  without  leaving  anything  out  that  comes  within 
the  ken  of  this  investigation. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yesterday,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  referred  to  an 
individual  by  the  name  of  Kenyon,  who,  according  to  the  Federal 
Register  of  1950,  was  employed  in  the  State  Department,  and  com- 
menced producing  the  documentary  proof  of  her  connection  with  2& 
organizations  that  had  been  listed  either  as  Communist-front  or  sub- 
versive. Last  night  the  State  Department  announced  that  this  indi- 
vidual was  no  longer  with  the  Department,  having  severed  her  con- 
nections on  January  1  of  this  year,  or  December  31. 

Even  though  tliis  individual  may  no  longer  be  with  the  Department, 
the  case,  in  my  opinion,  is  still  extremely  important  in  that  it  will  shed 
considerable  light  on  the  workings  of  our  loyalty  program. 

In  the  past  when  the  loyalty  of  any  Government  employee  has  been 
questioned,  the  case  has  been  shrugged  off  with  the  statement,  "Oh, 
he  has  been  cleared  by  the  Loyalty  Board."  I  assume  that  during 
these  hearings,  the  same  will  be  repeated  often.  In  fact,  the  Secre- 
tary of  State's  office  attempted  to  clear  one  of  the  cases  I  mentioned 
a  short  time  ago  with  that  identical  statement — "He  has  been  cleared 
by  the  Loyalty  Board."  Therefore,  it  is  extremely  important  to  know 
just  wdiat  "being  cleared  by  the  State  Department's  Loyalty  Board'^ 

Senator  Tydtnos.  Senator,  if  I  may  interrupt,  when  you  are  refer- 
ring to  the  "Loyalty  Board,"  is  that  the  Loyalty  Board  of  the  State 
Department,  or  which  one  are  you  referring  to?  There  are  five  or  six 
of  these  agencies. 

Senator  McCarthy,  That  is  a  good  point.  I  think  it  should  be 
agreed,  and  should  be  clear  that  each  agency  has  its  own  Loyalty 

Senator  Green.  Which  one  is  that? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  referring  to  the  State  Department's  Loy- 
alty Board,  obviously,  because  Kenyon's  case  was  considered  by  the 
State  Department  Loyalty  Board.  She  was  cleared  by  that  State 
Department  Loyalty  Board. 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  make  this  clear,  also :  That  there  is  an 
Appeals  Board,  a  Civil  Service  Commission  Appeals  Board.  I  think 
it  should  be  clear,  at  least  as  far  as  I  can  determine,  that  the  Civil 
Service  Appeals  Board,  or  Civil  Service  Loyalty  Board  gets  no  juris- 
diction over  a  case  in  which  the  agency  board  has  cleared  the  individ- 
ual. If,  however,  the  individual  has  been  discharged  because  of 
disloyalty,  or  being  a  bad  security  risk,  he  can  appeal  to  the  Civil 
Service  Commission  Appeals  Board 

Senator  Tydings.  May  I  interrupt  again  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  committee  will  get  a  list  of  each  one  of  these 
investigative  agencies,  and  each  one  of  these  Boards,  and  each  one  of 
these  agencies  that  have  to  do  with  the  clearing  of  an  individual. 


Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say  I  have  that  complete  list  here, 
Mr.  Chairman.  Whenever  you  want  to  introduce  it  in  the  record,  I 
-u'ill  he  clad  to  do  it. 

Senator  Tydix(;s.  Let's  have  it  now,  if  you  have  it  handy;  and,  we 
will  have  it  put  in  the  record  at  this  point;  but,  I  simply  wanted  to 
ask  the  Senator,  in  the  future — when  he  refers  to  any  particular  Board, 
it  would  be  of  help  to  the  connnittee  in  its  i n vest iirat ions  if  he  could 
identify  the  Board  he  has  in  mind,  so  that  we  would  not  have  to  hunt 
around  and  find  out  which  one  it  is. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  glad  to  know  the  chairman  and  I  agree  on 

Senator  Tydings.  We  agree  on  a  lot  of  things,  but  not  on  our  ques- 
tions and  answers  this  morning. 

Senator  McCarthy,  I  think  it  is  an  excellent  idea  to  keep  these 
different  Boards  well  identified,  because  some  of  them  have  been  doing 
a  rather  good  job. 

Let  me  make  this  clear,  if  I  may:  The  Civil  Service  Commission 
Loyalty  Board,  even  though  it  has  no  jurisdiction  over  a  case  that  has 
been  approved  by  the  State  De]iartment  Loyalty  Board,  can  pick 
up  that  case  and  conduct  what  is  known,  I  believe,  as  a  post  audit  on 
that.  In  their  post  audit,  however,  they  have  no  right  to  take  action 
and  say  that  that  man  is  disloyal,  and  they  can  be  overruled  by  the 
Secretary  of  State.  You  will  find,  and  I  will  give  you  cases  as  we 
go  along,  a  number  of  cases  in  which  the  State  Department  Loyalty 
Board  has  given  an  individual  a  completely  clean  bill  of  health.  The 
Civil  Service  Commission  Loyalty  Board  picked  that  case  up  in  a 
post  audit 

Senator  Tydings.  If  you  will  allow  me  to  interrupt  you? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes. 

Senator  Tydings.  AVliat  we  will  have  to  do,  Senator  McCarthy,  in 
order  to  make  this  investigation  complete,  is,  if  it  is  a  subject  of  in- 
vestigation, to  immediately  set  up  cross  references,  and  follow  case  A, 
the  name  of  case  A  through  all  the  other  Boards  to  see  what  is  in  the 
file,  pro  and  con,  all  the  way  through,  by  a  series  not  only  of  direct 
examinations  of  the  record  in  question,  but  by  cross  checks  on  the  other 
records,  and  that  is  what  you  want,  and  that  is  what  we  will  do. 

Senator  jNIcCartpiy.  I  might  sa}-,  sir,  we  will  have  the  question  of 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  various  boards  clear  if  you  take,  for  example, 
case  No.  1,"  which  I  referred  to  on  the  Senate  floor.  In  that  case,  the 
State  Department's  Loyalty  Board  gave  this  individual  a  clean  bill 
of  health.  The  Civil  Service  Commission  picked  that  up  on  their 
own — you  understand  it  was  not  appealed,  but  picked  it  up  on  their 
own — and  audited  that  and  sent  it  back  indicating  their  dissatisfac- 
tion with  the  Loyalty  Board's  findings.  However,  the  State  Depart- 
ment's Loyalty  Board  can,  if  they  care  to,  close  out  the  case,  unless  the 
Secretarj^  then  says,  "I  wnll  depend  upon  the  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sion's Loyalty  Board  and  discharge  this  man." 

As  far  as  I  know,  he  has  not  done  that  in  any  case. 

Senator  Tydings.  Well,  we  will  examine  the  whole  record;  we  will 
check,  double-check,  up  and  down  and  diagonally  check  to  make  sure 
everything  is  checked  all  the  waj^  through. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  want  to  commend  the  committee's  attention 
especially  to  those  cases  that  have  been  picked  up  by  the  Appeals  Board 


and  checked,  and  sent  back,  because  tliey  felt  that  the  Loyalty  Board 
did  not  do  its  job. 

Therefore,  it  is  extremely  important  to  know  just  what  being; 
"cleared  by  the  State  Department  Loyalty  Board"  means. 

We  have  here  documents  to  indicate  that  this  individual  belonged 
to  at  least  28  different  Communist-front  organizations,  I  understand 
tliat  the  FBI  ^ave  the  State  Department  a  detailed  report  on  this 
individual  showing  that  she  belonged  not  merely  to  28  but  to  con- 
siderably over  28  Communist-front  organizations. 

I  urge  that  tlie  committee  immediately  subpena  the  records.  What 
is  of  utmost  importance  in  this  case  is  to  determine  why  the  Loyalty 
Board  passed  this  individual  with  that  type  of  report  from  the  FBI 
iri  its  iiIgs 

Senator  Tydings.  The  FBI 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  stated,  I  think,  to  get  the  complete  record 
you  must  subpena  the  State  Department  records,  the  Civil  Service 
Commission  records,  the  FBI  records — — 

Senator  Tydings.  I  did  not  understand  whether  you  said  the  record 
or  records. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Records. 
.  Senator  Tydings.  You  mean  plural  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Plural. 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say,  in  my  opinion,  there  is  not  even 
any  remote  possibility  of  any  FBI  record  being  tampered  with.  So, 
when  you  get  the  FBI  record 

Senator  Tydings.  We  are  satisfied  that  is  so. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  why  I  insist,  in  all  these  cases,  in  order 
to  have  the  complete  record,  we  get  all  four  records. 

I  urge  the  committee  immediately  to  subpena  these  records  which 
are  of  the  utmost  importance  in  this  case  to  determine  why  the  Loyalty 
Board  passed  this  individual  with  that  type  of  report  from  the  FBI 
in  its  files. 

This  is  doubly  important  in  view  of  Secretary  Acheson's  statement 
the  other  day.    He  says : 

iParticipation  in  one  or  more  of  the  parties  or  movements  referred  to  above, 
or  in  organizations  which  are  fronts  for,  or  are  controlled  by,  any  sueh  party 
or  movement,  either  by  membership  therein,  taking  part  in  its  executive  direction 
or  control,  contribution  of  funds  thereto,  attendance  at  meetings,  employment 
thereby,  registration  to  vote  as  a  member  of  such  a  party,  or  signature  of  petition 
to  elect  a  member  of  such  a  party  to  political  office  or  to  accomplish  any  other 
purpose  supported  by  such  a  party ;  or  by  written  evidences  or  oral  expressions 
by  speeches  or  otherwise,  or  political,  economic,  or  social  views. 

Now,  in  answer  to  Senator  Bridges'  question,  "Would  you  say  that 
a  person  who  is  known  to  associate  with  members  of  Communist-front 
organizations  would  be  a  security  risk?"  That  isn't  merely  referring 
to  the  members  of  the  front,  but  is  referring  to  people  who  associate 
closely  with  them,  and  Secretary  Acheson  made  the  following  reply : 

That  is  one  of  the  matters  that  must  be  taken  into  consideration  under  the- 
regulations  which  I  have  just  read  to  you. 

In  this  connection,  I  think  the  committee  will  find,  when  they  sub- 
pena these  records,  that  the  Department  Loyalty  Board — I  do  not 
like  to  use  the  words  "Loyalty  Board'"  in  this  case — but  the  State' 
Department  Loyalty  Board,  even  though  they  had  the  complete  file 


on  the  Coinmiinist-front  oroaiiizjitions  of  this  individual,  did  not  call 
her  down  to  ask  her  a  single  question,  or  any  explanation  of  this  long 
list  of  subversive  activities. 

I  commend  to  the  attention  of  the  Appropriations  Committee  this 
and  other  cases  which  1  shall  present  showing  just  exactly  the  type 
of  individuals  this  Board  calls  loyal. 

The  next  case  which  I  ishall  present  to  the  committee  is  inlinitely 
worse  than  this  one,  but  the  Loyalty  ]^oard  still  placed  its  stamp  of 
ai)proval  on  him. 

Senator  (irken.  jMay  I  interrupt  'f 

Senator  Tydincjs.  Senator  McCarthy,  have  you  com[)leted  now  what 
3'ou  want  to  tell  us  about  case  No.  1  ?     Am  I  correct  in  that  ? 

Senator  IMcCartiiy.  I  have  about  24  documents  which  have  not 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  what  I  was  going  to  ask  you  about. 

Is  it  your  intention  to  put  these  other  documents  in  the  record  now, 
so  as  to  have  them  in  connotation  with  case  No.  1  ? 

Senator  ]\IcCaktiiy.  I  think  that  is  very  important. 

Senator  Tytuxgs.  Put  them  in  now,  if  you  will. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will,  if  the  Chair  has  no  objection. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  haA'e  no  objection.  I  think  the  documents  sup- 
})ortin.g  each  case,  if  placed  in  the  record  while  that  case  is  before  us, 
would  hei])  us  to  further  consider  it,  rather  than  having  them  put  in 
at  a  later  date. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  agree  fully. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Have  you  the  documents  now  ? 

Senator  ]\IcCarthy.  May  I  finish  my  reading  here  ? 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  thought  you  were  on  case  No.  2  now^ 

Senator  McCarthy.  No;  talking  about  the  Loyalty  Board.  The 
Senator  interrupted,  and  wanted  to  ask  a  question. ' 

Senator  Green.  If  I  may  ask  a  question  here — you  referred  to  the 
Loyalty  Board  of  the  State  Department,  made  several  references  to  it. 

Senatory  McCarthy.  That  is  correct. 

Senator  Green.  About  its  actions  and  the  way  it  acted.  Do  joii 
know  who  the  head  of  the  Board  is  ?  ? 

Senator  jNIcCarthy.  There  is  a  panel  of  about  nine.  Senator.  They 
are  pulled  in,  two  or  three  at  a  time,  so  you  never  who  the  head  of 
an}^  particular  Loyalty  Board  is. 

The  head -of  the  Board  as  a  whole  is  a  Mr.  Snow,  but 

Senator  Tydings.  Give  us  his  full  name. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  cannot  give  you  his  full  name. 

Senator  Green.  Gen.  Conrad  Snow. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  right ;  but,  you  uderstand,  he  may  or 
may  not  be  on  10  consecutive  panels.  You  see,  if  a  particular  case  is 
being  considered.  Snow  may  be  on  this;  he  may  not  be.  You  have,  I 
think,  nine  individuals.  I  think  you  raise  a  good  point.  I  think  it  is 
very  important.  Take,  for  example,  in  this  case  and  the  next  case  I 
cite,  that  w^e  find  what  specific  individuals  were  on  that  panel  or  were 
sitting  as  the  Loyalt}'  Board.  Undoubtedly,  there  are  some  fine  indi- 
viduals in  that  panel  of  nine,  but  there  is  something  radically  wrong 
with  the  individuals  who  will  take  a  case  where  there  are  28 — or  more 
than  that,  according  to  the  FBI  file,  in  that  case — 28  Communist- 
front  connections  and  passed  like  that,  without  even  calling  upon  the 
individual  for  an  explanation. 


I  doubt  very  much  that  Mr.  Snow  was  on  that.    I  do  not  know. 

I  might  say  that  I  do  not  know  him  personally ;  I  know  very  little 
about  him.  I  am  doing  this,  however — at  the  appropriate  time  I  will 
give  the  committee  some  very  interesting  information  about  some  of 
the  members  of  the  Loyalty  Board. 

Senator  Green.  I  may  help  you  explain  that  temporary  lack  in  your 

General  Snow's  father  was  formerly  president  of  the  New  Hamp- 
shire State  Senate,  and  New  Hampshire  State  Supreme  Court,  and  he 
is  now  the  head  and  therefore  the  responsible  head  of  the  Loyalty 

You  referred  to  the  Appropriations  Committee,  and  to  Senator 
Bridges.  I  happened  to  be  on  it  and  was  there  when  Senator  Bridges 
was  being  asked  about  General  Snow,  and  you  have  not  given  what 
he  said  about  him.    I  thought  you  might  like  to  know  it. 

My  colleague.  Senator  McMahon,  asked  Senator  Bridges  what 
Conrad  Snow's  reputation  was,  and  Senator  Bridges  replied 

I  will  not  go  any  further,  because  if  I  do  you  will  accuse  me  of 
bringing  politics  into  that,  but 

Senator  McCaetht.  I  would  not  accuse  you  of  that. 

Senator  Green.  I  asked  him  about  that,  and  he  seems  to  be  of  the 
same  politics  as  Senator  Bridges. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  would  not  accuse  you  of  playing  politics. 

Senator  Hickeni  coper.  That  would  contribute  to  the  proof  that  he 
was  a  man  of  excellent  ability. 

Senator  Green.  I  came  to  the  defense  of  the  Loyalty  Board  and, 
I  will  not  say  accusation,  but  information  that  everything  was  not 

Senator  Tydings.  I  do  not  think  Senator  McCarthy  said  that  the 
loyalty  board  was  unpatriotic  or  disloyal  or  Communist-ridden.  He 
has  not  made  any  charge  like  that  so  far. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  say  this,  Mr.  Chairman :  That,  if  the 
verj^  able  Senator  sat  on  a  case  such  as  this,  or  especially  the  next  case, 
and  gave  this  man  a  clean  bill  of  health,  I  wmild  say  that  he  was  in- 
competent from  then  on  to  sit  on  a  Loyalty  Board.  I  can  only  judge 
by  the  results  that  come  from  the  Board.  As  I  say,  I  do  not  know 
whether  your  ISIr.  Snow  sat  on  the  board  in  this  case  or  not. 

Senator  Green.  Again,  my  point  is- 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  say  this,  if  Mr.  Snow ■ 

Senator  Tydings.  General  Snow. 

Senator  ISIcCarthy  (continuing).  Was  one  of  the  men  who  gave 
a  clean  bill  of  health  to  the  next  case,  then  I  would  say  that  Snow, 
or  anyone  else  on  tliat  Board  is  incompetent  to  sit  further. 

Senator  Green.  Let  me  comment  tliat  he  is  not  "my"  Mr.  Snow ;  and, 
furthermore,  I  do  not  tliink  he  has  done  anything  yet  to  be  reduced  in 
rank  from  "General"  to  "Mr." 

Senator  McCarthy.  Tliank  you.  Senator. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  here  information  which  I  think  the  committee 
may  want. 

We  have  first,  if  I  may  label  it  "Exhibit  No.  1" 

Senator  Tydings.  What  did  yon  put  in  yesterday?  You  had  better 
go  on  from  there. 


Senator  JNIt  (Ivrtiiy.  Well  noAv,  how  many  did  we  have  in  yesterday ; 
do  you  Tenieniber  ? 

Senator  Tvdixgs.  Start  from  the  back  of  the  alphabet. 

Senator  jNIcCartiiy.  Let  me  hand  those  to  the  chairman,  and  mark  it 
as  you  like. 

The  lirst  exhibit  is  a  list  of  all  the  Department  loyalty  boards.  The 
second  is  a  memorandum  which  I  will  give  the  Chair,  and  which  is  a  list 
of  all  the  regional  boards. 

Senator  Tydtngs.  Will  the  Senator  desist  just  a  moment  until  we 
get  a  chance  to  look  at  these  ? 

Senator  Greex.  I  think  it  ought  to  be  put  in  testimony. 

Senator  Ttdings.  You  mean,  it  ought  to  be  read  ? 

Senator  Green.  Yes. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  A^liat  is  your  wish  on  this?  To  put  it  all  in 
testimony  with  or  without  reading  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  was  gotten  from  the  Civil  Service  Com- 
mission. You  might  want  to  know^  the  source  before  you  decide  that ; 
it  was  gotten  from  the  Civil  Service  Commission.  I  called  the  Civil 
Service  Commission.  I  believe  it  is  a  Mr.  Malloy  or  something  like 
that,  and  he  sent  it  over.  So,  I  cannot  vouch  for  its  accuracy,  but 
assume  the  Commission  can. 

Senator  Greex.  I  think  we  should  have  somebody  who  can  vouch 
for  its  accuracy. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  The  question  before  us  now  is :  The  Senator  from 
Wisconsin  has  offered  this ;  does  the  committee  want  it  read  ? 

Senator  McMahon.  What  is  it  ? 

Senator  Tydixgs.  It  is  a  list  of  the  different,  I  suppose,  inves- 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  withdraw  it,  if  you  are  going  to  read 
that  long  document. 

Senator  Greex.  Tell  us  how  many  there  are. 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  I  would  say  there  are  about  50  pages  there. 

Senator  Greex^.  I  mean,  how  many  loyalty  boards  are  there  through 
which  individuals  are  screened — how  many  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  every  agency  has  one.  I  can  go  over 
this  and  count  them. 

Senator  Greex.  The  State  Department 

Senator  McCarthy.  One  loyalty  board  is  in  the  State  Department. 

Senator  Greex^.  There  are  screenings  below,  lower  than  the  Loyalty 
Boards ;  are  there  not  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  There  is  one  loyalty  board  in  the  State  De- 

Senator  Greex.  Yes,  but  are  there  not  screenings  below  that  level? 

Senator  McCarthy.  By  "screenings,"  I  am  not  sure  if  I  know  what 
you  mean. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  ^Yhat  they  have  been  burning  the  last  3 

Senator  Greex^.  Examinations  of  the  record  and  character  of  indi- 
viduals, whether  they  are  good  security  risks. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  believe  a  man's  superior  would  have  the 
right  to  examine  his  record. 

Senator  Greex^.  The  FBI  has  one,  and  the  Civil  Service  Commis- 
sion has  one. 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  Let's  get  clear  on  the  FBI. 

68970 — 50 — pt.  1 5 


Senator  Green.  That  shows  how  justified  my  question  is. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let's  get  clear  on  the  FBI.  The  FBI  does  no 
screening;.  The  FBI  has  taken  the  sixteen  thousand-odd  names,  and 
they  run  them  through  what  is  known  as  a  name  check ;  and  if  a  man 
has  been  previously  investigated,  if  there  is  something  in  the  record 
on  him,  then  his  name  comes  out;  and  then,  if  the  State  Department 
wants  an  investigation  of  that  man,  they  get  it. 

The  FBI  then  sends  the  information  over  the  State  Department. 
The  FBI  makes  no  recommendations.  They  do  not  say,  "Discharge 
this  man,"  or  "Do  not  discharge  him." 

They  give  all  the  information,  and  that  is  the  last  power  they  have 
over  this  individual.  So,  these  people  will  say  that  the  FBI  is  re- 
sponsible and  that  is  entirely  wrong. 

You  see,  take  in  the  Kenyon  case,  the  FBI  conducted  an  excellent 
examination.  Apparently  the  Loyalty  Board  just  disregarded  it.  I 
think  we  should  make  it  clear  that  the  FBI  is  in  no  way  responsible 
for  security  risks  in  the  State  Department. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  one  of  the  papers  I  hold  in 
my  hand  is  "United  States  Civil  Service  Connnission,  Washington, 
D.  C."  and  it  is  signed  by  Seth  W.  Richardson,  Chairman  of  the  Loy- 
alty Review  Board.  My  question  is :  Is  it  your  information  that  all 
the  employees  of  the  State  Department,  in  one  way  or  another,  have  to 
go  by  this  loyalty  board? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No;  that  is  incorrect. 

Senator  Tydings.  They  do  not? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No;  they  do  not. 

Senator  Tydings.  Wliich  ones  do? 

Senator  INIcCarthy.  They  go  by  this  Board.  Shall  I  read  their 
names  here? 

Senator  Tydings.  Does  this  Boai'd  at  any  i^lace  pass  on  any  of  the 
qualifications  of  the  peo|)le  who  work  in  the  State  Department? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Wlien  you  say  "this  Board,"  that  is  a  list  of 
regional  boards,  plus- 

Senator  Tydings.  You  did  not  set- 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  I  know  what  you  mean. 

Plus  the  Civil  Service  Commission's  Loyalty  Board,  headed  by 
Seth  W.  Richardson. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  am  asking  you  whether  the  head  board  of  the 
United  States  Civil  Service  Commission,  headed  by  Seth  W.  Rich- 
ardson, Chairman,  Loyalty  Review  Board,  former  Assistant  Attorne)' 
General  of  the  United  States,  under  President  Hoover  I  tliink  it  was, 
is  the  head  board  and  do  the  employees  of  the  State  Department — 
does  their  fitness  come  under  this  Board  in  whole  or  in  part  for  review  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  answer  that:  No.  1  here  is  the  Appeals 
Board;  No.  2.  the  only  time  a  case  comes  officially  before  that  Board, 
speaking  of  the  State  De])artment,  is  when  the  State  Department's 
Board  says  this  man  is  unfit,  and  they  discharge  him.  Then  he  can 
appeal  to  the  Richardson  Board.  That  Board  then  has  the  right  to 
either  affirm  or  overrule  the  State  Department's  Loyalty  Board. 

If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  State  Department's  Loyalty  Board  gives 
a  man  a  clean  bill  of  health,  then  it  never  officially  gets  to  the  Richard- 
son Loyalty  Board.  However,  that  Board  does,  on  occasion,  pick 
up  a  man's  name  in  what  is  knoAv  as  a  postaudit.  and  takes  a  look-see 


and  if  tliey  are  dissatisfied,  to  the  best  of  my  information,  if  they  are 
dissatisfied,  then  the  extent  of  their  authority,  as  I  understand  it,  is  to 
send  the  name  back  to  the  State  Department  Loyalty  Board,  indicat- 
ing that  they  feel  the  State  Department  Loyalty  Board  made  a  mistake 
and  tliat  they  let  by  a  bad  security  risk. 

There  are  a  number  of  those  cases,  you  understand.  Then,  the 
State  Department  Board,  if  they  want  to  close  the  file  on  that  indi- 

Senator  Tydings.  Do  you  know  whether  or  not  the  case  that  you 
have  just  finished  reading,  and  the  cases  that  you  read  about  on  the 
floor  of  tlie  Senate,  have  been  passed  on,  in  whole  or  in  part,  by  the 
Loyalty  Board  of  which  Mr.  Seth  W.  Richardson,  former  Assistant 
Attorney  General,  was  the  Chairman? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  just  gotten  through  telling  you.  Sen- 
ator, that  until  a  man  has  gotten  an  adverse  ruling  from  the  Sta^^e 
Department  Loyalty  Board,  it  never  gets  to  Mr.  Richardson's  Board 
officially.  Mr.  Richardson's  Board  has  no  jurisdiction.  They  do  not 
pass  through  that  Board. 

I  will,  however,  give  you  the  names  of  some  individuals  who  were 
picked  up,  I  do  not  know,  by  the  Richardson  Review  Board  which  took 
a  look  at  them  and  sent  the  names  back  and  said,  "You  made  a  mistake 
in  this  man's  case." 

One  of  those  cases  is  my  case  No.  1.  The  State  Department's 
Loyalty  Board  merely  closed  its  file,  however,  and  he  is  still  there, 
even  though  tlie  Richardson  Board  said  this  man  should  not  be  in 
the  State  Department. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  again  ask  the  question :  Do  you  or  do  yon  not 
know  whether  the  cases  that  you  read  on  the  floor  of  the  United 
States  Senate,  or  any  of  the  cases  you  are  about  to  bring  before  us, 
other  than  the  one  you  have  just  finished,  have  been  passed  on,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  by  the  Loyalty  Board  headed  by  Mr.  Seth  W.  Rich- 
ardson, former  Assistant  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  I  am  trying  to  tell  you  that  only  in 
those  cases  in  which  the  State  Department's  Loyalty  Board  has  failed 
to  give  clearance,  do  they  go  to  the  Richardson  Board;  and,  I  think  in 
almost  each  of  the  cases  the  State  Department's  Loyalty  Board  has 
given  clearance,  the  first  No.  1,  the  case  of  Judge  Kenyon — the  State 
Department  Loyalty  Board  I  understand  gave  lier  a  completely  clear 
bill  of  health  so  that  naturally  she  would  not  appeal  to  the  Richardson 

Do  you  follow  me  on  that? 

Senator  Tydings.  Yes.    Leave  her  out.    Take  up  the  others. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  same  is  true  of  these  cases  as  I  will  go 
throug]i  them,  my  cases,  so  that  unless  the  State  Department  Loyalty 
Board  said  they  are  out,  they  do  not  come  before  Seth  Richardson.  I 
do  not  tliink.  that  is.  as  far  as  I  know,  I  do  not  know  of  any  case  in 
which  Richardson's  Board  reversed  a  decision  of  the  Loyalty  Board 
in  which  they  said  John  Jones  is  disloyal  and  should  go  out. 

That  is  the  only  time  they  have  authority. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  understand  when  they  have  authority  and  when 
they  do  not  have  authority. 

Senator  McCarthy.  So  that  then  the  only  cases  that  will  get  before, 
or  go  before  the  Richardson  Board,  will  be  those  cases  that  the  State 


Department  says  are' disloyal,  as  far  as  I  know,  according  to  wliat's- 
his-name's  testimony,  Mr.  Peurif  oy  the  other  day,  who  .said  they  only 
discharged  one  man  since  1947,  and  under  the  loyalty  program,  he 
said  200  resigned,  so  that  there  would  be  occasion  for  only  one  review, 
if  we  take  his  testimony. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  will  ask  you  once  more  to  try  to  make  it  plainer : 
Do  you,  yourself,  know  of  your  own  information 

Senator  McCaetiiy.  I  do  not  think  any  of  these  cases  were  ap- 
pealed to  Richardson's  Loyalty  Board.  I  clo  not  think  any  cases  that 
I  gave  on  the  Senate  floor  were,  because  if  they  had  been,  they  would 
not  have  been  in  the  State  Department. 

Senator  Tydings.  Were  they  passed  on,  as  far  as  you  know,  whether 
they  were  appealed,  or  not  appealed,  by  the  Board  headed  by  Seth 
W.  Richardson  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  I • 

Senator  Tydinos.  I  say,  in  event  they  were  not  appealed. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  told  you,  as  far  as  I  know,  the  Richardson 
Board  has  no  jurisdiction  over  a  case  that  has  not  been  declared  dis- 
loyal by  the  Loyalty  Board. 

Senator  Tydings.  Did  not  you  say,  in  addition  to  the  cases  not  ap- 
pealed, that  they  occasionally  picked  up  a  case  and  examined  that? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Tliat  is  right. 

Senator  Tydings.  Then,  I  am  asking  you,  in  addition  to  the  ap- 
peals, whether  or  not  any  of  these  cases  were  passed  on,  so  far  as  you 
know,  by  the  Richardson  Loyalty  Appeals  Board. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  give  you  cases,  I  cannot  give  you  the 
numbers  now,  I  will  give  you  cases  in  which  the  Appeals  Board  in  a 
postaudit,  suggested  that  the  Loyalty  Boaid  ci.  id  job. 

I  just  got  througli  telling  you  the  only  one  I  could  give  you  definitely 
was  case  No.  1.     As  we  go  through,  I  will  give  you  cases 

Senator  Tydings.  You  are  not  certain  at  this  moment  that  any  of 
the  cases 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes;  I  am.  I  told  you  I  know  some  were 
post-audited  and  sent  back  with  unfavorable  comments.  I  tell  you 
I  know  that.  I  tell  you  that  the  only  case  I  can  give  you  definitely 
now,  is  case  No.  1 ;  but  as  I  go  through  the  cases,  where  I  know,  I  will 
give  you  the  information.    I  do  not  have  all  that  information.  Senator. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  like  to  ask  you  then,  at  your  earliest 
convenience,  if  you  will  give  to  this  committee 

Senator  McCarthy.  You  know  I  will,  Senator.  You  know  I 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  moment.  If  you  will  give  to  this  com- 
mittee the  names  of  any  witnesses  against  whom  information,  or 
charges  of  disloyalty  have  been  brought  by  you,  either  on  the  Senate 
floor  or  before  this  committee — in  what  number,  or  part  of  the  cases 
you  have  recited  has  the  Richardson  Loyalty  Board  made  an  adverse 
or  a  favorable  or  any  other  kind  of  a  recommendation  or  finding? 
Will  you  do  that  when  you  have  an  opportunity  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  First,  let's  you  and  I  understand  each  other. 
I  do  not  claim  to  know — I  do  not  claim  to  have  any  access  to  the  files 
and  know  specifically  what 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  Green  would  like  to  ask  you  a  question. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Wait  until  I  finish  my  answer  to  this  ques- 
tion, please. 


Senator  Tydings.  All  rifrlit,  go  jilioad. 

Did  you  ■want  to  ask  a  question  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  answer  the  chairman's  question. 

Senator  Gkeen.  Certainl}^  I  thouo:lit  you  had  finished. 

Senator  JMcX-artiiy.  Let  me  me  make  this  clear,  Mr.  Chairman:  I 
would  t^ive  you  the  information  on  any  of  those  that  I  have.  I  do 
not  have  access,  do  not  have  information  as  to  the  action  taken  on 
a  oi-ent  number  of  these  cases.  Some  cases,  I  definitely  know  that 
on  a  postaudit  there  was  an  adverse  recommendation,  I  cannot  call 
it  re])ort,  but  adverse  information,  and  they  were  turned  back  to 
the  State  Department  and  obviously,  as  I  get  to  the  cases,  I  will  give 
them  to  y(m. 

Senator  Tydings.  Do  the  best  you  can. 

Senator  Green,  what  is  your  question  ? 

Senator  Green.  IMy  question  is,  to  get  on  the  record  the  method  of 
screening  these  individuals  in  the  State  Department.  Several  ref- 
erences have  been  made  to  that,  and  in  the  first  place  I  do  not  know 
whetlier  j^ou  call  it  screening,  or  what  your  definition  is,  but  the  FBI 
makes  an  examination  and  a  record  of  the  man,  and  what  all  they  can 
find  about  him 

Senator  McCarthy.  Not  in  all  cases.  Senator. 

Senator  Green.  This  is  the  ordinary  process. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  not  the  ordinary  process. 

Senator  Green.  Then,  let  us  get  it  straight  what  it  is. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  vast  number  of  cases  are  never  touched 
by  the  FBI. 

Senator  Green.  Where  they  are,  the  FBI  is  first,  when  they  are. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  give  you  the  picture. 

The  State  Department,  as  I  understand,  has  its  own  investigator. 

Senator  Green.  Then,  after  that,  there  is  the  head  of  the  State 
Department  Investigation  Branch,  that  comes  after  the  FBI,  in  a 
case  where  the  FBI  does  any  investigating. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Is  that  a  question  or  a  statement  ? 

Senator  Green.  I  am  asking  you  whether  you  agree. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  know  the  sequence  of  the  investiga- 
tions.    Let  me  make  it  clear 

Senator  Green.  Then,  in  that  case- 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  16,000  names  were  sent  over  to  the  FBI, 
I  understand,  when  the  President's  so-called  loyalty  program  was 
commenced.  Those  names  were  run  through  what  is  known  as  a 
name  check.  Whether  that  is  done  by  card  index  or  how,  I  do  not 
know.  If  there  had  been  a  previous  investigation  of  any  of  those 
16,000,  then  his  name  would  be  pulled  out,  and  in  those  cases,  there 
was  an  investigation  by  the  FBI,  at  least  some  of  them. 

If  this  name  check  disclosed  no  previous  bad  record,  then  as  far  as 
I  know  the  FBI  would  make  no  investigation  unless  the  State  De- 
partment sent  M'ord  over  that  they  wanted  a  particular  individual  in- 

So  that  this  is  clear,  no  matter  how  bad  a  man's  record  was,  unless 
there  had  been  a  previous  investigati(m  or  information  in  the  file  of 
the  FIjI,  the  FBI  on  its  own  would  not  commence  an  investigation. 
Is  that  clear? 


Senator  Green.  We  agree  entirely  on  that,  and  after  this  prelim- 
inary investigation  by  the  FBI,  then  the  first  investigation  by  the  State 
Department  itself  is  by  their  Investigation  Branch,  of  which  Mr. 
Fletcher,  formerly  special  agent  of  the  Department  of  Justice,  is  the 
head.    Is  that  right  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  You  are  asking  for  the  sequence  of  investiga- 
tions ? 

Senator  Green.  Yes. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  cannot  give  it  to  you,  Senator. 

Let  me  say,  the  reason  I  have  not  gone  into  that,  I  have  been  perfectly 
satisfied  that  the  investigative  work  was  well  done.  That  is  not  where 
the  difficulty  started.    It  was  the  use  made  of  tlie  information. 

Senator  Green.  I  think  this  is  correct,  and  if  1  am  incorrect  in  my 
statement,  I  wish  you  would  correct  me 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  not  sure  I  can  correct  you. 

Senator  Green.  If  you  do  know  that  I  am  wrong 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  be  glad  to  correct  you,  if  I  do. 

Senator  Green.  Tlien,  after  the  FBI,  then  comes  the  investigation 
by  the  Investigating  Branch  of  the  State  Department,  and  Mr. 
Fletcher,  I  think,  has  charge  of  it,  and  he  was  formerly  special  assist- 
ant of  the  Department  of  Justice;  then,  after  that  it  goes  up  to  the 
Division  of  Security  and  that  is  under  Donald  L.  Nicholson,  formerly 
an  FBI  man,  and  then,  after  that  it  goes  to  the  State  Department's 
office,  the  Evaluation  Personnel ;  and  after  that,  it  goes  to  the  Depart- 
ment's Loyalty  and  Security  Board — that  is  what  you  have  made 
reference  to — and  after  that,  it  may,  in  certain  cases,  go  to  the  Loyalty 
Review  Board  under  Mr.  Eichardson,  and  the  loj^alty  of  the 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  1  interrupt  you  there.  Senator? 

Again,  I  think  I  should  make  it  clear,  it  only  goes  to  the  Loyalty 
Review  Board  if  the  State  Department  Board  adversely  finds. 

Senator  Green.  That  is  what  I  said,  in  certain  cases ;  but  in  other 
cases,  in  addition  to  tlie  FBI,  there  are  five  different  departments  that 
it  goes  through — in  this  screening? 

Senator  McCarthy.  As  I  said,  the  investigative  process  is  excellent. 
I  think  they  develop  plenty  of  information.  That  is  why  the  files  are 
so  good.  It  is  not  the  investigative  agency  that  is  to  be  criticized. 
It  is  what  is  done  with  the  information  after  it  is  received. 

As  I  stated  on  the  first  case  I  have  given  you,  yesterday  and  today, 
in  that  case  they  have  turned  up  more  information  than  I  have,  con- 
siderably more.  They  have  the  names  of  more  subversive  activities 
in  the  files  than  I  have. 

Senator  Green.  I  am  glad  to  get  your  O.  K.  of  the  Department's 
Investigating  Department  in  all  its  grades.  That  is  what  I  wanted 
to  get  on  the  record. 

Senator  McMahon.  May  I  ask  a  question,  Senator? 

Senator  Tydings.  You  may,  Senator  McMahon. 

Senator  McMahon.  Senator,  have  you  the  names  of  the  members  of 
the  Loyalty  Committee  that  passed  on  this,  what  is  her  name,  the 
Kenyon  case? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No  ;  I  do  not,  Senator.  I  do  not  know  which 
of  them — I  think  it  is  a  panel,  I  believe  it  is  a  panel  of  nine. 

Senator  Tydings.  Is  this  it  [exhibiting  document]  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No;  I  believe  it  is  the  other  one. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  took  one  of  them  back  with  you. 


Senator  McCarthy.  Yes;  here  it  is.  Here  is  the  panel,  Senator, 
and  I  can  give  you  the  entire  panel,  if  yon  like. 

Senator  McMaiion.  I  would  like  to  have  each 

Senator  JNIcCartiiy.  Conrad  E.  Snow,  assistant  leaal  adviser;  the 
nienibors  are  named  Bertram  Barnes,  career  minister;  Dariel  St.  Clair, 
legislative  assistant;  David  A.  Robertson,  special  assistant,  Office  of 
Near  Eastern  Affairs ;  Theodore  Achilles — I  am  reading  what  I  read 
after  the  names,  indicating  what  the  individual  is  doing  in  the  State 
Department — Theodore  Achilles,  Chief  of  the  Division  of  Western 
European  Aifairs;  Arthur  G.  Stevens,  special  assistant  to  the  Assist- 
ant Secretary  of  Economic  Affairs;  William  F.  Baker,  Chief  of  the 
Division  of  Central  America  and  Panama  Affairs;  John  D.  Bell, 
Associate  Divisional  Chief  for  European  Affairs;  John  W.  Sykes, 
Legislative  Service  Division,  Congressional  Legislation ;  and  the  con- 
tact is  listed  as  Mr.  Snow,  room  4013,  Department  of  State,  extension 

Senator  McMahox.  It  was  three  of  these  gentlemen,  presumably, 
Senator,  that  sat  on  the  Kenyon  case? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Undoubtedly,  I  would  say. 

Senator  McMahon.  All  of  these  cases  that  you  have  brought  to 
the  attention  of  the  Senate,  some  81  of  them  were  heard,  as  far  as 
you  know,  by  a  committee  of  three  chosen  froni  this  panel  of  nine? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  that  can  be  safely  assumed. 

Senator  McMahox.  I  believe  you  made  mention  of  the  fact  that  you 
would  give  us  some  further  information  on  the  members  of  this  panel? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  said  I  w'ould  give  you  further  information 
upon  the  members  of  the  loyalty  program. 

Senator  McMahon.  Meaning  these  nine  gentlemen  ? 

Senator  ISIcCarthy.  I  do  not  know  what  information  I  will  give  on 
this  particular  nine. 

Senator  McMahon.  These,  however,  are  the  nine  that  do  hear,  in 

the  State  Department- 
Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  right. 

Senator  McMahon.  And  it  is  your  contention,  Senator,  as  I  under- 
stand it,  that  they  have  not  done  their  duty  in  assessing  these  investi- 
gating reports  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  when  they  pass  a  woman  like  case  No. 
1,  and  give- her  a  clear  bill  of  health  without  calling  her  down  to  a^k 
her  about  any  of  these  agencies,  obviously  they  have  not  done  their 
duty — obviously  no. 

When  you  find  a  case  like  case  No.  2,  a  phenomenal  case,  and  find 
a  member  of  this  panel  passed  this  man  and  said  he  can  have  top- 
secret  clearance,  then  there  is  something  radically  wrong  with  either 
their  judgment  or  the  individual. 

Senator  McMahon.  Can  you  tell  us — can  you  identify  the  hearing 
panel  in  the  other  cases  that  you  are  going  to  take  up  ? 

Senator  McCarthy'.  The  answer  is  "No" ;  I  cannot. 

Senator  McMahon,  That  is  what  I  wanted  to  know. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Only  except  by  rumor.  When  I  get  curious 
about  some  of  these  phenomenal  cases,  I  try  to  find  out;  and,  by 
hearsay,  you  hear  that  John  Jones  or  Pete  Smith,  head  of  that  par- 
ticular Board — but,  I  cannot  give  you  any  definite  information. 

Senator  McMahon.  Have  3'ou  had  occasion  to  investigate  any  of 
these  gentlemen  on  this  hearing  board? 


Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  compiling  information  now  which  I  will 
present  to  the  committee  on  the  membership  of  the  various  loyalty 
boards.  I  frankly  do  not  know — I  do  not  know  what  information,  if 
any,  I  have  on  these.  The  information  on  these  that  I  have  before 
me  now  merely  consists  in  their  activities  on  these  various  cases,  and 
as  I  say,  I  do  not  care  whether  it  is  the  Governor  of  your  State,  or  the 
President  of  the  United  States  who  is  on  this  Board,  if  you  find  that  he 
passes  and  gives  a  clean  bill  of  health  to  some  of  these  cases  that  I  give 
you,  then  you  will  know  that  there  is  something  wrong  with  his 
handling  of  the  case. 

Let  me  make  this  clear.  I  am  not  saying  that  any  of  these  indi- 
viduals on  that  panel  are  disloyal  or  anything  like  that.  I  just  know 
there  is  something  radically  wrong  with  the  results  that  come  from 
the  State  Department  Loyalty  Board,  and  I  am  judging  this  solely  by 
the  results. 

Senator  McMahon.  You  are  not  charging  them  with  being  disloyal, 
but  being  incompetent  and  stupid.     I  think  that  is  a  fair  statement 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  would  say  the  Loyalty  Board  that  passed  No. 
1  and  No.  2 — it  is  putting  it  very  generous!}'  when  you  say  they  are 
merely  incompetent  and  stupid. 

Senator  McMahon.  You  say  they  are  not  disloyal,  so  I  took  the 
alternative  that  they  were  dumb. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  it  strikes  me  that  this  would  indicate  a  rather 
quick  review  by  the  committee  of  these  gentlemen  who  have  been 
named,  and  who  the  Senator  says,  and  in  whose  opinion  have  passed  on 
these  cases — obviously,  who  they  are  and  what  their  background  is, 
is  quite  material  to  this  investigation. 

I  happen  to  know  two  of  them  rather  well,  and  the  rest  I  do  not 
know,  and  I  would  like  to  get  their  background,  because  the  American 
people  should  realize  as  quickly  as  possible,  not  only  what  the  pro- 
cedure is  that  has  been  adopted,  but  the  kind  of  men  who  have  been 
put  in  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  operate  that  procedure. 

This  man  Conrad  E.  Snow,  I  would  certainly  take  Senator  Bridges' 
testimony  on  his  behalf,  which  he  gave  to  me  in  the  Appropriations 
Committee  meeting  the  other  day,  as  a  very  outstanding  citizen. 

Mr.  Achilles,  Theodore  C.  Achilles,  is  a  gentleman  I  know  quite  well, 
he  is  my  next-door  neighbor.  He  is  on  this  panel  of  nine.  I  think  it 
would  be  very  helpful  if  we  could  get  this  as  quickly  as  possible. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McMahon,  have  you  any  suggestion  as  to 
how  this  data  should  be  assembled?  Is  it  your  idea  that  we  should 
get  a  biography  of  each  one  of  the  men,  and  read  it  into  the  record  ? 
Is  it  your  idea  that  we  should  bring  them  before  us?  Is  it  your  idea 
that  we  should  proceed  in  some  other  fashion? 

I  agree  with  what  you  said,  because  the  witness  here,  as  I  understand 
it,  has  said  that  the  investigative  set-ups,  on  the  whole,  are  pretty 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  my  opinion. 

Senator  Tydings.  In  his  opinion,  he  called  them  pretty  good,  he  paid 
them  a  pretty  good  compliment,  as  I  recall ;  he  said  that  the  trouble 
was  at  the  top,  where  the  final  decision  was  reached,  and  that  obviously 
would  be  this  Board  in  this  particular  Department.  So,  therefore,  I 
think  it  is  very  pertinent  that  if  these  men  had  been  the  means  of 
letting  people  hold  jobs  in  the  State  Department,  who  are  allegedly 


disloyal,  the  public  oiiglit  to  know  the  caliber  of  these  men,  as  you 

What  is  3'our  thought  about  it? 

Senator  McMahon.  My  thought  was  that  I  would  have  them  up 
here  en  masse,  and  line  them  up  here,  one  by  one,  and  I  would  take 
a  look  at  them  and  I  would  examine  them,  each  one,  as  to  how  long 
he  had  served  in  the  Department,  whether  his  educational  background 
and  competency  was  sufficient  to  sit  as  a  judge  on  these  matters. 

I  think  it  would  be  very  helpful,  ]SIr.  Chairman.  I  hope  we  do  it 
just  as  quickly  as  we  can. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  would  that  be  satisfactory 
to  you,  if  we  were  to  do  that  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  method,  Mr.  Chairman,  would  be  com- 
pletely ridiculous.  You  can  bring  the  men  up  and  look  at  them  and 
find  out  how  long  they  have  served,  and  have  witnesses  come  in  who 
would  testify  that  they  had  been  kind  to  their  wives  and  families, 
that  they  are  well  respected. 

But,  that  is  not  the  point.  The  only  way  you  can  determine  whether 
or  not  that  Board  is  competent  to  sit,  whether  or  not  we  are  wasting 
the  money  we  are  paying  on  the  loyalty  program,  is  to  take  the  file, 
let  us  say  in  case  Xo.  1  first,  bring  the  file  in,  and  in  that  file  you 
will  find^  a  vast  number  of  subversive  organizations  to  which  this 
individual  has  belonged.  Then,  you  should  say,  "Gentlemen,  who 
sat  on  that  Board?  Wlio  was  the  Chairman  of  that  Board?"  And 
the  next  thing  you  will  want  to  ask  them  is,  "Why  did  not  you  call 
this  individual  in  and  have  her  explain  these  connections?" 

You  will  say  to  them — and  let  me  finish,  if  I  may — you  will  say  to 
them,  "Here  is  what  Dean  Acheson  himself  said,  he  said  that  anyone 
connected  with  these  organizations,  even  remotely,  may  be  a  bad 
security  risk." 

You  say  to  them,  "Here  are  more  than  28,  on  which  you  have  an 
FBI  report.  What  made  you  think  you  could  pass  upon  that  case 
and  give  a  clean  bill  of  health  without  even  bringing  the  individual 
in,  without  writing  a  letter  on  the  matter?  How  do  you  explain 

There  is  the  documentation. 

Then,  you  go  to  case  No.  2,  and  say,  "Here  is  a  phenomenal  indi- 
vidual. '\Ylio  passed  on  that  case?  Who  said  this  man,  who  is  one 
of  the  top" 

Wait  until  we  get  to  the  case,  strike  that  part  of  it. 

I  have  the  cases,  which  I  think  you  should  take,  one  by  one,  and 
bring  in  the  Board  who  sat  on  each  particular  case,  don't  find  out 
whether  the  men  are  kind  to  their  wives  and  families,  whether  the 
neighbors  think  they  are  fine  people,  but  examine  them  to  see  whether 
or  not  they  are  competent  for  this  particular  job,  because,  you  see, 
all  through  this  Government  we  have  a  vast  number  of  individuals 
who  are  great  golf  companions,  great  individuals,  but  who  are  doing 
a  very,  very  bad  job. 

This  idea  of  bringing  them  up  here  and  lining  them  up,  and  bring- 
ing in  their  neighbors  to  testify  that  they  are  fine  fellows  and  are 
not  disloyal  is  a  waste  of  time,  and  is  ridiculous. 

Senator  McMahon.  I  move  that  the  committee  who  passed  on  this 
matter,  these  nine  gentlemen,  be  brought  before  this  committee  to 


tell  US  what  their  procedures  have  been.  We  will  talk  with  them  later 
on  any  cases  that  might  come  into  question  by  reason  of  the  Senator's 
testimony,  but  I  formally  move  that  these  nine  members  be  brought 
here  for  testimony  bearing  upon  the  procedure  that  they  have  adopted. 

This  is  a  timely  point  in  the  proceedings  for  that  to  be  done. 

Senator  Tydings.  Any  comment,  Senator  Green? 

Senator  Green.  No  comment. 

Senator  Tydings.  Any  comment,  Senator  Hickenlooper  ? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  move  to  amend  the  motion  by  making  a 
requirement  that  we  get  the  files,  all  of  them,  in  case  No.  1,  so  that  we 
will  be  able  to  interrogate  these  men  who  sat  on  the  panel,  in  the  light 
of  the  decision  on  file  No.  1,  and  the  information  contained  in  file  No. 
1;  and  in  that  way  really  be  able  to  explore  their  processes  of  clear- 
ance or  nonclearance  of  individuals. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Not  as  a  witness,  but  as  a  Senator,  might  I 
ask  the  committee  if  they  will  consider  allowing  me  to  sit  in  at  that 
time?  I  think  I  can  be  helpful  to  the  committee,  I  can  find  out  who 
was  chairman  of  the  various  boards,  find  out  why  the  results  that  have 
come  from  the  Board  have  been  so  unusual.  I  would  like  to  find  out, 
for  example,  when  Richardson's  Board  considered  a  post  audit  and 
said  that  it  was  bad  for  this,  that,  and  the  other  reason,  and  sent  it 
back  to  them,  what  they  have  done,  further,  and  what  action  they 
have  taken. 

That  is  the  only  way  you  can  determine  whether  or  not  that  is  a 
competent  board.    Otherwise,  this  will  just  be  window  dressing. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  May  I 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  mean  to  say,  and  I  hope  I  am  not 
understood  as  saying  that  I  would  be  the  only  one  to  delve  into  that 
and  determine  those  facts,  but  I  would  like  to  sit  with  you. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  in  order  to  amplify  my 
statement,  the  procedures  have  been  well  outlined,  the  Secretary  of 
State  outlined  the  procedures  and  laid  out  the  pattern  of  alleged  pro- 
cedures, I  am  not  so  concerned  about  the  form  of  the  procedure  which 
has  already  been  laid  out,  and  we  understand  that,  at  least  I  think 
I  do,  but  simply  the  actions  taken  by  any  board  under  the  procedures 
that  have  already  been  prescribed,  and  I  think  it  is  very  important, 
if  you  are  going  to  interrogate  these  people,  that  we  be  in  possession 
of  all  the  facts. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McMahon  ? 

Senator  McMahon.  If  there  is  any  objection  to  the  procedure 
requested,  I  would  prefei-  to  do  it  with  Senator  Lodge  present,  any- 
way. I  would  be  glad,  if  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  objects  to  hav- 
ing these  men  brought  up,  to  have  the  request  deferred  until  a  later 
time.    That  is  quite  all  right  with  me. 

It  seems  to  me  that  it  would  be  of  interest  both  to  him  and  to  us, 
to  take  a  look  at  the  kind  of  men  and  get  the  background  of  the  men 
who  are  accused  of  having  done  an  incompetent  job  in  this  respect. 

I  do  not  press  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  If  the  motion  is  not  pressed,  the  Chair  will  tell 
the  witness  to  proceed. 

I  think  where  we  were,  at  the  time  we  got  off  on  this  idea,  was  that 
the  Senator  was  about  to  offer  in  evidence  the  supporting  material  to 
sustain  the  statements  he  made  yesterday,  as  far  as  I  can  recall. 


Senator  McCarthy.  Senator,  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  just 
said  if  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  objects  to  having  them,  having 
the  men  brought  up,  so  let's  make  it  clear:  I  think  they  should  be 
brought  up,  brought  before  you,  but  in  such  a  fashion  that  some 
purj)ose  will  be  served.  I  objected,  not  to  their  being  brought  up,  I 
think  they  should  be  brought  here,  I  objected  to  the  procedure  you 
outlined,  bringing  the  men  up  and  saying  "We  will  look  at  them  and 
find  out  whether  they  are  nice-looking  people." 

Senator  Tydixgs.  We  will  talce  that  up  later  and  bring  the  witnesses 
up  at  an  appropriate  time.  I  do  not  think  we  need  any  further  ex- 
planation. I  think  we  have  to  get  on  with  the  evidence,  or  we  will  be 
here  after  the  next  election. 

I  might  say  some  of  us  are  hopeful  that  that  will  be  a  prophecy. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Where  was  I,  Mr.  Reporter? 

( The  record  Avas  read  by  the  reporter.) 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  objected  to  bringing  the  men  up  and  saying 
that  they  are  nice-looking  people,  and  finding  out  whether 

Senator  Tydixgs.  You  have  said  that  before. 

Senator  ]McCarthy.  Let  me  finish,  ]\Ir.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  It  takes  you  so  long,  you  make  so  many  speeches 
in  the  course  of  giving  the  testimony,  the  chairman  does  not  want  to 
cut  you  off.  but  we  have  had  so  many  speeches  rather  than  evidence, 
that  we  are  getting  along  at  a  snail's  pace. 

.  Senator  McCarthy.  I  hope  the  Chair  is  not  intimating  that  this 
is  being  delaved  bv  the  witness. 

Senator  Typings.  I  think  the  witness  will  have  to  share  at  least  part 
of  the  blame. 

Senator  Green.  If  the  witness  could  learn  there  were  two  words  in 
the  English  language,  "yes"  and  "no,"  he  might  use  them  more  fre- 
quently and  it  would  be  very  helpful. 

Senator  McCarthy.  As  I  started  to  say,  so  that  we  may  know 
whether  or  not  it  means  anything  when  it  is  said  that  a  certain  individ- 
ual "has  been  cleared  by  the  loyalty  board,"  I  do  think  they  should  be 
brought  up  at  the  earliest  moment,  but  only  when  the  files  in  the 
specific  cases  are  available. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  in  the  record  three  times  now. 

We  will  ^o  on  with  the  testimony. 

Senator  McCarthy.  With  the  Chair's  permission,  I  shall  proceed 
in  my  own'f  ashion,  as  best  I  can. 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  believe,  before  the  committee  started  the 
discussion,  I  had  said  the  next  case  which  I  shall  present  to  the  com- 
mittee is  infinitely  worse  than  this  one,  but  the  loyalty  board  still 
placed  its  stamp  of  approval  on  him. 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  moment,  please. 

Did  I  understand  that  you  were  going  to  put  the  supporting  testi- 
mony in  on  case  No.  1  before  you  took  up  case  No.  2 ;  and,  did  not  you 
say  that  would  be  a  good  thing  to  do  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  told  that  to  the  chairman  several  times. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  mean,  you  do  not  have  it  now  but  you  will  put 
it  in  later? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  putting  it  in,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  thought  you  were  on  case  No.  2. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Wait  a  minute,  will  you  I 


Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  get  it  straight. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  did  not r 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  minute ;  are  you  on  case  No.  1  or  case  No.  2 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  intend  to  put  in  the  docmnents  on  case  No.  1 
before  we  touch  case  No.  2,  and  put  them  in  on  case  No.  2  before  we 
go  to  case  No.  3. 

May  I  finish  my  statement? 

Senator  Tydings.  Yes. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  this  very  day  the  President  has  a  re- 
sponsibility to  call  this  loyalty  board  before  him  and  find  out  why 
the  individual  I  named  yesterday  was  declared  loyal.  It  is  his  duty 
to  find  out  why  this  loyalty  board  declared  her  loyal — without  even 
questioning  her — when  they  had  a  report  from  the  FBI  showing  that 
she  belonged  to  considerably  more  than  28  Communist-front  organi- 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  not  testimony  in  this  case  at  all,  it  is 
nothing  but  an  opinion  of  wliat  the  President  of  the  United  States 
ought  to  do.  Let's  get  on  with  the  evidence.  I  am  tired  of  having 
these  speeches  of  what  the  President  ought  to  do.  Let  us  see  what 
we  ought  to  do,  which  is  get  into  this  evidence. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Chair  has  the  right  to  order  stricken  any 
testimony  I  give,  and  I  am  making  a  statement  I  think  is  important. 
It  is  difticult,  with  the  constant  repeated  interruptions  and  hecklii^ 
by  the  Chair 

Senator  Tydings.  We  are  here  to  hear  evidence  of  disloyalty  of 
employees  in  the  State  Dej^artment.  We  are  not  here  to  hear  what 
the  President  of  the  United  States  ought  to  do.  That  is  something 
we  can  debate  in  another  place,  and  I  would  thank  the  witness  to  con- 
fine himself  to  the  matter  under  investigation. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  believe  I  was  up  to  page  4, 
yesterday,  and,  I  think,  to  exhibit  5. 

Let  us  now  consider  exhibit  5.  The  committee  will  note  that  on 
January  18,  1935,  over  15  years  ago,  Judge  Kenyon  was  a  sponsor  of 
the  Political  Prisoners  Bail  Fund  Committee. 

This  outfit  had  its  headquarters  in  room  1200,  at  154  Nassau  Street, 
in  New  York. 

The  Political  Prisoners  Bail  Fund  Committee  was  a  subsidiary  of 
the  International  Labor  Defense,  which  has  been  cited  as  subversive 
by  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  the  California 
Un-American  Activities  Committee,  and  the  Attorney  General. 

This  exhibit,  wliich  I  now  hand  to  the  chairman,  employing  the 
well-known  jargon  of  the  Communist  Party 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  moment.  The  matter  will  be  inserted  in 
the  record  in  full. 

Senator  McCarthy  (continuing).  Sets  forth  the  noble  purpose  of  a 
common  bail  fund  for  those  arrested  in  the  struggle  of  the  working 
class,  for  the  rights  of  oppressed  minorities,  in  the  fight  against  war 
and  fascism. 

The  Chairman  of  the  Political  Prisoners  Bail  Fund  Committee  was 
Paul  P.  Crosbie,  the  recently  deceased  leader  of  the  Communist  Party 
in  Queens  County,  New  York. 


Recently  in  the  Federal  court  in  New  York,  11  men  were  convicted 
of  conspiracy  to  overthrow  our  Government.  Among  them  was  Ben- 
jamin J.  Davis,  Jr.  Benjamin  J.  Davis,  Jr.,  was  one  of  the  trustees 
of  the  committee  under  discussion. 

Other  ''great"  Americans  on  this  melancholy  and  malodorous  aggre- 
gation were  Corliss  Lamont,  Carol  Weiss  King,  and  Charles  Krum- 
bein,  who  was  the  late  treasurer  &f  the  Communist  Party  of  the 
United  States. 

Again  we  find  the  lady  in  familiar  company. 

Now,  if  I  may,  I  would  like  to  discuss  exhibit  6,  which  I  now  hand 
to  the  committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  of  course  all  the  names  will 
be  printed  into  the  record,  and  the  names  are  very  numerous.  You 
always  read,  as  I  recall,  a  few  of  the  names. 

It  would  be  very  helpful,  I  am  sure,  to  the  press,  if  we  could  find 
the  medium  of  letting  the  press  have  all  the  names  on  these  exhibits, 
rather  than  just  a  few  of  them. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  would  suggest  we  make  all  of  the  exhibits 
available  to  the  press. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  will  state  to  the  press  now,  that  it  is  going  to 
take  a  long  while  to  number  them  and  go  through  a  list  like  that,  if  you 
want  to  see  it,  because  there  is  probably  on  this  list  two  or  three  hun- 
dred names,  and  I  want  to  accommodate  the  press  but  I  am  a  little  at 
odds  as  to  how  we  can  give  you  all  these  names,  unless  the  time  is  taken 
to  read  them.     It  will  take  quite  a  little  while. 

I  think  the  fair  way  to  do  it  would  be  to  present  the  evidence,  if  a^ou 
allow  me  to  suggest  it,  I  have  no  desire  to  alter  your  testimony,  but 
present  the  thing  without  comment  in  part  of  names,  unless  you  put  all 
the  names  in  so  that  the  document  may  have  the  full  comiotation  before 
the  people  of  the  country.  * 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  thank  the  Chair  for  its  suggestion.  May  I 
say  this 

Senator  Tydings.  I  hope  the  Senator  will  comply  with  it.  I  think  it 
is  in  the  interest  of  fairness  and  would  not  detract  from  anything  he 
has  to  say. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  thank  the  Chair  for  his  suggestion,  and  it  is 
entirely  possible  the  Chair  might  present  the  evidence  in  a  different 
fashion  than  I  do,  perhaps  in  a  better  fashion,  I  don't  know.  I  think 
it  is  important  to  show  the  well-known  Communist  names  that  appear 
quite  all  the  way  through  this  case.  There  are  individuals  who — may 
1  say  that  the  purpose  of  a  front  organization 

Senator  Tydings.  Rather  than  argue,  proceed  in  your  own  way. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  what  I  am  doing  now,  Mr.  Chairman. 

There  are  individuals  who  are  fine  Americans  who  have  been  in- 
duced to  put  their  names  on  a  few  of  these  documents,  but  I  think 
it  is  important  to  show  the  company  these  individuals  have  kept  all 
the  way,  and  particularly  the  company  this  individual  has  kept  all 
the  way  through  the  picture. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  like  to  tell  the  press  that  the  date  of  the 
last  exhibit,  or  the  next  to  the  last  exhibit — what  was  that  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  was  January  8,  1935.    I  read  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  And  the  date  of  the  present  exhibit,  is — New 
York  Times  of  October  9, 1944. 


Senator  McCarthy.  The  Chair  will  note  that  these  exhibits  are 
dated  all  the  way  from  1935  up  to  the  present  date. 

It  will  be  noted  that  exhibit  6  is  a  paid  political  advertisement 
inserted  in  the  New  York  Times  of  October  U,  1944,  on  page  12. 

Morris  U.  Schappes  is  a  man  who  was  convicted  in  the  State  court 
of  New  York  for  perjury.  This  is  the  organization  which  was  formed 
to  defend  him,  this  organization  .called  the  Schappes  Defense  Com- 
mittee, with  headquarters  at  12  Astor  Place.  I  was  sponsored  by 
Judge  Kenyon. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  You  mean  she  was  one  of  the  sponsors,  do  you 

Senator  McCarthy.  One  of  the  sponsors. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  do  not  want  to  leave  the  impression  that  she 
was  the  motivating  influence. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  know  who  the  motivating  influence 
was,  Senator. 

Judge  Kenyon  was  a  sponsor  of  this  organization.  But  lest  there 
be  any  doubt  of  the  Communist  character  of  this  group,  let  me 
quote  from  a  report  of  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee, 
which  said  on  page  1555,  of  appendix  9 : 

Morris  U.  Schappes  admitted  in  sworn  testimony  before  the  Rapp-Coudert 
committee  that  he  joined  the  Communist  Party  in  the  summer  of  1934.  He 
further  admitted  tliat  he  was  a  memher  of  the  Communist  Party's  educational 
commission.  He  told  the  Rapp-Condert  committee  that  he  used  the  name  Alan 
Horton  in  tlie  Communist  Party,  and  that  under  tliat  alias  he  had  delivered  the 
report  of  the  educational  commission  at  the  tentli  convention  of  the  Com- 
munist Party  in  1938. 

Schappes  was  on  the  teaching  staff  of  the  College  of  the  City  of  New  York 
for  a  period  of  13  years.  In  1936  his  superior  on  the  college  faculty  refused 
to  recommend  him  for  reappointment.  This  action  led  to  prolonged  agitation 
by  the  Communist  Party  and  its  front  organizations  on  behalf  of  Schappes. 
The  following  organizations  •participated  in  this  agitation:  The  Communist 
Party,  the  Young  Communist  League,  the  American  Student  Union,  the  League 
of  American  Writers,  the  American  League  Against  War  and  Fascism,  and 
the  International  Worliers  Order. 

In  1937  the  borough  president  of  the  New  York  County  in  the  city 
of  New  York,  Mr.  Stanley  M.  Isaacs,  appointed  as  an  assistant  on 
his  staff  a  reporter  for  the  Communist  Daily  Worker  named  Simon 
W.  Gerson. 

Almost  immediately,  the  patriotic  citizens  of  New  York,  led  by 
the  American  Legion  and  other  equally  reputable  organizations, 
entered  a  vigorous  protest  on  the  naming  of  an  avowed  Communist 
to  a  responsible  city  position. 

The  Daily  Worker  wrote  a  letter,  ranting  and  screaming  against 
this  "witch-hunting  campaign"  and  "injustice,"  and  launched  a  vio- 
lent and  intemperate  tirade  against  any  and  all  who  felt  that  the  city 
might  better  be  served  by  a  100  percent  American. 

They  sought  the  aid  of  fellow  Communists,  fellow  travelers,  suckers, 
and  just  plain  dopes.  The  latter  two  categories  are  found  frequently 
in  the  Communist  manifestos,  but  they  do  not  remain  long. 

The  test  of  a  real  Red,  Fascist,  or  fellow  traveler  is  a  constant  adher- 
ence to  the  rapidly  shifting  Communist  Party  line  over  a  long  period 
of  years.  Here  again  we  have  this  prominent  State  Department 
official.  Judge  Kenyon,  crying  aloud  in  her  anguish  for  a  fellow 
red,  and  I  call  anyone  who  gets  $12,000  a  year  of  the  people's  money, 
very  prominent. 


Senator  Greex.  May  I  ask  a  question?  That  $12,000  a  year  is  a 
little  misleadiiiu'.     Did  she  get  $12,000  a  year? 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  Senator,  the  information  I  aave  the  rommit- 
tee  is  from  the  Federal  Ke«:ister.  Tliat,  I  believe,  shows  she  received 
$12,000  a  year.  I  understand  the  State  Department  said  last  night 
that  this  woman  was  not  receiving  payment  for  the  full  year,  that  slie 
only  received  payment  for  the  time  she  worked,  at  the  rate  of  $12,000 
a  year.  I  believe  they  announced  that  she  only  worked  officially  at 
the  job  a  number  of  weeks. 

Senator  Grekn.  Thank  you.  That  was  the  rate  at  which  she  was 
paid  'i 

Senator  IMcCarthy.  That  is  right.  That  is  a  fairly  important  per- 
son, who  gets  paid  at  the  rate  of  $12,000  a  year  and,  I  assume,  expenses. 

But  this  exhibit  7  is  equally  interesting  in  that  Miss  Kenyon  is 
named  as  representing  the  Consumers'  Union. 

Consumers'  Union  is  an  admittedly,  out-and-out  Communist-domi- 
nated and  owned  organization.  It  has  fronted  for  the  party  since 
its  inception  in  1935  and  is  headed  by  Arthur  Kallet,  whose  Com- 
munist Party  alias  is  Arthur  Adams. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  the  document  but  it  is  a  bad  job  of  photo- 
stating, so  I  have  gotten  the  complete  page  of  the  Daily  Worker 
which  contains  this  particular  document,  and  I  wall  give  you  both  as 
exhibit  7,  the  document  and  the  much  more  readable  Daily  Worker 

Senator  Ttdings.  If  the  Senator  will  hesitate  in  his  testimony  a 
moment,  we  can  look  over  this. 

A^liich  part  is  it  (     May  I  ask  the  Senator  which  part  it  is  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  starts  down 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  see,  down  at  the  bottom,  is  that  it? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  right. 

Senator  Tydings.  For  the  purpose  of  identification,  these  are  al- 
legedly, and  I  suppose  accurately,  photostats  of  two  pages  of  the 
Daily  Worker,  in  which  appears  a  news  article  of  February  10,  1938 — 
it  appears  to  be  a  news  article  under  the  heading  "Leading  citizens 
laud  Isaacs'  stand  on  Gerson,"  and  it  is  continued  over  to  page  4  of  the 
same  paper  under  the  heading  of  "47  leading  citizens  denounce  witch 
hunt  on  Gerson's  appointment." 

This  is  a  newspaper  article  in  the  Daily  Worker. 

Senator  McCarthy,  might  I  ask  you  how  much  longer  it  would  take 
you  to  put  in  the  exhibits  you  have  to  support  the  statements  you 
made  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  all  depends,  Mr.  Chairman,  on  how^  much 
time  the  committee  takes  in  examining  the  exhibits.  I  might  say,  if 
I  am  not  interrupted  at  all,  it  would  take  about  10  minutes  to  put 
them  in. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  will  ask  the  committee  not  to  interrupt.  Let 
him  now  proceed. 

I  will  ask  the  Senator  if  he  won't  try  to  conclude  in  10  minutes.  I 
have  a  very  important  matter  to  lay  before  the  committee,  and  the 
Senate,  immediately. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Good — very  good. 

Here  again  we  have  Miss  Kenyon  associated  with  such  well-known 
Communists  as  Harry  F.  Ward,  Louis  Weinstock  and  Irving  Potash, 
who  is  1  of  the  11  convicted  Communist  conspirators. 


One  of  the  most  notorious  Communist- front  orc^anizations  is  the 
League  of  Women  Shoppers.  Two  months  ago,  the  League  of  Women 
Shoppers  merged  with  the  Congress  of  American  Women. 

The  Congress  of  American  Women  has  been  cited  as  subversive  by 
the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  the  House  Committee  on 
Un-American  Activities  and  the  California  Committee  on  Un-Ameri- 
can Activities.  There  is  no  question  whatsoever  of  its  Communist 
domination,  background,  and  purposes. 

I  submit  to  the  committee  exhibit  8  which  lists  the  directors  and 
sponsors  of  this  organization,  and  it  will  be  noted  that  we  again  have 
Miss  Dorothy  Kenyon  in  the  company  of  such  well-loiown  pro-Com- 
munists as  Helen  Seldes  and  Josephine  Herbst,  who  was  tired  from 
the  OSS  by  Gen.  William  Donovan  because  of  her  Communist 

Senator  Tydings.  Give  the  date  of  this  exhibit.  It  is  not  on  here 
that  I  can  find.  If  you  gave  it,  it's  all  right,  but  I  thought  you  might 
have  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chaiiman,  I  do  not  know  whether  I  have 
given  you  the  elate  or  not. 

Senator  Tydings.  Where  does  it  come  from  ^  There  is  no  identifica- 
tion. [ 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  is  on  the  letterhead  of  the  League  of  Women 
Shoppers,  70  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  and  it  contains  a  list  of  direc- 
tors and  sponsors.    That  is  what  this  is,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  TydinCxS.  All  right. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  message  in  this  particular  document  has 
been  blacked  out. 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  ahead. 

Senator  Green.  May  I  ask  about  that  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  won't  be  able  to  conclude  in  10  minutes,  if 
you  interrupt. 

Senator  Green.  I  notice  the  date  is  blacked  out.  Have  you  the 
original  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  not. 

Senator  Green.  You  have  not  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  not. 

Senator  Green.  Can  you  get  it  so  that  you  can  insert  the  date  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  If  I  cannot,  I  am  sure  the  staff  can  get  a  letter- 
head from  the  League  of  Women  Shoppers. 

Senator  Green.  That  is  not  the  job  of  the  Committee 

Senator  McCarthy.  JSIay  I  proceed  to  try  to  finish,  Mr.  Chairman, 
in  the  requested  10  minutes'? 

As  an  indication  of  the  far-reaching  power  and  influence  of  this 
Communist-front  organization,  the  committee  might  be  concerned  to 
know  that  Mrs.  Dean  Acheson,  the  wife  of  the  Secretarj^  of  State,  is 
listed  on  page  1023  of  appendix  9  of  the  records  of  the  House  Com- 
mittee on  Un-American  Activities  as  a  sponsor  of  its  Washington 
branch.  There  is  no  length  to  which  these  purveyors  of  treason  will 
not  go  to  bring  into  their  fold  the  names  of  unsuspecting  and  mis- 
guided men  and  women  wlio  are  intluenced  by  a  glib  stoiy  of  social  or 
economic  improvement  and  thus  lend  prestige  to  a  sordid  and  dissolute 

Mrs.  Acheson  appears  once  on  tlie  roster  of  these  subversive  organi- 
zations and  Miss  Kenyon  more  than  a  scoi'e  of  times. 


Mr.  Chairman,  this  indicates  that  it  is  easy  to  get  some  fine  indi- 
vidual's name  connected  with  isolated  Communist-front  organiza- 
tions, but  that  circumstance  is  not  the  same  when  yon  find  the  same 
names  through  a  group  of  28. 

I  have  now  given  the  committee  a  partial  report  on  the  activities  of 
this  ofticial  of  the  State  Department.  We  find  Judge  Kenyon  as 
s]")onsor  of  the  American  Committee  for  Anti-Nazi  Litertaure  in 
March  19o9  on  exhibit  9.  Governmental  agencies  liave  cited  this 
organization  as  a  Communist  front. 

Exhibit  9,  and  let  me  make  it  clear  that  when  I  cite  Mrs.  Acheson, 
I  do  that  to  show  how  successfid  they  have  been  in  their  attempts  to 
get  tine  people  on  their  lists. 

Senator  Ttdixgs.  You  said  that  before. 

Senator  INIcCarthy.  Again  in  January'  of  194:0  we  find  Miss  Kenyon 
as  a  signer  of  a  petition  under  the  auspices  of  the  American  Com- 
mittee for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom,  an  organization  cited 
as  subversive  by  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities 
and  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities.  I  hand 
you  exhibit  10  . 

Senator  Green.  Have  you  the  date  of  that  previous  exhibit? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  said  in  January  of  1940. 

Senator  Green.  The  date  they  were  declared  subversive? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes,  we  have  complete  dates  compiled  by  the 
House  Un-American  Activities  Committee.  I  will  be  glad  to  give  that 
to  the  committee. 

I  might  say  that  the  date  they  were  declared  subversive,  in  my  opin- 
ion, is  not  significant  where  we  are  dealing  with  a  person  who  belongs 
to  25  or  30  of  them. 

Senator  Tydings.  But.  you  will  put  them  in  the  record? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes,  I  will  put  them  in  the  record. 

1  think  that  is  significant,  when  we  find  the  same  people  connected 
with  them,  and  that  information  will  be  available,  I  will  state  that 
to  you,  Mr.  Chairman,  later  on. 

Senator  Tydings.  Thank  3^ou. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Exhibit  11  again  shows  Judge  Kenyon  on  the 
Advisory  Committee  of  the  Citizens  Committee  to  Aid  Striking  Sea- 
men, which  has  been  cited  as  subversive  by  Government  agencies. 

Exhibit  12  again  shows  Miss  Kenyon  as  a  member  of  the  advisory 
board  of  Film  Audiences  for  Democracy,  an  organization  which  has 
been  cited  as  subversive  by  governmental  agencies. 

Exhibit  13  lists  the  officers  and  advisory  board  of  Films  for  Demo- 
cracy, an  organization  cited  as  subversive  by  the  governmental  agen- 
cies. Again  we  have  Dorothy  Kenyon  as  a  member  of  the  advisory 

The  next  exhibit  14,  shows  Miss  Kenyon  as  a  sponsor  of  the  Greater 
New  York  Emergency  Conference  on  Inalienable  Rights,  an  organi- 
zation cited  as  subversive  by  governmental  agencies. 

I  will  hand  the  entire  list  to  the  Chair. 

Senator  Tydings.  What  is  this  list  a  ])art  of,  this  13  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  May  I  hand  the  Chair  the  entire  list  so  he 
can  follow  me. 

Senator  TvniNos.  So  that  we  won't  get  the  papers  mixed. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  was  referring  to  exhibit  1  [  now. 

68970—50 — pt.  1 6 


Senator  Tydings.  Would  it  be  agreeable  to  you  to  put  the  testimony 
that  you  are  about  to  read  in  conclusion 

Senator  McCarthy,  Just  one  paragraph  and  I  will  be  through. 

In  the  New  York  Times  of  Tuesday,  January  31,  1939,  appeared 
an  advertisement  under  the  auspices  of  the  Washington  Committee 
to  Lift  the  Spanish  Embargo.  The  committee  will  note  that  this 
exhibit  15  names  Miss  Dorothy  Kenyon  as  an  "eminent  American" 
who  ardently  supported  the  Communist  cause  in  Spain. 

Exhibit  16  shows  Miss  Kenyon  as  a  sponsor  of  the  Lawyers  Commit- 
tee on  American  Relations  with  Spain,  another  organization  listed 
as  subversive  by  govermnental  agencies. 

I  could  continue  to  give  this  type  of  evidence  for  some  time,  but  it 
appears  to  me  that  the  pro-Communist  background  of  this  official  of 
the  State  Department  has  been  abundantly  and  conclusively  estab- 

Exhibt  17  which  lists  Miss  Kenyon  as  a  member  of  the  advisory 
board  of  the  Milk  Consumers  Protective  Committee  is  merely  another 
Communist  front,  cited  by  a  governmental  agency  as  subversive. 

I  suggest  to  the  committee  in  concluding  my  remarks  on  Miss  Ken- 
yon, that  by  the  findings  of  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States 
and  other  responsible  governmental  agencies,  she  does  not  conform 
by  any  stretch  of  the  imagination  to  the  yardstick  of  loyalty  set  forth 
by  Secretary  of  State  Acheson. 

Senator  Tydings.  Thank  you.  Senator  McCarthy;  and,  I  would 
like  to  read  the  committee  now  a  telegram  that  I  have  just  received, 
and  ask  the  committee's  advice  on  what  we  should  do  about  it : 

I  will  welcome  an  opportunity  to  appear  before  the  committee  at  its  earliest 
convenience  to  attack  Senator  McCarthy's  outrai;eous  and  maliciously  false 
charges  against  me.    Judge  Kenyon. 

What  does  the  committee  desire  to  do  about  this  ? 

Senator  Green,  I  think  the  committee  should  meet  in  executive 

Senator  Tydings.  Without  objection,  the  hearing  will  be  recessed, 
subject  to  the  call  of  the  Chair. 

This  may  be  tomorrow  morning,  it  may  be  Monday.  I  camiot  tell 
you  accurately,  but  will  let  you  know  later  today. 

Please  clear  tlie  room  promptly  as  some  of  the  Senators  have  en- 
gagements, and  I  am  anxious  to  dispose  of  this  matter. 

(Whereupon,  at  12 :  50  p.  m.,  the  subcommittee  stood  in  recess,  sub- 
ject to  call  of  the  Chair.) 


MONDAY,   MARCH   13,    1950 

United  States  Senate, 
committp^e  on  foreign  rei^vnons, 
Subcommittee  Appointed  Under  Senate  Resolution  231, 

Washington.,  D.  G . 

The  subcoinittee  met,  pursuant  to  adjournment  on  March  9,  1950, 
at  10:oO  a.  m.  in  room  318,  Senate  Office  Building,  Senator  Millard 
E.  Tydings,  chairman  of  the  subcommittee,  presiding. 

Present:  Senators  Tydings,  Green,  McMahon,  Hickenlooper,  and 

Also  present :  Senators  Connally  (chairman  of  the  full  committee) , 
and  McCarthy. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

The  witness  will  proceed  with  his  testimony. 


Senator  McCarthy.  ]Mr.  Chairman,  I  brought  along  with  me  a  book 
put  out  by  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities.  This  contains 
the  listing  which  the  Chair  asked  for  the  other  day. 

Senator  Tydings.  Good. 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  indicates  the  date  the  various  fro^it  organi- 
zations have  been  declared  subversive,  or  fronts. 

Now,  I  cannot  give  this  to  the  chairman,  but  I  will  loan  it  to  him. 
1  will  need  it  every  night  when  I  prepare  for  the  next  day. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  us  look  at  it  for  a  moment. 

Senator  McCarthy.  You  may  use  it  during  the  day. 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  right  ahead,  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say,  in  giving  that  to  the  Chair,  that 
I  do  not  think  that  the  indication  that  certain  front  organizations  have 
been  declared  subversive  is  important  insofar  as  some  of  the  more  in- 
telligent people  belonging  to  them  are  concerned.  I  think  it  is  more 
important  wlien  we  speak  of  the  naive  people,  or  the  dupes  who  may 
be  fooled. 

The  next  case  is  that  of  one  Haldore  Hanson. 

Senator  Tydings,  Will  you  s})eli  that,  please? 

Senator  McCarthy.  II-a-1-d-o-r-e  H-a-n-s-o-n. 

I  will  have  a  copy  of  this  for  the  press  in  about  3  minutes,  and  for 
the  members  of  the  committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  right  ahead. 



Senator  McCarthy.  This  man,  Mr.  Chairman,  occnpies  one  of  the 
most  strategically  important  offices  in  the  entire  State  Department. 

The  indications  are  that  he  joined  the  Department  of  State  in  Febru- 
ary 1942,  and  is  recognized  in  the  Department  as  a  specialist  and  ex- 
pert on  Chinese  affairs. 

Hanson,  now  executive  director  of  the  Secretariat  of  the  Inter- 
Departmental  Committee  on  Scientific  and  Cultural  Cooperation,  will 
head  up  a  technical  cooperation  projects  staff  of  the  new  point  4  pro- 
gram for  aid  to  underdeveloped  areas,  which  will  have  charge  of  the 
expenditures  of  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  of  our  taxpayers' 
money  over  all  the  world. 

For  the  source  of  this,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  from  the  as-yet-unpub- 
lished Department  of  State  departmental  announcement  41,  dated 
February  21,  1950;  and,  if  the  Chair  will  just  wait,  I  will  be  using 
this  myself  later,  and  I  will  hand  it  to  him. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  pro-Communist  proclivities  of  Mr.  Hanson 
go  back  to  September  1938,  that  is,  insofar  as  I  have  records  of  them. 

Hanson  was  a  contributor  to  Pacific  Affairs,  the  official  publication 
of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  whose  staff  was  headed  by  mil- 
lionaire Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  an  admitted  Communist.  Inci- 
dentally, the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  was  listed  as  a  Communist- 
front  organization  by  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  and  the  date  will  be  shown  in  the  book  I  have  handed  to 
the  Chair. 

However,  I  do  not  think  these  dates  are  important,  insofar  as  this 
man  is  concerned.  This  is  not  a  dupe.  Here  is  one  of  the  cleverest, 
one  of  the  smoothest  men  we  have  in  the  State  Department. 

This  man  Field  has  devoted  his  entire  fortune  to  the  Communist 

It  is  important  to  keep  in  mind  that  Mr.  Hanson  also  wrote  for  the 
magazine  Amerasia,  of  which  Philip  Jacob  Jaffe  was  managing  editor. 

Jaffe  was  arrested,  indicted,  and  found  guilty  of  having  been  in 
illegal  possession  of  several  hundred  secret  documents  from  the  State, 
Navy,  War,  and  other  Government  department  files. 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  now  have  before  me  a  document  entitled  "Depart- 
ment of  State  Departmental  Announcement  41."  I  believe  I  have 
already  given  the  date  as  February  21,  1950.  The  heading  is  "Estab- 
lishment of  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical  Cooperation  and  Develop- 
ment." Then,  in  parenthesis,  by  way  of  explanation  of  this  rather 
high-sounding  name,  we  find  "Point  4  Program." 

The  first  paragraph  of  the  order  reads  as  follows : 

One.  Effective  immediately  tliere  is  established  under  the  direction  of  the 
Assistant  Secretary  for  Economic  Affairs  of  the  Interim  Office  for  Technical 
Cooperation  and  Development  (TCD). 

The  initials  of  that  will  be  "TCD"  according  to  this  announcement. 

Turning  over  to  page  4,  Mr.  Chairman,  we  have  listed  as  the  Chief 
of  this  technical  cooperations  project  staff,  this  man  Haldore  Hanson. 
His  phone  extension  is  3011,  and  5012,  in  the  State  Department. 

Paragraph  2  on  page  1  sets  forth  the  following  responsibilities  of 
Mr.  Hanson's  division.    I  will  read  this.    I  think  it  is  important  to 


the  committee,  as  you  hear  the  balance  of  the  evidence  in  regard  to 
this  man : 

Tlie  Interim  Office  is  assigned  srenei-al  resjionsibility  within  tlie  Department 
for  («)  seciirins  effective  administration  of  proiirams  involving?  teclmical  assist- 
ance to  economically  nudeveloped  areas  and  (h)  directing  the  planning  in  prep- 
aration for  tlie  technical  cooperation  and  economic  development  (point  4)  pro- 
gram. In  carrying  out  its  responsibilities  the  Interim  Office  will  rely  upon  the 
regional  bureaus.  Bureau  of  Ignited  Nations  Affairs,  and  other  components  of 
Economic  Atfairs  area  for  participation  in  the  technical  assistance  programs  as 
specified  l>elow,  and  upon  the  central  administrative  offices  of  the  administrative 
area  for  the  [lerformance  of  service  functions. 

Mr.  Chairman,  before  this  is  handed  out  to  the  press,  I  would  like 
to  ask  that  the  entire  document  be  considered  as  accepted  in  evidence. 

Senator  Tydings.  Mark  it  as  an  exhibit,  Senator. 

This  is  a  new  case,  and  you  might  give  the  initials  of  the  subject 
of  it,  and  then  put  after  it,  a  letter  in  sequence,  so  we  can  have  them 
in  order. 

In  this  case  it  will  be  "18." 

Senator  McCarthy.  Very  good,  sir ;  and  also  "19,"  the  departmental 
announcement  No.  41. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right. 

Senator  ]McCartiiy.  I  will  hand  that  to  you  in  just  a  moment. 

Senator  Tydings.  Keep  it  as  long  as  you  want  it,  but  when  you  have 
finished  it,  pass  it  to  us,  so  we  can  see  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Thank  you  very  much. 

From  this  it  would  appear  that  his  division  will  have  a  tremendous 
amount  of  power  and  control  over  the  hundreds  of  millions  or  billions 
of  dollars  which  the  President  proposed  to  spend  under  his  point  4 
program,  or  what  he  has  referred  to  as  the  "bold  new  plan." 

Hanson's  appointment  is  not  made  by  the  President,  but  by  the 
State  Department,  and  is  not  subject  to  any  Senate  confirmation. 
Therefore,  it  would  seem  rather  important  to  examine  the  background 
and  philosophy  of  this  young  man. 

The  State  Department  Biographical  Eegister  gives  what  would,  on 
its  face,  seem  to  be  a  chronological  story  of  an  increasingly  successful 
young  man.  It  shows,  for  example,  that  he  graduated  from  college 
in  1934  at  the  age  of  22 ;  that  he  was  a  teacher  in  Chinese  colleges  from 
1934  to  1937;  and  then  a  press  correspondent  in  China  from  1936  to 
1939;  a  staff  writer  from  1938  to  1942;  then  in  1942,  he  got  a  job  in 
the  State  Department  at  $4,600  a  year ;  that  in  1944,  he  was  listed  as  a 
specialist  in  Chinese  affairs  at  $5,600 — and  I  ask  the  committee  to  keep 
in  mind  that  this  young  man  got  his  listing  as  a  specialist  in  Chinese 
affairs  in  1944;  that  in  1945  he  was  made  executive  assistant  to  the 
Assistant  Secretary  of  State  at  $6,500;  that  in  May  of  1948  he  was 
made  Assistant  Chief  of  the  Area  Division  No.  3;  that  on  June  28, 
1948,  he  was  made  Acting  Chief  for  the  Far  Eastern  Area,  Public 
Affairs  Overseas  Program  Staff' — another  date  I  ask  the  committee  to 
keep  in  mind ;  and  that  on  November  14,  1948,  he  was  made  executive 
director  of  the  Secretariat  of  the  Interdepartmental  Committee  on 
Scientific  and  Cultural  Relations.  There  is  certainly  nothing  unusual 
about  this  biography.  Nothing  is  there  to  indicate  that  this  man 
might  be  dangerous  in  the  State  Department  as  Chief  for  the  Far 
Eastern  Area  Public  Affairs,  Overseas  Program  Staff,  during  a  time 
M'hen  the  Communists  were  taking  over  China. 


However,  much  is  left  out  of  this  biograpli}'.  It  does  not  show,  for 
example,  that  this  young  man  was  rumiing  a  Communist  magazine 
in  Peiping  when  the  Japanese-Chinese  war  broke  out. 

May  I  repeat,  it  does  not  show  that  this  young  man  was  running 
the  Communist  magazine  in  Peiping  when  the  Japanese-Chinese  war 
broke  out.  It  does  not  show,  for  example,  that  he  spent  several  years 
with  the  Communist  armies  in  China,  writing  stories  and  taking  pic- 
tures which  the  Chinese  Communists  helped  him  smuggle  out  of  the 
country.  I  will  show  later  where  the  Chinese  generals  did  the 
smuggling  for  him.  Nor  does  this  biography  show  that  this  man, 
after  his  return  from  China,  wrote  a  book — a  book  which  sets  forth 
his  pro-Communist  answer  to  the  problems  of  Asia  as  clearly  as  Hit- 
ler's Mein  Kampf  set  forth  his  solutions  for  the  problems  of  Europe. 

Nothing  that  he  has  said  or  done  since  would  indicate  that  he  re- 
pudiates a  single  line  of  that  book. 

Incidentally,  in  connection  with  that,  I  would  like  to  point  out  that 
this  is  not  a  secret  to  the  State  Department.  As  early  as  1947,  Con- 
gressman Busbey  read  some  ver\'  brief  excerpts  from  that  book  on 
the  House  floor.  That  was  called  to  Mr.  Hanson's  attention  at  that 
time  and  he  did  not  repudiate  any  statement  I  vShall  read  to  you  from 
that  book. 

This  man  clearly  believes  that  the  Communists  in  China  stand  for 
everything  that  is  great  and  good.  His  is  not  the  picture  of  a  mer- 
cenary trying  to  sell  his  country  out  for  30  pieces  of  silver.  In  read- 
ing his  book,  you  are  impressed  with  the  fact  that  he  firmly  believes 
the  Communist  leaders  in  China  are  great  and  good  men,  and  that 
all  of  Asia  Avould  benefit  by  being  communized. 

In  other  words,  we  are  not  dealing  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  with  the 
usual  cheap  Communist  who  is  selling  out  for  a  price.  Here  is  a  man 
who,  apparently  from  his  book,  is  completely  sincere  that  communism 
is  the  answer. 

Take,  for  example,  what  lie  has  to  say  about  Mao  Tse-tung,  the 
head  of  the  Communist  Party  at  that  time,  and  noAv  the  Communist 
ruler  of  China,  and  Chu  Teh,  commander  in.  chief  of  the  Eighth 
Route  Communist  Army,  and  according  to  Life  magazine  of  January 
23,  1950,  No.  2  man  in  prestige  to  Mao  Tse-tung. 

In  chapter  23,  entitled  "Political  Utopia  on  Mt.  Wut'Ai,"  in  de- 
scribing a  meeting  with  an  American  Major  Carlson,  here  is  what 
he  had  to  say : 

We  stayed  up  till  midnight  exchanging  notes  on  gueiTilla  armies,  the  farm 
unions,  and  the  progress  of  the  war.  I  was  particularly  interested  in  the  Com- 
munist leaders  whom  Carlson  had  just  visited  and  whom  I  was  about  to  meet. 
Mao  Tse-tung,  the  head  of  the  Communist  Party,  Carlson  characterized  as  "the 
most  selfless  man  I  ever  met,  a  social  dreamer,  a  genius  living  50  years  ahead 
of  his  time."  And  Chu  Teh,  commander  in  chief  of  the  Eighth  Route  Army, 
was  the  "prince  of  generals," — listen  to  this,  if  you  will — "a  man  with  the 
humility  of  Lincoln,  the  tenacity  of  Grant,  and  the  kindliness  of  Robert  E.  L'^e." 

As  we  go  on  in  the  book,  we  find  that  after  Mr.  Hanson  spent 
some  time  with  these  generals,  his  hero  worship  was  even  greater. 

Mr.  Chairman,  for  a  man  slated  as  Cliief  of  the  Buit au  which  may 
have  the  job  of  spending  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollais  throughout 
the  world,  this  indicates,  to  say  the  least,  a  disturbing  amount  of  hero 
worship  for  the  No.  1  and  No.  2  Communist  leaders  in  the  Far  East 

STATE  depart:ment  employee  loyalty  investigation       77 

Listen  to  this.  These  are  Hanson's  own  words,  and  no  one  else's. 
Here  is  what  Hanson  says  on  page  349  of  his  book.  He  condemns  the 
right-wing  groups  in  the  Chinese  Government  for  "fighting  against 
the  democratic  revohition  as  proposed  by  Mao  Tze-tmig  and  the 

Senator  Ttdings.  Senator  McCarthy,  are  these  his  own  words,  or 
are  they  quoted  from  somebody  else  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  quotes  are  from  his  own  book.  Every- 
thing in  liere,  I  will  make  clear,  is  from  his  own  book. 

I  would  like  the  Chair's  permission  to  present  the  entire  book  and 
have  that  made  a  part  of  the  record.  I  know  that  there  is  some 
expense  involved  in  having  this  printed,  but  I  think,  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  this  man  will  be  dealing  with  hundreds  of  millions  or  billions 
of  dollars,  the  several  hundred  dollars  it  would  cost  to  have  that  book 
reprinted,  would  be  worth  while.  That  is  especially  important  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  all  of  the  books  have  mysteriously  disappeared.  I  had 
to  borrow  the  publisher's  copy  of  the  book  in  order  to  get  the  exact 

I  assure  you  I  have  taken  these  directly  fi-om  the  book  and  not  from 
anyone  else's  version  of  it. 

Senator  Ttdixgs.  You  offer  it  as  an  exhibit ;  we  will  take  it  and 
examine  it.    I  understand  it  is  a  lengthy  book 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  is  rather  lengthy.  I  would  say  about  500 
pages;  but  it  is  extremely  important  to  read  the  entire  book,  because 
I  have  gone  through,  hit  or  miss,  and  picked  out  what  I  thought  were 
some  of  the  sequence  of  quotes  which  very  clearlj'"  express  this  man's 
attitude  toward  communism. 

Senator  McMahon.  Mr.  Chairman 

The  Chairman.  Senator  McMahon. 

Senator  McjMahon.  I  don't  Avish  to  interrupt,  but  I  think  we  have 
to  point  out  that  this  quote  that  the  Senator  talked  about  is  quoting 
this  INIajor  Carlson,  whoever  he  may  be. 

Senator  INIcCartht.  Let  me  make  it  clear,  so  that  there  will  be  no 
mistake.  The  first  quote,  as  I  say,  is  from  chapter  23,  and  here  is 
what  Carlson  said ;  then  I  said  later  on  we  will  show  a  hero  worship 
even  greater. 

Then,  the  next  is  on  page  349 :  "He,"  meaning  Hanson,  "condemns 
the  right-wing  groups  in  the  Chinese  Government  for  'fighting  against 
the  democratic  revolution  as  proposed  by  Mao  Tze-tung,  and  the 
Communists'."  And  we  leave  Carlson  in  chapter  23,  and  there  is  no 
other  quote  that  will  be  a  quote  of  Carlson. 

Senator  McMahon.  But  it  was  Carlson  that  described  them  or  him 
as  "the  most  selfless  man  I  ever  met,  a  social  dreamer." 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  made  that  very  clear.  If  the  Senator 
will  read  that,  that  is  very,  very  clear. 

Senator  Tydixos.  In  order  to  conclude  this,  the  witness  said  that  the 
first  quote  he  made  was  the  statement  by  INIajor  Carlson,  and  then 
he  went  on  to  quote,  on  page  349,  the  statement  of  the  writer  himself ; 
is  that  correct  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  read  this,  so  that  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion that  there  was  any  attempt  by  way  of  a  misquotation. 


In  chapter  23,  entitled  "Political  Utopia  on  Mount  Wut'Ai",  in 
describing  a  meeting  with  an  American,  Major  Carlson,  here  is  what 
he  had  to  say : 

We  stayed  up  till  midnight  excliaugiug  notes  on  guerrilla  armies,  the  farm 
unions,  and  the  progress  of  the  war.  I  was  particularly  interested  in  the  Com- 
munist leaders  whom  Carlson  had  just  visited  and  whom  I  was  about  to  meet. 
Mao  Tze-tuug,  the  head  of  the  Communist  Party,  Carlson  characterized  as  "the 
most  selfless  man  I  ever  met,  a  social  dreamer,  a  genius  living  50  years  ahead 
of  his  time."    And  Chu  Teh — • 

still  quoting  from  Hanson,  says — 

And  Chu  Teh,  commander  in  chief  of  the  Eighth  Route  Army,  was  "the  prince 
of  generals,  a  man  with  the  humility  of  Lincoln,  the  tenacity  of  Grant,  and  the 
kindliness  of  Robert  E.  Lee." 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right,  pause  there. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes. 

Senator  Tydings.  What  you  have  just  read  in  quotes  is  what  Major 
Carlson  told  the  man  who  wrote  the  book,  so  the  press  will  get  it  clear ; 
is  that  correct  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  press  has  a  copy,  and  it  is  very,  very 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  all  right,  then. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  it  is  clear  enough. 

I  might  say,  I  certainly  appreciate  very  much  the  opportunity  to 
proceed  and  develop  these  facts  today,  the  way  the  chair  has  been 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right,  go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  make  it  clear 

Senator  Tydings.  If  we  do  interrupt,  it  will  be  only  for  purposes  of 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  understand  that,  and  I  certainly  have  no  ob- 
jection to  clarifying  questions,  and  I  hope  the  committee  does  ask  them 
if  necessary — ask  such  questions  as  they  see  fit. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  this  quote  on  page  349  of  the  book  is  very 
clear  as  to  what  this  young  man  feels.  There  is  nothing  coy  about  that 
statement.    That  statement  has  not  been  retracted,  either. 

On  the  same  page  he  points  out  that  anti-Red  officials  within  the 
Government  were  making  indirect  attacks  upon  the  Communists  and 
that,  quoting  from  the  book,  Hanson's  own  words,  "leaders  of  the 
Communist  Youth  Corps  were  arrested  by  military  ofJEicers  at  Hankow, 
I  myself  was  the  victim  of  one  of  these  incidents  and  found  that 
local  officials  were  the  instigators." 

Just  listen  to  this.  He  says,  "I  myself  was  the  victim  of  one  of 
these  incidents  and  found  that  local  officials  were  the  investigators."" 

In  other  words,  here  is  this  man  Hanson,  in  his  own  book,  on  the 
same  page,  page  349,  who  says  that  the  anti-Red  officials  were  making 
attacks  on  the  Communists,  and  I  quote  him  when  he  says  "leaders  of 
the  Communist  Youth  Cor])s  were  arrested  by  military  officers  at 
Hankow."  And  he  says,  "I  myself  was  the  victim  of  one  of  these 
incidents  and  found  that  local  officials  were  the  investigators." 

So,  this  young  man  has  a  criminal  record  in  China  where  he  was 
arrested,  not  by  the  Communists,  but  by  the  anti-Communists. 

From  Hanson's  book  it  appears,  i-ight  in  the  next  paragraph,  that 
the  Nationalist  Government  knew  of  his  close  collaboration  with  the 
Communist  Army,     For  example,  on  page  350,  we  find  that  his  pass- 


port  was  seized  by  tlie  police  in  Sian  avIumi  they  found  that  he  was 
travelin*^  from  Communist  fruerrilla  territory  to  the  Communist  head- 
quarters. He  states  tliat  the  man  resi)()nsible  "for  this  illegal  action 
was  (lov.  Chino;  Ting-wen,  one  of  the  most  rabid  anti-Red  officials 
in  China."  The  Governor's  purpose,  says  Hanson,  was  merely  to 
suppress  neATS  about  the  Communists. 

That  should  be  in  quotes:  '■'The  Governor's  purpose  was  merely  to 
suppress  news  about  tlie  Comnuuiists." 

Before  quoting  further  from  this  book  written  by  Mr.  Hanson,  it 
might  be  well  to  give  a  clearer  picture  of  the  job  which  Secretary  Ache- 
son  has  picked  out  for  him.  The  State  Department  document  lists 
some  of  the  duties  of  his  bureau  as  follows : 

A.  Developing  over-all  policies  for  the  program. 

B.  Formulating  general  program  plans  and  issuing  planning 

C.  Coordinating  specific  program  plans  developed  by  the  regional 
bureaus,  working  under  him,  and  making  necessary  adjustments. 

D.  Approving  projects,  determining  action  agencies,  and  allocating 
funds  for  United  States  bilateral  programs. 

E.  Directing  negotiations  and  relationships  with  intergovern- 
mental agencies  and  with  other  United  States  agencies  participating 
in  the  coordinated  program  or  otherwise  carrying  on  technical-assist- 
ance activities. 

Initiating  and  developing  plans  for  technical-assistance  programs 
for  individual  countries  within  their  respective  regions, 
i,    B.  Reviewing  program  proposals  affecting  their  regions   which 
originate  from  any  other  source. 

C.  Negotiating  and  communicating  Avith  foreign  governments. 

D.  Directing  State  Department  personnel  assigned  abroad  to  co- 
ordinate and  give  administrative  and  program  support  to  bilateral 

I  might  say  there,  ]\Ir.  Chairman,  section  D.  which  I  have  just  read, 
"Directing  State  Department  personnel  assigned  abroad  to  coordinate 
and  give  administrative  and  program  support  to  bilateral  program" — 
as  I  develop  the  facts  which  I  think  the  committee  Avill  consider  im- 
portant enough  to  proceed  further  on,  you  Avill  find  that  most  of  these 
men  with  the  same  type  of  background,  his  unusual  background;  at- 
tempt to  grt  in  positions  where  they  are  directing  the  assignment  of 
personnel.  If  they  can  direct  the  proper  personnel  in  the  proper  place, 
it  gives  them  complete  control,  of  course,  of  the  program. 

E.  Continuously  evaluating  programs  and  projects  within  regions. 

F.  Proposing  program  changes. 

This  is  all  work  to  be  done  by  the  unit  to  which  Hanson  has  been 
assigned  as  chief. 

G.  Initiating  instructions  to  the  field  carrying  out  their  respon- 
sibilities and  reviewing  all  other  instructions  concerned  with  tech- 
nical-assistance programs. 

This  gives  you  some  idea  of  the  tremendous  poAvers  of  the  agency 
in  which  Mr.  Hanson  is  the  Chief. 

Let  us  go  back  to  Hanson's  writings — and  incidentally,  I  direct 
your  attention  to  Mr.  Leslie  A.  Wheeler,  Avhose  telephone  extension  is 
3871;  Technical  Cooperative  Policy  Staff  Chief  will  be  Samuel  P. 
Hayes,  Jr.,  telephone  extension  4571  and  4572;  Technical  Coopera- 
tion Management  Staff  is  Richard  R.  Brown,  extension  2155. 


Now,  let  US  go  back  to  Hanson's  writings : 

All  through  the  book  he  shows  that  not  only  did  he  have  complete 
confidence  in  the  Communist  leaders  but  that  they  also  had  complete 
confidence  in  him.  On  page  256  he  refers  to  how  Communist  Generals 
Nie  and  Lu  Chen-tsao  acted  as  his  couriers,  smuggling  packets  of 
films  and  news  stories  for  him,  with  the  aid  of  Communist  guerrilla 
spies,  into  Peiping. 

In  this  connection  I  might  say  that  he  very  frankly  points  out  that 
the  Communists  do  not  tolerate  anyone  who  is  not  completely  on  their 
side.  This  is  what  Hanson  himself  said — they  do  not  tolerate  anyone 
who  is  not  completely  on  their  side. 

Hanson  makes  it  very  clear  all  through  the  book  that  he  is  not 
only  on  the  Communist  side  but  that  he  has  the  attitude  of  a  hero- 
worshiper  for  the  Chinese  Communist  leaders. 

His  respect  and  liking  for  the  Communist  leaders  permeates  almost 
every  chapter  of  the  book.  For  example,  on  page  284  and  page  285, 
he  tells  about  how  some  ragged  waifs  whom  he  had  gathered  into  his 
sleeping  quarters  regardecl  Mao  Tse-tung  and  Chu  Teh  as  "gods." 
That  is  his  language.  He  then  goes  on  to  tell  about  their  favorite 
Communist  general,  Holung,  and  states  that  they  convinced  him  that 
Holung  was  a  very  extraordinary  man  whom  they  described  as  "big 
as  a  Shantungese,  heavy  as  a  restaurant  cook,  but  quick  as  a  cat  in 
battle."  He  then  goes  on  to  describe  on  page  285  how,  when  he 
himself  met  General  Holung,  he  found  him  to  be  much  as  the  hero- 
worshiping  boys  had  described  him.  "He  is,"  said  Hanson,  ''a  living 
picture  of  Rhett  Butler  from  the  pages  of  Gone  With  the  Wind." 

This  praise  of  Chinese  Communist  leaders  goes  on,  page  after  page. 
On  page  278,  he  describes  Communist  General  P'eng  as  the  most  rigid 
disciplinarian  and  "the  most  persistent  student  of  world  aifairs." 

In  chapter  26,  he  speaks  with  apparent  bated  breath  of  the  Brain 
Trust  of  Communist  leaders  wdio  were  immortalized  by  Edgar  Snow 
in  his  Red  Star  Over  China. 

That  part  should  be  in  quotes — "Communist  leaders  who  were  im- 
mortalized by  Edgar  Snow  in  his  Rod  Star  Over  China." 

Senator  Htckenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  is  it  Show,  as  on  my  copy, 
or  should  that  be  Snow  ? 

Senator  INIcCarthy.  Sorry.  The  typewriters  in  my  office  sometimes 
make  mistakes;  that  is  "Snow." 

On  page  295,  in  referring  to  two  other  Communist  generals,  he  says : 

Should  this  book  ever  fall  into  Communist  hands,  I  must  record  that  those  two 
lonely  men  made  excellent  company  during  my  3  weeks  in  Yenan. 

In  reference  to  the  Communist  university  at  Yenan,  if  you  care  to 
make  that  correction  on  page  9,  after  referring  to  the  Communist  uni- 
versity in  Yenan,  after  describing  in  complimentary  manner  this  uni- 
versity and  the  students,  on  page  296  he  says : 

Every  cadet  divides  his  time  between  political  and  military  subjects.  On  the 
one  hand  he  listens  to  lectures  on  Marxian  philosophy,  tlie  history  of  the  Chinese 
Revolution,  the  technique  of  leading  a  mass  movement;  on  the  other  hand  he 
studies  guerrilla  tactics,  the  use  of  military  maps,  and  the  organization  of  a 
military  labor  corps. 

On  page  297  he  points  out  that  no  tuition  is  charged  at  the  academy 
and  that  each  student  is  supplied  with  uniform,  books,  and  food,  plus 


a  pocket  allowance,  and  then  has  this  to  say — and  this  should  be  rather 
]iuinorous,  except  that  it  is  a  bit  tragic : 

Some  recent  visitors  to  Yenan  have  spread  a  report  that  the  academies  are 
supported  by  Russian  rubles — a  thin  piece  of  gossip. 

Says  Mr.  Hanson : 

I  was  told  by  several  Chinese  leaders,  including  Mao  Tse-Tung,  that  the  larg- 
est coutributions  came  fi'oui  American  sympathizers  in  New  York. 

On  pages  297  and  298,  Hanson  relates  that  in  talking  to  one  of  the 
Nationalist  warlords,  and  I  will  call  your  attention  to  this  again — in 
talking  to  one  of  the  Nationalist  warlords : 

I  suggested  that  he  could  learn  a  good  deal  from  the  Communists  about  dis- 
cipline and  integrity  of  leadership). 

On  page  303,  Hanson  has  this  to  say  : 

My  attitude  toward  Communist  China's  leaders  was  a  mixture  of  respect  for 
their  personal  integrity  and  a  resentment  of  their  suspiciousness.  They  im- 
pressed me  as  a  group  of  hardheaded,  straight-shooting  realists. 

Now,  that  is  Hanson's  description  of  Communist  China's  leaders: 

They  impressed  me  as  a  group  of  hardheaded,  straight-shooting  realists. 

After  an  interview  with  Mao  Tse-tung,  he  states : 

I  left  with  the  feeling  that  he  was  the  least  pretentious  man  in  Yenan  and 
the  most  admired.     He  is  a  completely  selfless  man. 

Now,  here  is  a  man  who  is  not  quoting  anyone  else  except  himself. 
Following  is  Hanson's  description  of  how  the  Reds  took  over.     I 
quote  from  page  102  : 

Whenever  a  village  was  occupied  for  the  first  time,  the  Reds  arrested  the  land- 
lords and  tax  collectors,  held  a  public  tribunal,  executed  a  few  and  intimidated 
the  others,  then  redistributed  the  land  as  fairly  as  possible. 

In  chapter  28,  in  comparing  the  Communists  to  Chiang  Kai-shek's 
troops,  Hanson  had  this  to  say : 

I  left  Yenan  with  only  one  conviction  about  the  Communists :  that  they  were 
were  fighting  against  the  Japanese  more  vlioleheartedly  than  any  other  group 
in  China. 

Pie  then  goes  on  to  condemn,  using  his  language,  "Red-baiting"  offi- 

•     1      •       /->,i    '^       1   •  5  fe  to        to    3  to 

cials  m  Chungking. 

On  page. 312  of  his  book,  Hanson  quotes  a  Communist  editor  as 
stating  as  follows : 

Our  relationships  to  the  U.  S.  S.  R. — 

<and  Hanson  is  now  quoting  this  editor — 

is  no  different  than  that  of  the  American  Communist  Party.  We  respect  the 
work  of  Russia's  leaders  and  profit  by  their  experience  wherever  we  can,  but 
the  problems  of  China  are  not  the  same  as  those  of  Russia.  We  plan  our  program 
from  a  Chinese  point  of  view. 

Hanson  then  adds : 

The  explanation  seemed  logical  enough  to  me. 

In  connection  with  Hanson's  position  as  Chief  of  the  Technical 
Cooperation  Projects  staff,  in  charge  of  Truman's  point-4  program, 
the  following  on  pages  312  and  313  of  his  book  would  seem  especially 
significant.     He  quotes  Mao  Tse-tung  as  follows : 

China  cannot  reconstruct  its  industry  and  commerce  without  the  aid  of  British 
and  American  capital. 


Can  there  be  much  doubt  as  to  whether  the  Communist  or  the  anti- 
Communist  forces  in  Asia  will  receive  aid  under  the  point  4  program 
with  Hanson  in  charge  ? 

Gentlemen,  here  is  a  man  with  a  mission — a  mission  to  communize 
the  world — a  man  whose  energy  and  intelligence,  coupled  with  a 
burning  all-consuming  mission,  has  raised  him  by  his  own  bootstraps 
from  a  penniless  operator  of  a  Communist  magazine  in  Peiping  in  the 
middle  thirities,  to  one  of  the  architects  of  our  foreign  policy  in  the 
State  Department  today — a  man  who,  according  to  State  Department 
announcement  No.  41  will  be  largely  in  charge  of  the  spending  of 
hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  in  such  areas  of  the  world  and  for 
such  purposes  aS  he  himself  decides. 

Gentlemen,  if  Secretary  Acheson  gets  away  with  his  plan  to  put 
this  man,  to  great  extent,  in  charge  of  the  proposed  point  4  program, 
it  will,  in  my  opionion,  lend  tremendous  impetus  to  the  tempo  at  which 
communism  is  engulfing  the  world. 

On  page  32  of  his  book,  Hanson  justifies  "The  Chinese  Communists 
chopping  off  the  heads  of  landlords — all  of  which  is  true,"  because  of 
"hungry  farmers."  That  the  farmers  are  still  hungry  after  the  land- 
lords' heads  have  been  removed  apparently  never  occurred  to  him. 

On  page  31  he  explained  that  it  took  him  some  time  to  appreciate 
the  "appalling  problems  which  the  Chinese  Communists  were  attempt- 
ing to  solve." 

In  chapter  4  of  Hanson's  book,  he  presents  the  stock  Communists' 
arguments  for  the  so-called  Stalin-Hitler  pact  of  1939. 

Secretary  Acheson  is  now  putting  Hanson  in  the  position  to  help 
the  Communists  solve  the  appalling  problems  in  other  areas  of  the 
world  with  hundreds  of  millions  or  billions  of  American  dollars. 

The  obvious  area,  Mr.  Chairman,  in  which  this  man  will  start  using 
American  money  to  help  the  Communists  solve  the  people's  problem 
will  be  Indochina  and  India. 

It  should  be  pointed  out  that  this  case  was  brought  to  the  attention 
of  State  Department  officials  as  long  ago  as  May  14, 1947.  At  that  time, 
the  Honorable  Fred  Busbey,  on  the  floor  of  the  House,  discussed  this 
man's  affinity  for  the  Communist  cause  in  China,  and  while  he  did 
not  discuss  in  detail  the  quotes  from  the  book,  Mr.  Busbey  did  call  the 
State  Department's  attention  to  the  fact  that  he  had  written  this 
book,  and  that  was  before  he  got  the  promotions  which  made  him,  for 
example,  Acting  Chief  for  the  Far  Eastern  Area,  Public  Affairs,  et 

So  much  for  Hanson. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  is  there  any  way  the  committee  could  get 
another  copy  of  this  book  to  whicli  you  referred? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  committee  can  get  a  copy,  I  r.m  sure,  from 
the  publishers. 

Senator  Tydings.  Will  you  leave  the  name  of  the  publisher,  and 
his  address,  at  your  convenience  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  I  can  borrow  another  copy  long 
enough  to  have  it  reproduced,  or  for  the  committee's  perusal.  There 
may  be  a  copy  available  over  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  I  am  not 

Senator  McMahon.  Wliat  was  the  date  of  publication  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  After  he  came  back  from  China,  so  I  assume 
that  would  be  in  1939,  Senator. 


Senator  IMcMaiion.  It  was  published  in  1939? 

Senator  INIcCarthy.  Yes,  in  1939 ;  but  keep  in  mind  Hitler's  Mein 
Kanipf  was  published  10  years  before  he  started  putting  each  and 
every  j^aragraph  into  action. 

Senator  Tvuings.  All  writings  you  refer  to,  I  take  it  for  granted, 
were  in  the  book  published  in  1939  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes,  except  when  I  referred  to  Amerasia,  and 
the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations — it  is  all  in  the  document. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  you  have  the  book  with  you,  Senator? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No,  I  have  not. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  am  sure  the  book  will  show  when  it  was 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  snre  it  was  published  in  1939. 

Senator  McMahon.  Do  you  know  the  name  of  it.  Senator? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  gave  you  the  name. 

Senator  McMahon.  Did  you  ?    I  did  not  think  you  did. 

Senator  Tydings.  Conld  you  refresh  yonr  mind  and  give  us  the 
name  of  the  book,  in  ease  it  is  not  in  here?    I  thought  you  gave  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  it  is  in  here.  If  it  is  not,  I  will  have 
the  name  for  you  in  just  a  minute. 

Senator  JNIcMahon.  It  is  not  in  here,  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  may  not  be  in  there.  Without  searching 
for  that,  I  have  sent  for  it  so  the  Chair  will  have  it  later. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  will  furnish  that? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  I  can  at  least  borrow  a  copy  for  the 

The  next  case,  Mr.  Chairman 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  pardon  me  just  a  moment. 

I  will  ask  one  of  the  advisers  of  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee 
if  he  will  not  try  to  get  that  book  out  of  the  Library  before  somebody 
else  gets  to  it ;  in  the  event  there  are  not  many  copies  of  it  the  com- 
mittee will, want  to  have  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  If  you  will  call  my  office,  they  will  give  you 
the  name  of  it.    I  am  sorry  it  is  not  in  the  document. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  must  be  attended  to  quickly  or  the  book 
will  be  gone. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  think  that  the  copy  will  remain  there 
very  long,  .if  there  is  a  copy  in  the  Library. 

I  might  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  this  is  my  own  filing  system 

Senator  Tydings.  Take  your  time. 

Senator  McCarthy.  And,  perhaps  not  the  best  one. 

The  name  of  the  book  is  Human  Endeavor,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  name  of  the  book  is  Human  Endeavor, 
by  Haldore  Hanson,  published  about  1939,  apparently. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Sorry  I  have  to  hold  the  committee  up  this 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  next  to  take  up  the  case  of  an  indi- 
vidual who  was  assistant  to  Alger  Hiss  at  the  San  Francisco  Con- 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  us  have  the  copy. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chaiiuian,  I  would  like  to  introduce  this 
document,  these  documents,  rather,  and  they  will  be  marked  20,  21, 
aud  22,  and  ask  that  they  be  received  in  evidence. 

Senator  Tydings.  Call  them,  as  you  put  them  in. 


Mr.  Clerk,  are  you  getting  tliem,  because  we  are  going  to  leave  you 
with  the  responsibility  of  having  all  these  exhibits.  Do  not  lose 
them.     If  any  exhibits  are  lost 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  if  any  are  lost  by  the  reporter, 
I  am  sure  I  can  supply  the  copies. 

This  is  not  in  my  printed  document,  the  fact  that  this  woman,  Esther 
Caukin  Brunaiier,  in  the  State  Department,  was  the  first  assistant  to 
Alger  Hiss  in  the  San  Francisco  Conference.  This  is  set  forth  in  her 
biographical  sketch  issued  by  the  State  Department. 

I  might  say  that  the  case  of  this  woman's  husband  is  extremely 
important,  important  not  to  this  committee  because  of  his  case,  be- 
cause he  is  not  in  the  State  Department,  and  there  are  facts  about 
that  case  which  I  cannot  discuss  in  public,  but  I  would  like  to  give  the 
Chair  a  memorandum  on  that  when  he  starts  his  investigation, 
because  the  present  status  of  the  husband  will  shed  lots  more  light 
on  this  case. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  how  you  shall  give  us  the 
information  is  entirely  up  to  you.  We  will  take  what  you  want  to 
give  us  in  the  open,  and  what  you  think  we  ought  to  have  in  executive 
session,  we  will  receive  there. 

Use  your  own  judgment,  because  obviously  we  do  not  know  what 
the  evidence  is. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  shouhl  like  now  to  take  up  the  case  of  Esther 
Caukin  Brunauer,  Assistant  Director  of  Policy  Liaison.  UNESCO 
Relations  Staff,  Department  of  State,  at  a  salary  of  $9,70G  a  year 
according  to  the  current  Federal  Eegister.  I  urgently  request  that 
this  connnittee  give  serious  consideration  to  the  details  of  this  case 
and  act  immediately  to  ascertain  the  facts. 

I  think  this  is  one  case,  Mr.  Chairman,  upon  Avhich  you  should  take 
immediate  action  and  the  information  I  will  su]3p]y  the  Chair  today, 
in  memorandum  form,  I  believe  will  convince  him  of  the  necessity  of 
immediate  action.  . 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  make  sure  I  understand  you.  You  are 
recommending  that  this  be  one  of  the  first  cases  we  investigate? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  this  definitely  should  be  the  very  first 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mrs.  Brunauer  was  instrumental  in  commit- 
ting this  organization  to  the  support  of  various  front  enterprises, 
particularly  in  the  so-called  consumer  field.  One  such  instance  of 
this  activity  was  reported  in  the  New  York  Times  of  April  27,  194?). 
In  the  case  the  American  Association  of  University  Women  joined 
with  Consumers  Union,  the  League  of  Women  Shoppers,  and  other 
completely  communist-controlled  fronts. 

I  might  say  here,  again,  you  do  not  have  a  woman  who  is  a  dupe. 
You  have  an  intelligent  woman  who  makes  an  excellent  appearance 
and  excellent  impression.  She  is  not  mistaken  about  these  organi- 
zations. I  know  there  are  some  joiners  who  may  make  the  mistake 
of  joining  two  or  three  of  these  Commie  organizations  before  they 
have  been  declared  so,  who  may  do  it  without  knoAving  what  they 
are  doing.     But  not  this  individual,  who  is  an  intelligenjt  person. 

Senator  Tydings.  Have  you  any  idea  what  her  age  is,  Senator,  now,, 
approximately  ? 


Senator  McCarthy.  I  frankly  haven't.  I  have  never  even  seen 
the  individnal.  I  believe,  maybe,  some  of  the  ladies  do  not  give  their 
ages  in  their  biographical  sketches. 

Exhibit  21  inclicates  that  Mrs.  Brunaner  presided  at  a  Washington 
meeting  of  the  American  Friends  of  tlie  Soviet  Union.  This  again 
was  some  time  ago.     This  starts  back  15  years  ago. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  date  of  it  seems  to  be  Jnnc  11.  1936. 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  organization  has  been  cited  as  subversive 
by  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  the  House  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities,  and  the  California  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities.  The  princi]ial  s]:)eaker  at  this  meeting  was  Myra 
Page,  long  an  avowed  leader  of  the  Communist  Party  and  frequent 
writer  for  the  Daily  Worker  and  other  Communist  periodicals,  so 
there  can  be  little  doubt  about  the  subversiveness  of  that  organization. 

Certainly  this  committee  has  no  doubts  as  to  the  domination  by  the 
Communist  Party  of  the  American  Youth  Congress.  It  has  been  cited 
as  subversive  by  the  xYttorney  General  and  other  governmental 

Senator  Tydings.  Are  you  referring  now  to  the  Senate  cases, 
Senator  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes,  Mr.  Chairman. 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  case  Xo.  57  in  the  Congressional  Hecord. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  take  it  you  mean  that  case  N^o.  47  as  given  by 
you  on  the  Senate  floor  about  February  20,  I  think  it  was,  is  the  case 
of  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer. 

Senator  jMcCarthy.  That  is  correct. 

Senator  Tydings.  Do  you  want  to  make  any  reference  to  your  first 
case  in  the  Congressional  Eecord,  or  leave  that  out? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes.  I  do.  Mr.  Chairman.  I  am  looking  for 

Here  is  what  I  said  on  the  Senate  floor,  Mr.  Chairman.  This  is 
what  will  be  found  in  her  file,  along  with  other  information : 

This  individual  was  employed  in  March  1944  as  Division  assistant  in  the 
Division  of  Internal  Security.  The  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee 
advised  on  August  8,  1947,  that  an  admitted  former  Communist  Party  member 
was  formerly  associated  with  this  individual  in  Communist  activitiesin  Wash- 
ington. D.  C.  This  individual's  husband  admitted  having  been  a  member  of 
the  Communist  Party.  The  husband  now  has  a  highly  confidential  position  with 
the  Navy  Department.  The  file  indicates  that  this  individual  has  been  associated 
with  a  group  of  known  Communists — 

and  I  can  assure  the  Chair  the  file  does  show  that,  to  the  best  of  my 
knowledge  anyway. 

Keep  in  mind.  ]\Ir.  President,  that  she  was  given  a  job  in  the  Division 
of  Internal  Security. 

A  report  dated  July  16.  1947.  states  that  in  1941  a  Senate  investigating  com- 
mittee had  found  that  both  this  individual  and  her  husband  were  members  of 
the  Communist  Party.  A  report  dated  Sept(>mber  1.5,  1947,  by  a  Government 
investigative  agency,  advised  that  a  reliMble  informant  reported  this  individual 
as  a  Communist  and  thnt  she  luis  been  recently  contacting  a  member  of  a  Soviet 
espionage  ring.  This  individual  is  still  in  a  highly  paid  job  in  the  State 

That  is  from  the  Congressional  Record,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  before  you  leave  the  first  case  will  you, 
either  now  or  later,  if  it  has  any  connotation  with  your  remarks  on  the 
Senate  floor,  identify  it  ?    If  it  does  not  it  is  not  necessary. 


Senator  McCarthy.  The  first  case  was  not  mentioned  on  the  Senate 
floor,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  accounts  for  that. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  principal  speaker  at  this  meeting,  re- 
ferring to  the  meeting  that  this  lady  sponsored,  was  Myra  Page,  long 
an  avowed  leader  of  the  Communist  Party  and  frequent  writer  for 
the  Daily  Worker  and  other  Communist  periodicals. 

Certainly  this  committee  has  no  doubts  as  to  the  domination  by 
the  Communist  Party  of  the  American  Youth  Congress.  It  has  been 
cited  as  subversive  by  the  Attorney  General  and  other  governmental 

Exhibit  22  shows  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  was  a  signer  of  the 
call  to  the  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Youth  Congress  in  1938. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  don't  want  to  divert  the  witness,  but  I  think 
the  press  may  not  have  a  copy  of  this. 

Senator  Lodge.  Neither  has  the  committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  It  reads  "We  the  Undersigned"  and  is  broken 
down  under  the  headings  of  women's  organizations,  health,  education, 
trade-union,  social  service,  government,  and  religious  groups.  There 
again  I  see  some  of  our  former  colleagues :  Arthur  Capper,  United 
States  Senator  from  Kansas ;  L.  D.  Dickenson,  Governor  of  Michigan ; 
Matthew  A.  Dunn,  United  States  Representative  from  Pennsylvania; 
James  A.  Farley,  United  States  Postmaster  General ;  Thomas  F.  Ford, 
United  States  Representative  from  California ;  Frank  W.  Fries,  United 
States  Representative  from  Illinois,  and  several  other  Representatives 
and  a  number  of  governors  and  a  number  of  United  States  Senators. 
I  won't  take  the  time  to  read  them. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  have  re- 
frained from  naming  the  known  Communists  up  here  on  all  of  these. 
Each  document  I  present  from  day  to  day  you  will  find  contains  some 
lespectable  citizens  who  have  been  duped  into  joining. 

I  might  say  this  also  in  this  case,  Mr.  Chairman.  I  do  not  think 
the  fact  that  this  woman  belonged  to  these  Communist  front  organi- 
zations can  at  all  compare  with  the  information  the  Chair  will  find  in 
her  files  and  in  the  files  of  her  husband.  I  g've  these  documents  to 
show  that  those  over  in  the  State  Department  who  hired  her  and  kept 
her  on  should  have  been  put  on  notice,  at  least,  that  there  was  something 
wrong  in  the  record;  and  also,  I  believe,  when  the  Chair  sees  her 
record  he  will  not  be  able  to  believe  that  she  is  still  in  a  highly  paid 
position  having  top  secret  clearance  today. 

This  is,  in  my  opinion,  one  of  the  most  fantastic  cases  I  know  of. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  will  not  look  at  my  records,  of  course,  until  the 
whole  committee  sees  them  at  the  same  time.  I  just  want  to  make 
that  plain. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  understand  that. 

I  might  say  also,  I  am  not  trying  to  advise  the  committee,  but  in 
all  sincerity  I  don't  think  the  members  of  the  committee  will  be  any 
more  competent  than  I  would  be  to  go  over  and  examine  those  records 
personally.  I  think  you  will  have  to  have  on  your  staff  individuals 
who  have  been  in  this  type  of  work  for  some  years,  who  have  taken 
some  ]3art  in  compiling  those  records,  so  that  you  will  be  able  to  get 
everything  out  of  it. 


May  I  suggest  this  further,  especially.  Especially  in  this  Brunauer 
case  1  urge  that  the  committee  get  not  only  her  loyalty  file,  her  per- 
sonnel file 

Senator  Tydings.  Both  in  the  State  Department? 

Senator  jMcCarthy.  Both  in  the  State  Department. 

Senator  Tydings.  Give  me  that  again. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  State  Department  loyalty  file,  the  State 
Department  personnel  file,  and  both  files,  which  Avill  be  combined  as 
one,  over  in  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  and  then  what  is  doubly 
important,  a  glance  at  the  FBI  file  on  this  woman  and  her  husband, 
'iliey  are  living  together;  at  least  I  assume  they  are,  which  makes  his 
file  important  also. 

Exhibit  2-2  shows  Esther  Caukin  Brunauer  was  a  signer  of  the  call 
to  the  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Youth  Congress  in  1938. 

Esther  Brunauer  is  the  wife  of  Stephen  Brunauer,  a  Hungarian  by 
birth.  He  is  a  scientist  who  has  had  the  rank  of  Commander  in  the 
United  States  Xavy  and  his  scientific  work  has  involved  some  of  the 
topmost  defense  secrets  which  the  armed  forces  of  this  country  possess. 

I  think  it  is  hightly  important  that  this  committee  immediately,  in 
accordance  with  the  mandate  from  the  Senate,  obtain  the  files  of  the 
Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation,  Naval  Intelligence,  and  the  State 
Department  on  the  activities  of  Stephen  Brunauer,  the  husband  of 
this  ranking  official  of  the  State  Department. 

I  ask  that  the  committee  immediately  seek  to  learn  whether  or  not 
Stephen  Brunauer  has : 

1.  Been  the  subject  of  a  constant  investigation  by  Government 
agencies  over  a  period  of  10  years. 

2.  A  close  friend  and  collaborator  of  Noel  Field,  known  Communist 
who  recently  and  mysteriously  disappeared  behind  the  iron  curtain. 

o.  He  has  admitted  to  associates  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party. 

I  am  reluctant  to  go  any  further  into  this  case  but  I  am  prepared  to 
produce  competent  witnesses  who  will  testify  to  the  importance  of 
immediate  action  in  this  matter. 

It  can  be  readily  shown  that  at  least  three  Government  agencies 
have  been  sifting  the  activities  of  a  small  group  of  people  whose  work 
seriously  threatens  the  security  of  the  comitry. 

Certainly  'the  Connnunist  front  activities  of  Mrs.  Brunauer  are 
sufficient  to  seriously  question  her  security  status. 

Let  me  make  it  clear  that  I  think  the  investigative  agencies  of  the 
Government  have  been  doing  an  excellent  job.  The  thing  that  dis- 
turbs me  is,  after  they  have  done  a  job,  after  you  have  matters  in 
the  files  that  make  it  unbelievable  that  a  person  could  get  top  secret 
clearance,  there  is  just  no  regard  whatsoever  paid  to  those  reports 
of  the  investigative  agencies. 

So  much  for  Brunauer. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  next  case  will  take  about,  or,  I  would  say  a 
least  an  hour  and  a  half  to  complete.  It  is  20  of  12.  Housing  legis- 
lation is  on  tlie  Senate  floor,  and  I  will  want  to  be  on  the  floor  this 
afternoon.  If  the  Chair  wants  nie  to,  I  shall  start  this  document.  I 
very  much  hate  to  get  a  third  of  the  way  through  a  case  and  then  quit. 
If  tlie  Chair  does  not  liave  any  objection,  instead  of  taking  lo  minutes 
on  this  and  getting  in  the  middle  of  this,  I  would  prefer  starting  on 
it  tomorrow. 

68970— ao—pt.  1 7 


Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  of  course  we  will  try  to  acconnnodate 
3-0U,  but  as  I  told  you,  we  would  try  to  sit  all  day  and  give  you  a  chance 
without  any  major  interruptions  at  presentinir  your  case,  and  I  noti- 
fied the  committee  to  that  extent,  and  we  are  prepared  to  be  here. 

I  would  suggest,  if  you  would  allow  me,  that  we  start  and  keep  on 
going,  and  keep  in  touch  with  the  floor  situation.  It  may  be  that  some- 
body is  reading  AVashington's  Farewell  Address  or  some  other  im- 
portant document,  in  wliich  event  we  can  keep  on  without  the  loss 
of  time.  So,  if  you  will  start,  we  will  keep  in  touch  with  the  floor, 
and  I  will  notify  the  Clerk,  and  at  the  proper  time  I  will  notify  you 
if  the  housing  matter  is  up  for  serious  discussion. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  suggest,  then,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  don't 
want  to  be  cut  off  in  the  middle  of  this.  I  would  rather  miss  some  of 
the  housing  discussion  than  be  forced  to  stop  in  the  middle  of  it. 

Could  we  do  this :  It  will  take  me,  I  assume,  about  an  hour  and  a 
half  to  finish  tliis.  It  Avill  be  1  o'clock  or  maybe  slightly  after  that. 
Could  Ave  agree  to  this,  to  notify  tlie  floor  that  I  will  have  no  objection 
to  the  committee  sitting  until  1  o'clock,  and  I  will  have  to  object  to  the 
committee  continuing  after  that  time,  because  housing  legislation  is 
up.  It  is  sometliing  I  have  been  working  on  for  some  time,  and  I 
must  be  there. 

Can  we  have  an  agreement  that  we  will  not  stop  in  the  middle  of 
this  case,  and  let  me  finish  it,  and  when  I  finish  this  case  we  can  retire 
to  the  Senate  floor. 

Senator  Lodge.  And  pick  up  again  his  afternoon  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No.  I  will  have  to  be  on  the  floor  during  the 
housing  legislation. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  there  are  a  couple  of  aspects  of  this 
thing  that  make  it  a  little  difficult,  much  as  I  would  like  to  comply 
with  any  request  of  yours. 

The  first  one  is  that,  as  you  knoAv,  we  have  asked  Miss  Kenyon  to 
be  here  tomorrow,  and  she  may  not  be  ready  to  go  on  the  stand.  I 
don't  know.  I  sent  her  a  telegram  telling  her  that  her  request  to  be 
heard  would  be  honored  promptly,  and  we  had  ]^lanned  to  hear  her 
on  Tuesday  at  10 :  oO  a.  m.  I  got  a  reply  by  wire  from  her  to  the 
effect  that  she  would  be  here  Tuesday  at  10  :  30  a.  m. 

Now,  so  far  as  I  know,  she  will  be  here  tomorrow  morning.  In  the 
event,  however,  she  should  ask  the  committee  for  another  day,  I  think 
we  would  have  to  probably  take  counsel  and  extend  her  the  time  that 
she  requires  to  make  her  answer. 

But  if  we  could  go  on  today  and  finish  your  case,  it  was  my  idea 
that  we  would  immediately,  notwithstanding  we  had  not  concluded 
the  open  hearings,  organize  our  staff  and  take  up  these  matters  that 
you  have  suggested  here  and  in  other  places,  and  start  to  outline  a 

I  am  trying  to  get,  as  you  have  yourself  thought  wise  and  I  thought 
wise  too,  experienced  investigators,  preferably  FBI  men  who  are 
available,  so  that  there  will  be  no  question  about  having  an  experi- 
enced handling  of  these  particular  files.  I  haven't  gotten  those  men 
3'et,  but  I  am  working  on  it  and  want  to  submit  it  to  the  whole  com- 
mittee before  it  becomes  official.  But  if  we  could  conclude  with  you 
today,  I  will  sit  here  until  10  or  11  o'clock  tonight  so  that  we  can 
dispose  of  it  and  get  the  thing  moving  in  high  gear  and  if  there  is 
anybody  down  there  that  is  disloyal,  we  want  to  know  it  just  as  you  do. 


Senator  McCarthy.  I  iiiijrht  say,  ]Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  want  to 
cooperate  with  the  Chair  fully,  but  simply  must  be  ovei-  on  the  floor 
when  we  are  discussino-  housing.  That  is  a  matter  I  have  been  working 
on  for  '2  years. 

Senator  Tydincs.  Lefs  go  to  1  o'clock,  and  talk  it  over  then. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  can't  very  well  talk  it  over  then,  because  I 
have  to  notify  the  floor  whether  or  not  they  should  put  in  an  objec- 
tion to  mv  having  the  conunittee  sit.  The  Chair  knows  we  can  sit 
onlv  bv  uiianimous  consent.  If  we  can  agree  that  we  will  finish  this 
case  and  then  adjourn,  I  will  notify  the  floor  not  to  object  to  having 
this  conunittee  sit. 

Senator  McMahon,  I  want  the  Senator  to  object. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  say  this,  before  you  do  that. 

Senator  ^ifiCartliy:,-!  want  to  accouunodate  you  as  hmg  as  I  can.  Is 
the  reason  you  would  like  to  go  over  that  you  have  not  your  other 
cases  ready,  or  is  it  because  of  the  housing  legislation  ^ 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  plenty  of  material  here  to  take  up  some 
time,  Mr.  Chairman,  but  as  I  have  told  you,  I  will  give  the  committee 
the  forenoon,  and  an  hour  or  so  in  the  afternoon.  I  will  do  that  as 
long  as  necessary,  but  when  there  is  legislation  up  which  I  think  is 
important,  the  Eeorganization  Act  provides  that  when  such  a  sit- 
uation occurs,  a  Senator  is  entitled  to  be  on  the  floor. 

Here  is  my  thought :  I  don't  want  to  be  caught  in  the  middle  of 
a  case.  I  would  like  to  present  all  of  the  evidence,  because  it  is  done 
in  chronological  order.  I  would  like  to  have  an  agreement  either 
that  I  can  finish  this  case  when  1  start,  or  that  we  adjourn  now  and 
start  again  tomorrow  morning.  I  do  think  instead  of  starting  at 
10 :  30  it  might  be  better  to  start  at  9  in  the  morning. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Senator,  it  has  been  suggested  by  my  colleagues  to 
my  right  that  if  you  can  find  it  convenient  to  take  up  this  case  and 
without  any  interruption  pursue  it  to  a  conclusion,  perhaps  at:  that 
time,  and  without  penalizing  you  or  taking  any  advantage  of  that 
agreement,  we  could  again  discuss  it  and  work  out  something  that 
would  be  mutually  satisfactory  to  you  and  the  committee.  How  does 
that  strike  you  ? 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Well,  Mr.  Chairman,  if  you  are  referring 
to  the  whispered  tentative  conversation  which  I  had  with  you  a 
moment  ago,  which  I  did  not  feel  was  a  final  commitment  one  way  or 
the  other  and  had  not  expected  to  be  announced  publicly 

Senator  Tydixgs,  I  beg  your  pardon.  I  thought  it  was  your  sug- 
gestion.   I  merely  relay  eel  it. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  made  a  suggestion  of  that  kind,  but  did 
not  exi)ect  it  to  be  published.  What  I  suggested  was  that  the  Senator 
certainly  is  entitled  to  continue  a  presentation  of  this  case  until  he  has 
concluded.  I  said  to  the  chairman  that  to  my  knowledge,  and  I  think 
to  the  knowledge  of  everybody  else,  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  has 
been  vitally  interested  in  housing  for  over  2  years.  I  had  not  realized 
his  interest  until  lie  mentioned  it  just  a  moment  ago,  but  I  can  under- 
stand why  he  is  interested  in  being  on  the  floor  when  housing  is 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  say  also  for  the  Senator's  benefit  that 
the  Housing  Act  of  1948  was  drafted  by  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  ; 
the  only  public  housing  measure  that  was  passed  in  1948  was  drafted 
b}'  the  Senator  from  AVisconsin,  so  this  is  one  of  the  subjects  I  have 


been  working  at,  and  I  simply  insist  that  I  be  there.  I  am  not  asking 
iiny  favor  from  the  committee  in  that  at  alh 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  further  suggested,  if  we  continue  our  pri- 
vate conversation  here  in  public,  that  upon  the  completion  of  this  case 
by  the  Senator,  if  Judge  Kenyon  appears  and  wants  to  go  on  tomorrow 
at  10:  30,  so  long  as  she  has  been  invited  to  come,  and  if  that  is  con- 
venient, that  I  saM'  no  particular  reason  why  she  should  not  come  on  at 
10 :  30  o'clock  tomorrow  morning  and  not  disturb  her  convenience,  and 
the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  can  go  on  following  her  testimony.  I  am 
ho])ing  to  expedite  this  matter. 

Senator  Tydings,  Suppose  the  Housing  Act  goes  on  all  this  week. 
You  will  feel  the  same  way  so  long  as  that  act  is  pending,  won't  you? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  feel  that  I  want  to  be  on  the  Senate  floor 
in  the  afternoon.    I  will  give  you  all  the  time  you  want  in  the  forenoon. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Go  ahead  with  your  case  and  we  will  work  it  out. 
We  won't  take  advantage  of  you  if  you  want  to  get  on  the  floor.  The 
Chair  will  vote  with  any  group  that  sees  that  you  have  your  chance  to 
be  on  the  floor  while  legislation  in  which  you  are  interested  is  up. 

I  regret  we  have  to  postpone  this,  I  will  say  to  everybody,  and  I  know 
you  do,  but  there  is  no  other  way  we  can  handle  it,  so  if  you  will  go 
ahead  with  this  case,  when  we  get  to  the  end  of  it  we  will  recess  subject 
to  the  situation  that  will  then  be  mutuallv  agreeable. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  want  to  make  sure  that  we  have  the  under- 
standing, as  Senator  MclNIahon  just  made  the  statement  he  is  going 
to  insist  that  I  object  on  the  floor.  It  is  now  understood  that  I  can 
start  the  next  case  and  complete  it,  and  that  we  then  adjourn  the 
liearing  until  tomorrow  or  whenever  you  want  to. 

Senator  Tydings.  What  is  your  pleasure,  gentlemen? 

Senator  McMahon.  I  reserve  my  vote  until  we  see  what  the  situa- 
tion is  on  the  floor.  I  am  informed  that  some  amendment  to  the 
FDIC  may  be  up,  and  not  the  housing  bill,  for  debate. 

Senator  Tydings.  If  the  FDIC  comes  up  instead  of  the  housing  bill, 
of  course  our  understanding  would  be  to  continue  on  here. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  in  about  10  minutes  I  have  to 
decide  whether  or  not  I  shall  have  to  personally  make  sure  that  I  will 
he  available  on  the  floor.  If  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  does  not 
want  to  agree  that  when  this  case  is  finished  I  can  go  over  to  the  Senate 
floor  and  work  on  this  matter,  I  shall  have  to  call  the  floor  and  say, 
"Put  in  my  objection,"  which  will  prevent  the  committee  sitting  after 
12.  Otherwise  I  would  just  as  soon  give  the  committee  another  hour 
and  a  half's  time  on  this  case. 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  see  if  I  can  sunnnarize  it  in  a  way  that  we 
'Can  all  agree  on.  Senator,  you  want  to  be  present  if  the  housing  bills 
are  up.  That  is  a  must  on  your  part,  and  everything  will  have  to  be 
shaped  to  that  end. 

Now,  in  the  event  the  housing  bill  is  not  up,  would  you  object,  then, 
to  sitting  with  the  permission  of  the  Senate,  here,  until  the  housing- 
bill  does  come  up  ? 

Senator  McCarthy'.  It  all  depends,  Mr.  Chairman,  on  what  legisla- 
tion comes  up. 

Let  me  make  myself  clear.  I  am  willing  to  give  the  committee  the 
forenoon.  I  do  have  other  work  to  do,  you  see.  I  have  my  own  con- 
stituents to  take  care  of,  and  legislation  in  which  I  am  interested.  I 
have  been  informed  that  the  housing  bill  will  be  up.     I  think  that 


caine  direct  from  your  majority  leader's  office.  If  we  can  have  an  agree- 
ment by  the  entire  committee  that  we  can  adjourn  after  this  case  has 
been  completed,'  then  I  shall  not  object  to  the  committee  sitting. 
Otherwise,  if  the  Senator  from  Connecticut  is  going  to  take  the  arbi- 
trary position  tliat  when  I  have  lost  that  right,  he  is  going  to  insist 
on  sitting,  I  shall  have  no  choice  but  to  call  the  floor  now  and  say  I 
object  to  this  conunittee  sitting.     I  don't  want  to  do  that. 

Senator  Ttdixgs.  Unless  the  Chair  is  overruled,  he  will  announce 
that  if  the  Senator  from  Wisconsin  desires  to  take  up  this  case  to  con- 
clusion, and  if  the  housing  bill  is  up  on  the  floor  at  any  time  we  are 
sitting,  the  committee  will  recess  at  the  notice  of  that  event  until 
tomorrow  morning  at  10  :  30  o'clock. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  not  sufficient,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  phrase  it.  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  when  I  have  completed  this  case,  if  the 
Senate  is  in  session  that  we  then  adjourn  until  tomorrow  morning  at 
such  time  as  the  Chair  desires.    I  don't  care  whether  it  is  10,  or  9 :  30. 

Senator  Tydings.  Regardless  of  what  is  up  on  the  floor? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes.  I  don't  want  to  get  into  a  squabble  at 

Senator  Tydings.  We  will  proceed  in  that  fashion,  unless  the  Chair 
is  overruled. 

Senator  Green.  You  are  not  canceling  the  appointment  we  made 
witli  Miss  Kenyon  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Oh,  no.  Miss  Kenyon  will  be  here  tomorrow 
morning  at  10 :  30. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  don't  want  to  interfere  with  Miss  Kenyon 
at  all. 

Senator  Tydings.  Proceed  with  the  next  case. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  would  like  to  introduce  three  more  docu- 
ments in  the  last  case:  exhibit  23,  which  is  a  photostat  of  the  New 
York  Times  dated  Thursday,  March  16,  193i>,  which  reflects  that 
Esther  Caukin  Brunaner  was  very  active  in  launching  an  organiza- 
tion called  The  American  Union  for  Concerted  Peace  Efforts. 

This  is.  to  point  out  that  tlie  American  Union  for  Concerted  Peace 
Efforts  was  cited  as  a  Communist-front  organization,  the  leader  of 
which  was  the  editor  of  the  Daily  Worker.  It  is  to  be  noted  from  this 
newspaper  article  that  Esther  Brunaner  served  on  the  executive  com- 
mittee of  the  American  Union  for  Concerted  Peace  Efforts. 

Exhibit  21,  which  is  another  photostat  of  the  New  York  Times,  of 
December  3,  1938,  a  photostat  whicli  pertains  to  the  activities  of 
Brunaner  in  connection  with  the  Committee  for  Concerted  Peace 

I  referred  in  my  statement  to  the  Congress  of  Youth,  also,  Mr.  Chair- 
man. I  did  not  introduce  any  exhibit  at  that  time.  I  am  now  produc- 
ing that,  and  that  will  be  exhibit  25. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  ask  that  there  be  accepted  iu  evidence  exhibits 
26,  27,  28.  29,  and  30  and  31. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  exhibits  will  be  filed  immediately  following 
the  case  of  the  subjects  to  wliom  tliey  are  applicable. 

Senator  McCarthy.  And  tliey  are  received  in  evidence.  I  assume. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  State  Department,  with  great  frequency,  utilizes 
the  services  of  a  large  group  of  individuals  in  diverse  "^fields  as 


One  of  its  regiilar  performers  in  this  field  is  the  man  I  wish  to 
discnss  next.     He  is  Owen  J.  Lattimore. 

Lattimore  was  not  only  a  consnltant.  bnt  one  of  the  principal  archi- 
tects of  onr  far  eastern  policy.  This  man  is  one  of  the  State  De- 
partment's ontstancling  experts  on  problems  dealing  with  the  Far  East 
and  has  been  for  a  nnmber  of  years. 

Lattmiore  is  currently  employed  as  a  director  of  the  Walter  Hines 
Page  School  of  International  Relations,  located  at  Johns  Hopkins 
University  in  Baltimore,  Md,  He  has  held  numerous  positions  with 
the  State  Department,  among  them  a  6-month  period  in  1941  as  the 
political  adviser  of  President  Roosevelt  to  Generalissimo  Chiang 
Kai-shek,  He  was  a  Dejnity  Director  in  charge  of  the  Pacific  Branch 
of  the  Office  of  War  Information  and  in  June  of  1944  he,  with  John 
Carter  Vincent,  later  to  head  the  Far  Eastern  Bureau  of  the  State 
Department,  accompanied  Henry  AVallace  on  a  diplomatic  tour  of 
Siberia  and  Free  China. 

Recently  Lattimore  completed  a  State  Department  mission  to  India 
and  it  is  understood  that  he  is  now  a  consultant  in  the  Department. 
I  call  your  attention  to  this.  Mr.  Chairman,  that  while  the  State  De- 
partment will  tell  you  that  he  is  not  on  the  payroll  as  of  today,  the 
point  is  he  is  still  considered  by  the  Department  as  one  of  its  top  ad- 
visers and  is  put  on  and  off  the  payroll  as  consultant  apparently  at 
W'ill,  and  is  apparently  one  of  the  top  men  in  developing  our  Asiatic 

As  I  say,  I  know  when  this  case  is  published  the  State  Department 
wnll  come  out  and  nay.  "This  man  is  not  on  our  payroll."'  Let  me 
make  it  clear  that  so  far  as  I  know  he  has  free  access  to  the  Depart- 
ment. I  think  the  Chair  will  find  upon  investigation  that  he  has  a 
desk  which  is  kept  there  for  him  constantly,  kept  for  his  sole  benefit, 
imd  he  comes  in  at  will. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Is  it  your  lUKlerstanding,  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy, that  Mr.  Lattimore  is  on  what  might  be  termed  the  panel  of 
consultants  who  are  called  in  from  time  to  time  on  a  per  diem  basis, 
for  a  day  or  two  or  for  a  week  or  so,  or  for  some  short  period  of 
time,  and  after  their  consultation  is  over  they  retire  back  into  private 
life  until  they  are  again  called  to  consult  on  matters  of  their  specialty? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Even  much  closer  than  that.  Senator.  He  is 
the  very  close  personal  friend  and  adviser  of  those  in  charge  of  the 
Far  Eastern  Branch,  and  I  might  say  that  in  this  connection  I  will 
be  glad  to  give  the  committee  the  names  of  witnesses  whom  they  may 
decide  to  interrogate,  either  in  public  or  in  executive  session. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Thank  you. 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  man's  record  as  a  pro-Communist  goes 
back  many  years. 

I  hand  the  committee  a  letter,  dated  December  19,  1940.  That  is  ex- 
hil)it  27,  exhibit  26  being  this  statement  itself.  Again  we  have  the 
familiar  name  of  Frederick  V.  Field,  Communist  chairman  of  the 
editorial  board.  Equally  familiar  is  the  name  of  Philip  J.  Jatfe, 
managing  editor  of  the  magazine,  who  was  indicted  and  convicted  for 
having  illegal  possession  of  secret  State  Department  documents.  The 
connnittee  will  note  that  there  follows  a  list  of  eight  members  of  the 
board  of  this  pro-Connnunist  magazine.  It  will  also  observe  that  50 
percent  of  the  editorial  board  of  this  magazine,  wdiose  editor  was  con- 
victed of  possessing  State  Department  secret  documents  illegally, 


have  been  or  are  iio-sv  highly  placed  officials  of  the  Department  of  State 
of  the  United  States. 

Tlieir  names  are:  T.  A.  Bisson,  Owen  Lattimore,  David  H.  Popper, 
and  William  T.  Stone. 

In  the  June  6,  1946,  issue  of  the  Washinoton  Times-Herald  there 
api)ears  an  article  entitled  "How  Come?"  written  by  Mr.  Frank  C. 
"\Val(h()i>,  editorial  directoi-  of  that  newspaper,  whicli  will  be  exhibit 

Shortly,  I  shall  read  that  article  into  the  record,  but  I  should  like 
to  mention  in  passing  that  of  the  57  instructors  in  the  orientation  con- 
ference and  training  programs  for  personnel  of  the  Foreign  Service 
and  the  Department  of  State,  all  but  three  were  Government  officials. 
Those  three  were  Dr.  Edward  C.  Acheson,  director  of  the  School  of 
Foreign  Service  and  brother  of  the  present  Secretary  of  State;  Prof. 
Owen  Lattimore  of  Johns  Hopkins  University,  and  Prof.  Frederick  L. 
Schuman,  of  Williams  College,  Williamstown,  Mass. 

But  more  of  this  gentleman  later. 

When  Mr.  Waldrop  asked  ''How  come?"  he  was  getting  closer  to  a 
sordid  picture  than  he  imagined. 

Here  is  what  he  had  to  say  : 

Herewith  an  item  that  may  ])e  of  interest  to  Secretary  of  State  Jimmy  Byrnes 
who  is  doing  liis  level  best  these  days  to  cope  with  J.  Stalin's  bucking  broncos  of 
the  Kremlin. 

Whether  he  finds  it  interesting  or  not,  he  certainly  could  with  profit  ask  a 
few  questions  about  a  project  in  his  own  shop  going  by  the  title  of  the  "Orienta- 
tion Conference  and  Training  Programs  for  Personnel  of  the  Foreign  Office  and 
the  Department  of  State." 

The  writer  of  this  piece  sat  in,  uninvited,  yesterday  on  one  of  those  training 
projects  and  found  it  nothing  more  or  less  than  an  example  to  diplomats  on 
how  to  needle  a  man  whose  back  is  turned — in  this  case  Gen.  Douglas  MacArthur. 

I  might  say  to  the  committee  that  while  I  am  going  back  a  number 
of  yeais,  I  think  you  must  go  back  a  number  of  years  to  develop  the 
complete  picture.    [Continues  reading :] 

To  begin  at  the  beginning,  the  State  Department  has  a  Division  of  Training 
Services  which  has  the  very  valuable  assignment  of  making  better  diplomats  of 
the  departmental  forces. 

As  a  part  of  this,  there  are  scheduled  for  every  workday  from  Monday  through 
Friday  all  this  month,  a  series  of  lectures  by  supposed  experts  on  subjects  of 
importance  in  diplomacy. 

Don't  give  u.p.  It  concerns  you  too,  because  the  State  Department  is  sup- 
posed to  look  out  for  the  interests  of  the  United  States  between  wars  and  you 
live  here. 

Of  ~)7  instructors  listed  to  give  the  developing  diplomats  the  real  dope  on  their 
business,  all  but  three  are  Government  officials. 

The  tbree  exceptions  are:  Dr.  Edward  C.  Acheson,  director  of  the  School  of 
Foreign  Service  at  the  George  Washington  University  here  and  brother  of  Under 
Secretary  of  State  Dean  Acheson :  Prof.  Owen  Lattimore,  of  .lohns  Hopkins 
University,  Baltimore;  and  Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman,  of  Williams  College, 
Williamstown,  Mass. 

Lattimore  is  a  bosom  pal  of  Henry  Wallace,  th«;  great  mind  of  the  ages  now 
trying  to  decide  whether  he  can  best  save  the  world  by  staying  on  in  Truman's 
Cabinet  to  bore  from  within  or  by  resigning  to  bore  from  without. 

Lattimore  also  hangs  out  with  other  i>ersons  less  well  known,  to  an  extent 
that  ought  to  give  .1.  Byrnes  some  pause. 

.Tust  an  item:  He  was  formerly  on  the  editorial  board  of  Amerasia.  the  pro- 
Soviet  magazine  that  got  caught  in  possession  of  confidential  State  Department 
documents  in  1944  with  the  result  that  an  editor  and  a  State  Department  em- 
ployee were  convicted  and  fined. 

Lattimore  also  has  described  Stalin's  blood  purges  of  1936-39  as  a  "triumph 
for  democracy,"  and  that,  friends,  is  just  a  slight  sample. 

He's  clever,  but  you  invariably  find  him  in  all  those  old  familiar  places  when 
you  check  up.    Consider  his  performance  of  yesterday. 


Most  people  have  the  impression  that  on  the  record  and  the  evidence  the  wel- 
fare of  the  United  States  is  better  looked  after  in  Japan  with  Gen.  Douglas 
MacArthnr  in  sole  command  than  in  Germany,  where  a  four-cornered  quarrel 
over  the  remains  grows  worse  and  worse. 

To  all  of  this,  Dr.  Lattimore  yesterday  issued  an  hoiir-long  "na-a-a-a-ah,  it's 
lousy."  His  line  is  that  the  Japs  have  outsmarted  IMacArthur  in  that  they  are 
holding  onto  a  "conservative"  agricultural  policy  and  occasionally  rescue  one 
of  their  industrialists,  bankers,  and  so  forth,  from  the  hangman's  rope. 

Match  that  up,  citizens,  with  what  you've  been  hearing  from  Moscow,  if  you 
both'er  to  listen.  And  match  up  with  it  the  realization  that  such  a  thought  is 
the  best  offered  our  State  Department  help  as  expert  inside  dope  on  the  Far 

How  come  the  State  Department  has  to  drag  in  Owen  Lattimore  to  tell  what's 
what  in  the  Orient?  Hasn't  the  Department  got  anybody  on  its  own  staff 
who  knows  anything? 

And  as  for  the  baby  lined  up  for  June  19 — that  F.  L.  Schuman — ^he's  all  too 
well  known  around  here,  especially  to  people  who  have  read  the  record  of  the 
Dies  committee. 

But  if  you  don't  already  know  what  he  is,  you  can  get  him  completely  in  a  by  turning  to  page  582  of  his  latest  book,  Soviet  Politics  at  Hmue  and 
Abroad,  wherein  he  states  "The  Russian  adventure  marks  a  long  forward  stride 
toward  human  mastery  of  man's  fate     *     *     *." 

This  again,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  referring  to  a  man  who  is  called  in 
to  lecture  our  diplomats.     He  says  in  his  book : 

The  Russian  adventure  marks  a  long  forward  stride  toward  human  mastery 
of  man's  fate.     *     *     * 

That  is  how  the  State  Department's  expert  instructor  on  United  States  Soviet 
relations  sums  up  Stalin's  behavior  and  the  almost  28  bloody  years  of  Commu- 
nist dictatorship  in  Russia. 

No  wonder  State  Department  secret  documents  leak.  No  wonder  Jimmy 
Byrnes  goes  to  conferences  with  Molotov  and  comes  staggering  home  asking 
who  touched  off  the  blast. 

This  writer  plans  to  sit  in  on  Schuman's  June  19  performance,  if  it  comes  off, 
and  will  try  to  report  on  same  in  this  space.  That  is,  of  course,  if  they  don't 
lock  the  door  first. 

Thus  we  have  the  officials  of  the  State  Department  again  warned 
of  a  man  who  by  any  "yardstick  of  loyalty*'  could  not  possibly  be  a 
good  security  risk. 

Mr.  Lattimore  himself  is  a  prolific  writer  and  there  is  no  lack  of 
material  for  the  committee  to  ascertain  exactly  where  this  man  stands 
in  the  political  scheme  of  things. 

The  Reverend  James  F.  Kearney,  S.  J.,  writing  in  the  Colinnbia 
magazine  of  September  1949,  gives  more  first-hand  information  of 
great  value  to  the  committee.  This  magazine  is  published  by  the 
Knights  of  Columbus,  the  most  prominent  order  of  Catholic  laymen 
in  America. 

Here  is  what  Reverend  Kearney  wrote : 

Who  or  what  has  so  vitiated  the  opinion  of  intelligent  Americans  on  the  China 

This  article  was  in  September,  1949  : 

Until  recently,  despite  the  dust  that  has  been  deliberately  thrown  in  American 
eyes  by  pink  correspondents,  the  question  could  be  stated  so  clearly  and  simply 
that  granuuar  school  students  could  grasp  it.  Having  explained  it  to  grammar 
school  students,  I  know.  Here  it  is,  expressed  in  monosyllabic  words :  "If  the 
Reds  win  out  tliere,  we  lose.  If  they  lose,  we  win."  Well,  for  all  practical  pur- 
poses, the  Reds  have  now  won,  and  in  consequence  we  and  the  Chinese  have  lost. 
For  communism  it  is  the  greatest  triumph  since  the  Russian  revolution ;  for  us, 
though  few  Americans  yet  fully  realize  it,  it  is  perhaps  the  greatest  disaster  in 
our  history;  and  the  end  is  not  yet.  Who  is  responsible?  It  wasn't  a  one-man 
job ;  short-sighted  Chinese  officials  contributed  50  percent.    There  are  those  who 


believe,  though,  that  no  Americans  deserve  more  credit  for  tliis  Russian  triumph 
and  Sino-American  disaster  than  Owen  Lattiniore  and  a  small  group  of  his 

Owen  Lattiniore,  contid.-int  of  two  United  States  Pre.sidents,  adviser  to  our 
State  Department,  author  of  10  books  about  the  Far  P^ast,  where  he  has  25  years 
of  travel  and  study  to  his  credit,  was  born  in  Washington,  D.  C,  but  after  a  few 
months  was  taken  to  North  China.  At  12  he  went  to  study  in  Switzerhmd,  then 
In  Eiiirhmd,  and  returned  to  China  as  a  newsman  before  taking  up  exploration, 
particularly  in  Manchuria  and  Mongolia.  He  then  studied  in  Peipinii',  first  on 
a  I'eUowship  from  the  Harvartl  Yenching  Foundation  and  later  on  a  John  Simon 
GuggenJieim  Memorial  Foundation  fellowship,  knows  the  Chinese,  Mongolian, 
and  Russian  languages  well. 

Returning  to  the  United  States  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Sino-Japanese  war  in 
I'JoT.  a  year  later  he  became  directm'  of  the  Walter  Hines  Page  School  of  Inter- 
national" Relations  of  .Johns  Hopkins  Univer.sity,  a  post  he  still  holds. 

Iiicidentall}',  he  has  held  that  post,  I  believe,  all  through  the  time 
he  has  acted  as  State  Department  consultant. 

In  1941  he  was  for  6  months  President  Roosevelt's  political  adviser  to  Gen- 
eralissimo Chiang  Kai-shek,  then  returned  to  the  States  to  enter  the  OWI,  be- 
coming deputy  director  to  the  overseas  branch  in  charge  of  Pacific  operations. 
In  June,  1!>44.  he  and  J.  Carter  Vinent,  later  to  head  the  Far  Eastern  Bureau  of 
the  State  Department,  accompanied  Henry  Wallace  of  the  State  Department  on 
a  diplomatic  tour  of  Siberia  and  free  China. 

So  high  does  Owen  Lattimore  stand  in  Washington  that  it  is  said  the  only 
two  books  on  President  Truman's  desk  when  he  announced  Japan's  surrender 
were  newsman  John  Gunther's  Inside  Asia  and  Lattimore's  Solution  in  Asia. 
Lattimore  was  next  named  special  economic  adviser  to  Edwin  V.  Pauley,  head 
of  the  postwar  economic  mission  to  Tokyo.  Though  not  an  authority  on  Japan, 
he  did  not  he.sitate  to  criticize  former  Ambassador  Jo.seph  C.  Grew's  plan, 
adopted  by  MacArthur,  to  govern  the  Japanese  people  through  the  Emperor. 
He  believed  that  the  Emperor  and  all  his  male  heirs  should  be  interned  in  China 
and  a  republic  set  up  in  Japan. 

In  this  thoroughly  distinguished  orientalist's  career  there  are  many  disturbing 
features.  For  example,  in  fornier  Red  Louis  Budenz'  March  19,  1949,  Collier's 
article,  entitled  "The  Menace  of  Red  China,"  we  read  "Most  Americans,  during 
World  War  II  fell  for  the  Moscow  line  that  the  Chinese  Communists  were  not 
really  Communists,  but  agrarian  reformers.  Tliat  is  just  what  Moscow  wanted 
Americans  to  believe.  Even  many  naive  Government  officials  fell  for  it.  This 
deception  of  United  States  officials  and  public  was  the  result  of  a  planned  cam- 
paign ;  I  helped  to  plan  it.  The  No.  1  end  was  a  Chinese  coalition  government  in 
which  Chiang  would  accept  the  agrarian  reformers,  at  the  insistence  of  the 
United  States.  We  could  work  through  legitimate  Far  East  organizations  and 
writers  that  were  recognized  as  'Oriental  authorities.'  Frederick  V.  Field  em- 
phasized use  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  The  agrarian  reformers  idea 
started  from  there.  It  took  root  in  leading  Far  East  cultural  groups  in  the 
United  Statt^s,  spread  to  certain  policymaking  circles  in  the  State  Department 
and  broke  into  prominent  position  in  the  American  press.  The  Communists 
were  successful  in  impressing  their  views  on  the  United  States  State  Department 
simply  by  planting  articles  with  the  proper  slant  in  such  magazines  as  Far 
Eastern  Survey,  Pacific  Affairs  and  Amerasia.  Both  Far  Eastern  Survey  and 
Pacific  Affairs  "are  publications  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  This  is  not 
a  Communist  organization." 

I  might  say  for  the  benefit  of  Father  Kearney  that  the  Califoriiia 
Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  cited  the  Institute  of  Pacific 
Relations  as  a  Communist  front  organization. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  You  have  been  just  quoting  for  the  record  Mr. 
Budenz'  article  in  Collier's  magazine? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  correct. 

Where  does  Mr.  Lattimore  come  in?  From  1934  to  1941  he  was  editor  of 
Pacific  Affairs.  Freda  Utley  mentions  him  in  two  of  her  books.  In  her  Last 
Chance  in  Cliina  she  tells  how  ^Moscow,  where  .she  then  worked  as  a  Communist, 
was  able  to  help  its  friends  and  discomfit  its  enemies  in  the  Far  East  thanks 
to  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  and  that  Mr.  Lattimore  was  among  those 
Americans  who  came  to  Moscow  for  help  and  advice  (p.  193). 


I  may  inject  here,  if  I  may,  that  while  I  have  not  been  in  touch 
with  Freda  Utley,  I  believe  that  she  would  be  one  of  the  valuable  wit- 
nesses on  whom  the  committee  could  call.  She  is  a  former  Communist, 
apparently  has  completely  reformed,  and  is  apparently  a  very  in- 
telligent woman. 

Senator  Tydings.  Is  she  the  Polisli  lady  who  went  in  there  and 
came  back  and  became  an  American  citizen  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  don't  know  her  national  background. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  have  them  mixed  up,  I  suppose. 

Senator  McCarthy  (continues  reading)  : 

In  her  Lost  Illusion  (p.  194)  she  refers  to  the  same  1936  Moscow  meeting: 
"The  whole  staff  of  our  Pacitic  Ocean  cabinet  had  an  all-day  session  at  the 
institute  with  E.  C.  Carter,  Owen  Lattimore,  and  Harriet  Moore,  leading  lights  of 
the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations." 

Understand,  I  am  now  quoting  from  a  person  who  apparently  sat 
in  tight  with  the  Communists  at  that  time. 

"I  was  a  little  surprised  at  the  time  that  these  Americans  should  defer  so 
often  and  so  completely  to  the  Russian  viewpoint.  Owen  Lattimore  found  it 
difficult  at  first  to  submit  to  the  discipline  required  of  the  Friends  of  the  Soviet 
Union.  He  told  me  a  few  months  later  in  Londcm  how  he  had  almost  lost  his 
I>osition  as  editor  of  Pacific  Affairs  because  he  had  published  an  article  by  the 
Trotskyist  Harold  Isaacs.  In  later  years  in  the  United  States  it  did  not  astonish 
me  to  "find  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  following  the  same  general  lines 
as  the  Daily  Worker  in  regard  to  China  and  .Japan." 

Henry  Wallace  never  claimed  to  be  an  expert  on  the  Far  East.  How  much, 
if  any,  of  his  report  after  returning  from  the  Siberia-China  visit  was  written  or 
suggested  by  the  oriental  expert,  I\Ir.  Lattimore,  I  do  not  know.  One  thing 
emerges,  however :  After  their  return,  the  American  policy  which  has  proved  so 
disastrous  for  both  Chinese  and  American  interests  and  so  helpful  to  Russia  was 
put  into  effect  and  is  still  being  pursued.  Lattimore's  solution  in  Asia  was 
described  by  one  reviewer  as  "an  ai)peal  to  Chiang  Kai-shek  to  free  himself  from 
the  galling  yoke  (of  the  Kuomintaiig)  and  to  set  free  the  democratic  forces 
which  have  proved  effective  in  northwestern  China,'  for  example,  the  Chinese 
Reds.  That  book  is  again  referred  to  in  an  article  by  ex-Conununist  Max  East- 
man and  J.  B.  Powell  in  a  June,  1945,  Reader's  Digest  article,  The  Fate  of  the 
World  Is  at  Stake  in  China,  wherein  they  blast  the  deception  that  Russia  is  a 
democracy  and  that  the  Chinese  can  therefore  safely  be  left  to  Russian  influence. 
Owen  Lattimore  is  perhaps  the  most  subtle  evangelist  of  this  erroneous  con- 

Mr.  Lattimore  praised  the  net  result  of  the  Moscow  trials  and  the  blood  purge 
))y  which  Stalin  secured  his  dictatorship  in  19nr>-,'?I)  as  a  triumph  for  democracy. 
He  now  urges  our  Government,  in  Solution  in  Asia,  to  accept  cheerfully  the 
spread  of  the  Soviet  form  of  democracy  in  Central  Asia.  His  publishers  thus 
indicate  the  drift  of  his  book:  "He  (Mr.  Lattimore)  shows  that  all  the  Asiatic 
peoples  are  more  interested  in  actual  democratic  practices,  such  as  the  ones 
they  can  see  in  action  across  the  Russian  border,  than  they  are  in  the  fine  theories 
of  Anglo-Saxon  democracies  which  come  coupled  with  ruthless  imperialism." 
Does  that  sound  as  if  Mr.  Lattimore,  a  top  advi.ser  on  our  Far  Eastern  affairs,  is 
on  our  team? 

The  same  article  continues  with  a  prophecy  which  has  just  about  come  true: 
"If  Russian  dictatorship  spreads  its  tentacles  across  China  the  cause  of  democ- 
racy (for  example.  United  States  style)  in  Asia  is  lost.  As  is  well  known,  these 
tentacles  need  not  include  invading  Soviet  troops,  but  only  the  native  Commu- 
nist Parties  now  giving  allegiance  to  the  Soviet  Union  and  taking  their  direc- 
tives from  Moscow.  When  these  Couuuunist  Parties  get  control  of  a  neighbor- 
ing state  the  Moscow  dictatorship  and  its  fellow  travelers  call  that  a  friendly 
government.  It  is  by  means  of  these  Conununist-controlled  friendly  govern- 
ments— not  by  Soviet  military  conquest — that  Russian  power  and  totalitarian 
tyranny  is  spreading  from  the  Soviet  Union,  in  Asia  as  in  Europe." 

That*  is  perhaps  good  background  for  the  current  slogan  of  Mr.  Lattimore  and 
his  loyal  followers,  Edgar  Snow,  Ted  White,  Richard  Lauterbach,  Harvard's 
Fairbank,  and  many  an  ex-OWI  man,  that  there's  nothing  much  for  America  to 
worry   about  because  Mao  Tse-tung's  communism  is  a   nationalist  movement. 


A  moment's  reflection  should  make  it  clear  that  the  very  last  thing  a  real 
riiinese  nationalist  would  do  would  he  to  swallow  hook,  line,  and  sinker  the 
doctrine  of  Karl  Marx,  a  (lerman  Jew,  who  besides  lieing  a  foreigner  lias  la 
system  that  .uoes  coiuiter  to  every  Cliinese  instinct  and  evei-y  tradition  in  the 
Chinese  concept  of  society. 

This  recalls  an  incident  a  Belgian  prie>st  related  to  me  in  Shanghai  a  year  and 
a  half  ago.  He  had  become  a  Chinese  citizen,  and  when  the  Chinese  Reds  occu- 
]tled  his  church  in  North  Cliina  they  followed  the  usual  custom  (which  is  proba- 
bly new  to  Mr.  Lattimore)  of  putting  up  the  pictures  of  Marx  and  Stalin  in  tlie 
place  of  honor  above  the  high  altar,  with  those  of  Mao  Tse-tung  and  Chu  Teh 
lielow.  A  Chinese  Red  then  told  the  priest  flatly,  "We  are  going  to  get  rid  of 
absolutely  all  foreign  influence  in  Cliina.  Our  policy  is  China  for  the  Chinese." 
I  can  imagine  I\Ir.  Lattimore  saying.  "Just  what  I  told  you."  But  the  Belgian- 
Chinese  replied,  "And  those  two  foreign  gentlemen  up  there.  ;\Iarx  and  Stalin? 
When  did  they  become  Chinese  citizens?"'     The  Red  slunk  silently  away. 

If  anyone  is  still  puzzled  by  the  contention  that  the  Chinese  Marxists  are 
primarily  nationalists,  a  glance  at  the  Communist  manifesto  will  clear  matters 
up.  Though  not  in  substance,  yet  in  form,  we  read  there :  "The  struggle  of  the 
proletariat  with  the  bourgeoisie  is  at  first  a  national  struggle.  The  proletariat 
of  each  country  must,  of  course,  first  of  all  settle  matters  with  its  own  bour- 
geoisie." That.  I  believe,  .shows  us  wdiat  is  back  of  the  present  national  slogan 
our  United  States  pinks  apply  to  China's  Reds.  It's  not  authentic  nationalism, 
of  course,  as  the  manifesto  explains  later :  "The  Communists  are  reproached  with 
desiring  to  abolish  countries  and  nationality.  The  working  men  have  no  country. 
We  cannot  take  from  them  what  they  have  not  got." 

The  spurious  nature  of  the  nationalism  of  Mao  Tse-tung  was  admitted  by 
Mr.  Lattimore  himself,  perhaps  unintentionally,  in  a  tape-recorded  speech  he 
gave  in  San  Francisco,  December  7.  1948:  "The  Chinese  Communists  never 
made  any  bones  about  the  fact  that  they  are  Marxists.  They  are  Marxist  Com- 
munists in  their  international  relations.  They  never  qtiestion  the  Russian  line. 
They  follow  every  twist  and  tui-n  of  it."  That  is  an  important  admission  by 
Mr.  Lattimore,  since  so  many  of  his  followers  have  been  trying  to  tell  us  there 
is  no  Moscow  control  over  China's  Reds.  If  they  follow  every  twist  and  turn  of 
the  Moscow  line  they  are  evidently  not  Chinese  nationalists  as  we  understand 
the  term,  but  psuedo  nationalists. 

A.  T.  Steele  and  Andrew  Roth  of  the  New  York  Herald  Tribune  and  the 
Nation,  respectively,  after  getting  out  of  Red  Peiping  recently,  declared  that 
the  Chinese  Red  leaders  are  in  every  sense  of  the  word  Communists  who  stand 
squarely  and  faithfully  for  the  Moscow  party  line,  and  will  join  the  Kremlin  in 
the  coming  World  War  III  against  the  imperialist  powers,  particularly  America. 
They  likewise  agree  that  while  ]\Iao  might  possibly  become  an  extreme  nationalist 
at  some  future  date,  another  Tito,  there  is  ab.solutely  no  evidence  that  this  is  a 
factor  to  be  seriously  reckoned  with  for  a  long  time,  IMr.  Lattimore  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding.  Spencer  Moosa,  latest  newsman  out  of  Peiping,  con- 
firms their  statements.  The  very  first  movie  put  on  by  the  Reds  in  the  auditorium 
of  the  Catholic  University  in  Peiping  after  they  moved  in  this  year  was  the  Life 
of  Stalin.  Need  we  say  it  was  not  anti-Rus-sian?  And  so.  instance  after  instance 
shows  the  very  close  connection  between  Moscow  and  Chinese  communism  that 
has  been  witnes.sed  throughout  the  last  28  years  by  intelligent  observers  who 
have  lived  in  Red  China — where  Mr.  Lattimore  lijis  nev,er  lived. 

To  the  average  American,  whom  the  Red  propaganda  is  intended  to  victimize, 
it  seems  quite  natural  that  Mao  Tse-tung  a  native  of  China  who  has  never 
visited  Moscow,  should  think  first  of  China's  instead  of  Russia's  interests.  Yet 
how  many  native-born  Americans  are  there  who,  once  they  join  the  party,  think 
nothing  of  selling  out  their  country  and  its  secrets  to  the  Kremlin?  Such  is  the 
strange  mesmerism  exercised  by  their  Moscow  masters.  It  is.  then,  no  harder 
to  understand  Mao's  utter  devotion  to  the  party  line  than  it  is  to  understand 
that  of  P^oster,  or  Dennis,  or  Earl  Browder.  After  all,  remember,  a  real  Com- 
munist has  no  country.  And  surely  Mao  has  pi-oved  he  is  a  100-percent  Com- 
munist. Let's  not  be  deceived  any  longer,  then,  by  this  fake  nationalism  of 
China's  Reds,  which  is  the  central  thesis  of  Mr.  Lattimore's  recent  book,  The  Situ- 
ation in  Asia. 

If  a  man  who  had  written  10  volumes  about  Africa,  and  thereby  won  a  name 
for  himself  as  an  authority,  should  nevertheless  maintain  that  the  Ne^ri^es  in 
Africa  aren't  really  black  but  white,  it  would  be  a  cause  for  wonder.  Mr.  Owen 
Lattimore,  who  has  written  10  books  on  Asia  and  is  called  the  best  informed 
American  on  Asiatic  affairs  living  today  is  doubtless  well-informed  on  many 


Asiatic  matters  but  unfortunately,  if  we  are  to  take  his  written  words  as  an 
index  of  liis  linowledtie  of  China's  Reds,  lie  is  very  badly  misinformed  about  the 
true  color  of  that  most  important  body  of  individuals  and  their  whole  way  of 
acting.  Which  reminds  me  of  a  recent  conversation  with  one  of  Mr.  Lattimore's 
OWI  boys  who  had  just  returned  from  a  P,  years'  correspondent  assignment  in 
iChina.  I  aslved  him  why  it  was  that  practically  all  of  our  foreign  newsmen, 
though  supposedly  educated  in  the  American  tradition  of  fair  play,  spoke  entirely 
of  corruption  in  the  Chiang  regime  but  said  nothing  about  the  corruption  in  the 
Mao  regime.  And  this  man,  who  was  being  paid  for  giving  his  American  readers 
an  honest  picture  of  conditions  in  the  vital  Far  East,  answered,  "Because  there 
is  no  corruption  in  the  Red  regime."  I  laughed  at  him  for  wasting  his  3  years 
in  the  Orient  and  passed  him  an  article  showing  that  not  only  is  the  Red  regime 
•corrupt,  but  from  every  conceivable  American  standpoint  it  is  conservatively  10 
times  more  corrupt  than  its  current  opposite  number. 

It  is  probably  of  such  men  that  IMr.  Lattimore.  in  his  book  Situation  in  China 
(p.  277)  writes :  "Hitherto  American  observers  who  have  been  acutely  conscious 
of  secret  police  activities  in  Kuomintang,  China,  have  had  nothing  comparable  to 
report  from  Communist  China."  The  reason  is  that  these  official  observers 
Avere  allowed  the  freedom  to  observe  the  limited  activities  of  KMT  secret  policy, 
while  they  aren't  even  permitted  to  enter  Red  China.  Had  they  wished, 
though,  they  could  have  learned  a  lot  from  people,  some  of  them  Americans, 
who  had  lived  in  Red  China.  They  would  have  heard,  for  instance,  about  the 
T'ing  Chung  hui,  or  eavesdropper  corps,  who,  after  killing  off  all  watchdogs, 
creep  up  at  night,  next  to  the  wall  or  on  the  flat  roofs  of  North  China  homes,  to 
liear  what  is  being  said  inside  the  family  about  the  Communists.  Children  are 
rewarded  for  si)ying  on  their  parents  and,  if  anyone  is  believed  to  be  guilty  of 
ranti-Communist  remarks,  a  terror  gang  swoops  down  at  midnight  and  the 
chances  are  the  unfortunate  victim  will  be  discovered  next  morning  buried  alive 
outside  his  home.  This  sort  of  secret  police  and  terrorism  combined  has  been 
■so  universal  in  Red  China  that  if  ]Mr.  Lattimore  doesn't  know  about  it  he  knows 
■extremely  little  of  Chinese  communism. 

As  far  back  as  1945  the  predominant  sentiment  everywhere  in  Red  areas  was 
fear,  universal  fear,  fear  at  every  instant,  according  to  an  official  report  of  a 
Frencliman,  a  formei'  university  professor  from  Tientsin  who  spent  the  years 
from  1941  to  1945  in  Red  territory,  and  had  been  hailed  before  both  Japanese 
;iud  Red  tribunals.  "It  is  not  terror,"  he  says,  "for  terror  is  a  fear  which  shows 
itself  exteriorally.  Here  one  must  not  allow  his  fear  to  be  seen ;  he  must  appear 
■satisfied  and  approve  everything  that  is  said  and  done.  It  is  a  hidden  fear,  but 
a  creeping,  paralyzing  fear.  The  people  keep  quiet.  They  do  not  criticize; 
they  avoid  passing  out  any  news.  They  are  afraid  of  their  neighbor,  who  may 
■denounce  them.  They  are  afraid  of  the  Reds  who  might  hear  and  imprison  them. 
When  the  Reds  impose  a  tax,  it  is  paid  without  a  word.  If  they  requisition 
anyone  for  public  work,  the  work  is  done  carefully  and  rapidly,  without  need  of 
any  blows  and  curses  as  in  the  time  of  the  Japanese,  and  wonderful  to  say, 
without  any  need  of  supervision.  (This  is  amazing  to  anyone  who  knows  the 
easy-going  Chinese  character.)  I  have  witnessed  groups  of  workers  along  the 
big  highways  built  by  the  Japanese,  doing  exactl.v  the  same  kind  of  work  they 
did  for  the  Japanese,  but  how  different  their  attitude.  There  was  no  foreman 
there  to  supervise,  and  yet  everything  was  done  carefully,  with  hardly  a  word, 
"Without  the  least  bit  of  joking."  Mr.  Lattimore,  with  his  lack  of  background, 
anight  interpret  this  as  a  sign  of  enthusiasm  for  the  Red  masters.  But  the  report 
states  simply,  "They  were  afraid." 

What  was  true  in  194n  in  Red  areas  is  also  true  today  according  to  the  very 
latest  1949  reports  that  have  filtered  through  the  bamboo  curtain :  "There  isn't 
too  much  suffering  from  hunger  in  the  cit.v,  but  it  is  impossible  to  lay  up  any 
reserves.  The  Communists  search  every  house  methodically  and  confiscate  any 
surplus.  Anyone  who  complains  or  criticizes  them  disappears  mysteriously, 
buried  alive,  it  is  said.  No  one  dares  say  a  word,  even  to  his  best  friend.  In 
the  country  districts  conditions  are  terrible.  Tlie  Reds  take  everything;  grain, 
livestock,  clothing,  tools,  and  now  all  are  being  mobilized  for  army  service. 
Paniine  reigns  everywhere  together  with  fear.  The  people  endure  this  with 
clenched  teeth,  but  when  asked  how  things  are  going  always  answer,  'Everything 
is  going  well.'  "     They  had  better  ! 

These  reports  come  from  reliable  people  who  were  there  and  know  what  they 
are  talking  about,  and  who  ridicule  the  fairy  tales  Mr.  Lattimore  from  his  distant 
and  comfortable  chair  in  Johns  Hopkins  spins  for  eager  young  Americans  w^ho 
believe  he  is  an  authority  on  China's  Reds.    What,  for  example,  could  be  further 


from  (he  tiuth  tli.iii  this  statement  in  the  Situation  in  China,  page  160:  "la 
C^hina  it  may  be  conceded"  (not  by  anyone  who  l^nows  the  situation,  though,  if 
I  may  interrupt)  "that  the  Communists  hold  the  confidence  of  the  people  to 
such  an  extent  that  they  can  probably  do  more  by  persuasion,  with  less  resort 
to  coercion,  than  any  previous  revolutionaries  in  history.  But  the  Communists 
cannot  indulge  in  I'xperimenls  which  the  people  do  not  accept,  because  the  armed 
and  organized  peasants  would  be  iible  to  resist  them  just  as  they  have  hitherto 
resisted  the  return  of  the  landlords.'  Sheer  nonsense!  The  only  real  landlords 
left  in  Red  areas  are  the  Red  leaders  themselves,  and  the  people  know  enough 
not  to  try  to  resist  these  ruthless  masters.  For  some  reason,  no  one  seems  to 
relish  being  buried  alive ;  and  so  the  Commvmists  can  indulge  in  absolutely  any 
experiment  they  choose  without  the  slightest  open  resistance  from  the  peasants^ 
who  are  merely  awaiting  patiently  for  better  days. 

Since  Mr.  Lattimore  is  patently  in  error  on  so  many  vital  points  connected 
with  the  China  Red  question,  it  becomes  more  and  more  strange  that  his  acfvice' 
on  Red  China  should  be  followed  almost  slavishly  by  the  United  States  State' 
Department.  It  has  already  brought  China  to  disaster  and  may,  if  we  continue 
to  follow  it.  also  ruin  America.  It  might  be  well  to  consider  what  advice  he 
has  given  for  future  United  States  policy  so  we  shall  know  what  a  new  litany 
of  Lattimore  disasters  awaits  us. 

He  has  a  chapter  on  Japan  in  his  Situation  in  Asia  and.  although  he  admits 
General  MacArthur  is  a  first-class  administrator,  he  dislikes  his  "fatherly 
mysticism"  and  "oldline  Republicanism",  hints  it  would  have  been  wiser  to  give 
the  Russians  more  say,  considers  the  present  policy  as  pseudo-realistic  and 
bound  to  fail.  "It's  likely  to  blow  up  in  our  faces,  like  a  humiliating  stink 
bomb,"  damaging  MacArthur's  reputation  in  the  end.  He  doesn't  like  keeping 
the  Emperor,  nor  the  type  of  democracy  MacArthur  is  giving,  apparently  prefer^ 
ring  for  Japan  the  totalitarian  type  Mao  Tse-tung  is  employing  in  China.  Mr^ 
Lattimore  doesn't  like  to  see  Japan  make  a  bulwark  against  Russian  expan- 
sion, and  believes  that  since  she  is  possessed  of  the  most  advanced  technical 
and  managerial  know-how  in  Asia  she  will  eventually  make  her  own  terms  with 
both  Russia  and  China,  without  consulting  the  Ignited  States. 

"The  Japanese,  watching  America's  failure  to  control  the  situation  in  China 
through  the  Kuomintang.  have  been  giggling  in  their  kimono  sleeves.  In  a  queer 
way  it  has  helped  to  restore  their  self-respect  for  their  own  failure  on  the  con- 
tinent."  He  sees  no  future  for  Japan  apart  from  the  future  of  Asia,  since  she 
needs  the  iron  and  coal  of  Manchuria  and  the  markets  of  China. 

In  this  he  is  probably  right ;  that  is  why  it  was  always  to  Amei-ica's  vital 
interest  to  see  that  the  open  door  policy  and  the  territoi-ial  integrity  of  China 
were  preserved,  though  this  adviser  to  our  State  Department  did  not  think 
them  very  important.  He  considers  east  Asia  now  definitely  out  of  control  by 
either  Russia  or  America,  stating  that  it  forms  a  group  of  "third  countries" 
which  seem  to  resemble  Nippon's  ill-fated  "East  Asia  coprosperity  sphere."  He 
lielieves  Japan,  then,  will  come  to  tei-ms  both  with  Communist  Russia  and  Com- 
munist China,  and  will  end  b.v  being  more  anti-American  than  anti-Russian. 
If  we  had  only  adopted  his  plan  foi-  a  Japanese  democracy  right  after  the 
war,  what  a  deal  of  trouble  we  would  have  saved  ! 

What,  now,  are  his  plans  for  the  mainland?    He  has  long  been  in  favor  of  a 
Chiang  coalition  with   the  Reds,  and   blames  our  sOth   Congress  for  spoiling 
that.    The  result  is  now  Communist  control — which  of  course  would  have  even- 
tuated just  as  well  had  his  original  coalition  idea  gone  tlirough.     We  mustn't 
lay  down  our  own  conditions  for  dealing  with  a  Red  China,  he  says,  or  we- 
shall  spoil  our  favorable  position  with  the  Chinese.     Has  he  never  heard  how 
Mao"s  Reds  detest  Americans,  and  hold  half  a  dozen  United   States  consids 
under  house  arrest?     "We  must  at  all  costs  avoid  the  appearance  of  wanting: 
to  punish  the  Chinese  people  for  having  a  government  which  we  didn't  approve- 
for  them  in  advance."     As  if  the  Chinese  were  really  anxious  for  a  puppet  Red 
regime.    We  not  support  any  rump  government,  for  that  would  be  dividing- 
China.    We  must  extend  credits  to  poor  Red  China  and  help  build  it  up  by  trade- 
and   American   eiigineeriim    know-lunv   as   "Fot-d   Motors   and   General    Electi-ic 
did  in  Taissia  in  the  period  between  war-^."     But  let's  not  lay  down  any  condi- 
tions for  our  aid,  by  insistim,'  that  Red  China  be  hostile  to  Red  Russia.  ' 

And  if  all  that  isn't  enough  to  make  Uncle  Sam  suspect  that  Owen  Lattimore- 
is  making  a  fool  o>it  of  him  in  the  interests  of  world  (-ommuiiism,  the  expert 
goes   mu(-h   further:    "The   new   government   of   China   will   claim   China's   Big 
Five  position  in  the  L'nited  Nations.  in(-luding  the  riuht  of  veto.     By  the  use  of 
our  own  veto  we  could  delay  China  in  moving  into  this  position,"  but  of  course  it 


would  be  unfair  to  deprive  Russia  of  another  vote,  especially  since  Russia  has 
had  nothing  whatsoever  to  do  with  iniposiug  communism  on  China !  See  now 
why  the  pinks  are  so  strong  on  their  insistence  that  the  Red  movement  in 
<'hina  is  purely  nationalistic?    And  another  vote  for  Mother  Russia? 

Let's  take  Outer  Mongolia,  that  voted  unanimously  to  be  annexed  to  Russia  in 
1945 — each  voter  being  required  to  sign  his  name  on  his  ballot.  "Mongolia," 
lie  says,  "is  between  a  Communist-ruled  Russia  and  a  Communist-controlled 
China.  It  would  be  an  advantage  to  American  policy  to  be  able  to  emphasize 
that  there  is  a  country  occupying  600,000  square  miles  of  territory  *  *  * 
inhabited  by  people  who  are  neither  Chinese  nor  Russians.  It  is  impossible 
to  make  use  of  this  advantage  unless  the  separation  of  Outer  Mongolia  is  em- 
phasized by  membership  in  the  United  Nations  *  *  *.  It  is  true  that  Mon- 
golia as  a  member  of  the  United  Nations  would  mean  another  vote  for  Russsia: 
but  would  this  be  a  greater  disadvantage  than  our  present  comiilete  lack  of 
access  to  this  key  country  between  China  and  Russia?"   (p.  226). 

Yes.  IMr.  Lattimore.  it  would.  Considering  that  the  whole  United  States  had 
but  one  vote  in  the  United  Nations  while  Russia  started  out  witli  three,  it  is 
simply  wonderful  f)f  Owen  Lattimore  to  give  a  couple  more  Far  East  satellite 
votes  to  our  cold  war  enemy.  Since  he  is  one  of  the  chief  advisers  to  our  Far 
Eastern  State  Department  DureaTi.  is  it  any  wonder  that  disaster  has  been  piled 
on  disaster  in  .\sia  for  Americans  while  world  connuvnism  engages  in  Irenzied 
applause?  If  ^Ir.  Lattimore  is  permitted  to  turn  over  one  far  eastern  vote  after 
another  to  Russia,  Moscow  will  soon  dominate  the  United  Nations,  and  then  can 
safely  discard  the  veto.  Why  should  one  man,  whose  writings  show  he  has  no 
knowledge  of  the  character  of  China's  Reds,  be  allowed  to  go  on  unchallenged 
promoting  chaos  and  ruining  Christianity  in  Asia?  Ti-ue,  he  doesn't  say  he 
wants  a  Red  Asia  :  but  tlie  publisher  of  his  Situation  in  Asia  indic-ates  his  inten- 
tions when  on  the  .jacket  of  the  l)ook  they  print  a  maii  of  Lattimore's  Asia, 
including  Japan,  Sakhalin,  all  of  China,  the  Philippines,  the  Dutch  East  Indies, 
Siam,  Burma,  Malaya,  and  India,  in  nice  Soviet  Red. 

That  is  the  end  of  the  quotation  of  Fatlier  Kearney. 

It  is  uncanny  how  these  State  Department  policy  makers  are  drawn 
too;ether  time  after  time  in  an  organization  or  group  or  project  of 
pro-Soviet  nature. 

I  now  hand  the  committee  a  booklet  setting  forth  the  officers  and 
trustees  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  It  will  be  noted  that 
Mr.  Lattimore  is  a  trustee.  It  will  be  also  noted  from  the  book 
I  previously  handed  the  Chair  that  this  institute  is  listed  as  either 
subversive  or  Conununist  front  by  the  California  Un-American  Activ- 
ities Committee. 

Senator  Tydings.  Where  are  the  headquarters  of  the  Institute  of 
Pacific  Relations? 

Senator  McCarthy.  One  East  Fifty-fourth  Street.  New  York  City 
22,  and  my  exhibit  29,  Mr.  Chairman,  reads :  "The  officers  and  trustees 
of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  invite  you  to  become  a  member 
of  its  American  Council."  This  contains  the  name  of  our  own  Owen 
Lattimore.    It  will  be  filed  in  the  record. 

The  familiar  pattern  starts  again  with  Messrs.  Lattimore,  Hanson, 
Bisson,  and  Jessup. 

In  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  we  have  such  ]iro-Communists 
as  Frederick  Yanderbilt  Field,  Philip  Jaffe,  Kate  L.  INIitchell,  Andrew 
E,oth,  and  Nym  Wales.  Incidentally.  I  might  mention  that  Nym 
Wales,  which  is  not  her  actual  name,  was  the  coeditor  with  Mr.  Hanson 
in  the  magazine  he  was  running  in  Peiping  at  the  time  the  Japanese- 
-Chinese  war  broke  out. 

The  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States  has  declared  the  Amer- 
ican Peace  Mobilization  to  be  a  subversive  organization  and  the  House 
XTn-American  Activities  Committee  has  placed  the  same  stamp  of 
infamy  on  the  Washington  Committee  for  Aid  to  China. 


The  American  Peace  iNIolMlizatioii  was  short-lived.  It  existed  dur- 
in<r  tlie  days  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact  and  was  liquidated  by  the  Com- 
munists on  the  very  day  that  Hitler  invaded  the  Soviet  Union. 

Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  one  of  the  countrv's  to])  Commiuiists, 
was  executive  secretary  of  the  American  Peace  ]\fobilization  on  Tues- 
day evenin<r,  February  11,  1941,  also. 

On  that  date,  the  "\Vashiiiaton  Committee  for  Aid  to  China,  held  a 
meeting  at  Sixteenth  and  O  Streets  NW.,  Washintrton. 

At  tlie  time  this  meeting  was  held.  President  Roosevelt  was  under 
the  most  savage  attack  of  his  career  by  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field 
and  hi-  American  Peace  Mobilization.  That  was  when  the  Stalin- 
Hitler  pact  still  existed.  That  was  when  they  were  calling  Roosevelt 
a  Avai'monger  in  no  uncertain  terms. 

The  Senators  may  recall  that  this  was  the  occasion  when  the  Amer- 
ican Peace  ]\ro1)ilization  oi'ganized  and  carried  out  a  24-hour  picket 
line  around  the  White  House.  The  pickets  carried  placards  denouncing 
Roosevelt  as  a  warmongering  tool  of  Wall  Street.  That  was  while  the 
Hitler-Stalin  pact  existed. 

On  June  21,  1941,  the  American  Peace  Mobilization  pickets  were 
still  surrounding  the  White  House.  When  Hitler  invaded  the  Soviet 
Union  on  the  morning  of  June  22,  the  pickets  were  withdrawn  within 
an  hour.  The  party  line  had  changed  in  a  matter  of  minutes  and 
the  American  Peace  Mobilization  then  bei^ame  the  American  People's 
Mobilization,  urging  the  immediate  entrance  of  the  United  States 
into  the  war. 

Again,  associated  with  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  we  have  Owen 
Lattimore  as  the  principal  speaker  at  the  above  meeting  on  the  eve- 
ning of  February  11,  1941,  with  only  two  other  speakers.  One  of 
them  was  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field. 

Here  again  we  have  the  oUl  familiar  pattern  of  a  member  of  the 
important  policy-making  group  of  the  State  Department  collaborat- 
inir  with  known  Communists  under  the  sponsorship  of  organizations 
officially  declared  subversive. 

I  want  to  again  direct  the  committee's  particular  attention  to  the 
fact  that  while  Owen  Lattimore  was  with  Frederick  Vanderbilt 
Field,  this  was  the  same  Field  who,  on  the  22d  day  of  June,  the  day 
after  Hitler  invaded  Russia,  promptly  changed  his  line  of  attack,  the 
same  great  .and  good  friend  of  Owen  Lattimore. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  While  3'ou  are  taking  a  little  breath,  I  would 
just  like  to  take  this  opportunity  to  announce  to  the  press  that  these 
exhibits  will  be  available  in  the  keeping  of  the  reporter  immediately 
after  the  conclusion  of  Senator  INIcCarthy's  testimony,  because  you 
will  want  to  see  all  of  the  names  on  here.  I  see  ^Ir.  Henry  Luce's 
name  as  one  of  the  vice  presidents  of  this  organization. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  INIr.  Chairman,  I  may  suggest  that  there 
are  a  number  of  other  nsimes  on  there  that  are  probably  completely 
on  the  otlier  side  of  the  feuce  from  Mr.  Henry  Luce,  and  I  think  it 
is  unfair  for  the  chairman  or  anyone  else  to  pick  and  choose  two  or 
three  names  of  respectable  citizens  who  are  on  these  lists  and  not 
call  attention  to  a  numl)er  of  the  Connnunists'  names. 

Seiiator  Tydings.  They  were  already  pointed  out  by  the  witness. 
I  just  wanted  to  point  out  one  on  the  other  side,  not  three  or  four. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say  that  the  other  day  as  I  handed 


in  the  exhibits,  as  the  Chair  will  recall,  I  was  namino-  the  oiitstaiid- 
ino-  Communists  whose  names  appeared  on  exhibit  after  exhibit.  The 
Chair  objected  to  that  and  said  he  would  have  to  name  the  respectable 
people  who  are  named -on  a  few  of  them.  For  that  reason  the  Chair 
will  note  that  I  have  refrained  from  naming;  all  the  well-known 
Communists  who  appear  on  exhibit  after  exhibit,  and  I  hope  I  have 
made  it  clear  in  the  past  that  one  of  the  reasons  why  the  Attorney 
General,  the  House  committee,  the  California  connnittee,  and  various 
other  committees,  have  considered  these  front  organizations  so  dan- 
gerous is  that  from  time  to  time  they  have  succeeded  in  getting 
respectable  peoples'  names  on  them.  That  is  what  has  made  them 

Senator  Tydings.  I  was  of  the  impression,  Senator  McCarthy,  that 
you  had  read  some  supporting  names.  I  might  have  been  in  error. 
That  is  on  page  1-A,  where  you  say  : 

In  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  we  have  such  pro-Communists  as:  Fred- 
erick Vanderbilt  Field,  Philip  Jaffe,  Kate  L.  Mitchell,  Andrew  Roth,  Nym  Wales. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Chair  is  correct. 

Senator  Tydings.  Following  out  Senator  Hickenlooper's  suggestion, 
the  Chair  will  read  the  lest  of  these  names.  I  do  not  know  a  great 
many  of  the  people,  but  I  will  read  their  names.  These  are  the  of- 
ficers and  trustees  of  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations :  First,  officers 
and  board  of  trustees,  American  Council :  Robert  G.  Sprout,  chair- 
man; Edward  C.  Carter,  executive  vice  chairman;  Joseph  P.  Cham- 
berlain, Mortimer  Graves,  Henry  W.  Luce,  Ray  Lyman  Wilbur,  vice 

Ray  Lyman  Wilbur  was  either  a  Secretary  in  the  Ploover  Cabinet 
or  is  the  head  of  one  of  the  universities  in  California,  I  don't  know 

Brooks  Emeny,  treasurer;  Tillie  G.  Shahn,  assistant  treasurer;  and 
Lawrence  Morris,  secretary. 

The  members  of  the  board  of  trustees  are  Edward  W.  Allen,  Ray- 
mond B.  Allen,  Christian  Arndt,  Paid  S.  Bachman,  Eugene  E.  Bar- 
nett.  Pearl  S.  Buck,  George  Cameron,  Edward  C.  Carter,  Joseph  P. 
Chamberlain,  Allan  E.  Charles,  Lauchlin  Currie,  John  L.  Curtis, 
Joseph  S.  Davis,  A.  L.  Dean,  Arthur  Dean,  Len  De  Caux,  Dorothy 
Douglas,  Brooks  Emeny,  Frederick  V.  Field,  Henry  Field,  Galen  M. 

Also  (t.  W.  Fisher,  Charles  K.  Gamble,  Clarence  E.  Gauss,  Mrs. 
Frank  Gerbode,  Huntington  Gilchrist,  A.  J.  Gock,  Carrington  Good- 
rich, Henry  F.  Grady,  Mortimer  Graves,  Achniral  John  AV.  Green- 
slade,  William  R.  Herod,  John  Hersey,  the  writer;  Paul  G.  Hoffman, 
William  C.  Johnstone,  Owen  Lattimore,  Charles  F.  Loomis,  Henry 
R.  Luce,  publisher  of  Life,  Time,  and  Fortune  magazines;  Charles  E. 
Martin,  Mrs.  Alfred  McLaughlin,  Abbot  Low  Moffat,  Harriet  L. 
Moore,  George  Abbot  IMorison,  Lawrence  Morris,  A.  W.  Robertson. 

Also  Chester  Rowell,  Robert  G.  Sproul,  G.  Nye  Steiger,  Donald 
Straus,  George  Taylor,  Juan  Trippe,  president  of  Pan  American  Air 
Liues;  Henry  A.  Wallace.  Louis  Weiss,  Sunnier  Welles,  Lynn  White, 
Jr.,  Brayton  Wilbur,  Ray  Lyman  AVilbur,  Herbert  J.  Wood,  and  Mrs. 
Louise  L.  Wright. 

The  M'itness  will  proceed. 


Sonntor  IMcCarthy.  I  now  h:\ud  you,  Mr.  Chainuan,  exhibit  30, 
entitled  ''National  Enieriiency  Conference  for  Democratic  Kiohts." 
On  April  21,  1943,  the  House ^'onmiittee  on  Appropriations  issued  a 
report  citinir  this  oroanization  as  "'subversive  and  un-American."'  On 
March  i2i),  the  House  Special  Connnittee  on  Un-American  Activities 
cited  it  as  a  Oonununist  front. 

On  September  '2,  19-1:7,  on  page  12  of  its  Report  No.  1115,  the  con- 
gressional Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  said : 

It  will  be  reiiit'inhered  that  dnriiis  the  days  of  the  infamous  Soviet-Nazi  pact 
the  Goiunmnists  Imilt  a  protective  ()rganizati<in  known  as  the  National  Emer- 
gency Conference  for  Democratic  R'ghts,  which  culminated  in  the  National  Fed- 
eration for  Constitutional  Liberties. 

In  its  19-48  report,  on  pages  112  and  327  the  California  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities,  after  citing  it  as  a  Communist-front  or- 
ganization, defending  Communists,  had  this  to  say : 

After  the  dissolution  of  the  American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy  in 
February  1J)40,  the  Communist  Party  frantically  organized  a  new  series  of  front 
organizations.  The  National  Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic  Rights 
was  one  of  the  new  fronts  and  it  was  filled  from  top  to  bottom  with  veteran 
Connnunist  Party-liners. 

The  Maryland  Association  for  Democratic  Rights  was  an  aililiate 
of  the  National  Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic  Rights.  At 
a  conference  of  this  organization  in  Baltimore  early  in  1944,  we  have 
as  sponsors  Mr.  Owen  Lattimore  and  his  wife. 

I  might  say  I  for  one  believe,  and  I  think  the  committee  will  agree 
with  me  after  they  have  gone  into  this  in  detail,  that  Owen  Lattimore 
was  not  a  dupe  who  joined  these  Communist-front  organizations  by 
mistake.  He  was  one  of  the  allegedly  respectable  men  who  got  some 
actually  respectable  names  on  this  list. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  allow  me  to  interrupt  you  a  moment. 
I  don't  know  a  lot  of  these  people  in  this  Baltimore  chapter.  Some  of 
them  I  do  knoAv.  Some  of  them  I  know  very  slightly;  some  of  them  I 
don't  know  at  all. 

I  am  not  going  to  read  the  list  in  the  record,  but  I  would  like,  inas- 
nnich  as  the  chairman  is  from  Maryland,  to  notify  any  Maryland 
papers  or  press  services  that  are  going  to  circulate  in  Maryland  that 
a  copy  of  all  these  names  is  available  here  at  the  head  table  if  they 
want  it. 

Thank  you.  Senator. 

Senator  jMcCartiiy.  I  might  say  most  likely  the  ones  the  Senator 
knows  are  the  good,  outstanding  people. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  The  ones  that  I  see  there  are  the  ones  that  have 
o]:)posed  me  pretty  generally  in  a  good  many  elections.  I  don't  mean 
all  of  them,  but  I  recognize  some  of  them. 

Senator  IMcCarthy.  We  Avill  consider  that  as  proof  that  they  were 

I  assume  that  Mr.  Lattimore,  a  high  State  Department  official,  un- 
doubtedly did  get  some  hue  Baltimore  people  to  associate  their  names 
with  that.  He  must  have  known  that  a  year  previous  to  that  time 
this  was  declared  a  subversive,  Communist-front  organization.  Most 
likely  any  Baltimore  people  who  are  on  that,  whose  names  are  on 
that  paper,  did  not  know  that  that  organization  had  been  declared  sub- 
versive a  year  before.  --. 

689-70—50 — pt.  1 8  v-J 


Senator  Tydings.  There  are  some  names  on  there  that  I  recognize, 
that  I  am  sure  he  would  exculpate  from  any  desire  to  be  in  any  dis- 
loyal organization.  There  are  some  others  that  I  do  not  know,  but 
I  recognize  three  or  four  representative  names. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Thank  you,  sir. 

Once  again  we  have  a  policy-making  State  Department  attache  col- 
laborating with  those  who  have  sworn  to  destroy  the  Nation  by  force 
and  violence. 

I  find  it  impossible  to  visualize  this  sort  of  a  good  security  risk  under 
yardstick  of  loyalty  outlined  by  Secretary  of  State  Acheson. 

I  hand  the  committee  an  exhibit  of  the  Writers'  Congress  of  194:3. 
This  will  be  exhibit  No.  31. 

On  December  1,  1917,  and  on  September  21,  1918,  the  then  Attorney 
General  Tom  Clark  in  letters  to  the  Loyalty  Eeview  Board,  cited  the 
Hollywood  Writers'  Mobilization  as  subversive  and  communistic.  In 
its  1945  report  on  page  130,  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American 
Ati'airs  described  this  organization  as  one  "whose  true  purpose"  was 
"the  creation  of  a  clearing  house  for  Communist  propaganda."' 

On  October  1,  2,  and  3  of  1913,  the  Writers'  Congress  and  the  Holly- 
wood Writers'  Mobilization  held  a  meeting  on  the  University  of  Cali- 
fornia-LA  campus  in  Westwood.  Appearing  as  the  representative  of 
the  Office  of  War  Information  was  Mr.  Owen  Lattimore. 

Here  again  we  have  Mr.  Lattimore  involved  as  a  principal  in  an  or- 
ganization declared  un-American  by  the  Attorney  General  of  the 
United  States. 

In  the  magazine,  Pacific  Affairs,  of  September  1938,  Owen  Latti- 
more described  the  Moscow  purge  trials  as  a  "triumph  for  Democracy." 

In  his  book,  entitled  "Solution  in  Asia,"  Owen  Lattimore  declares 
tliat  among  the  people  of  Asia,  the  Soviet  Union  has  "a  gi-eat  power 
of  attraction — it  stands  for  democracy." 

Let  me  repeat  that.  Here  is  the  man  shaping  our  Asiatic  policy. 
He  said  this  in  his  own  book.  No  one  else  has  said  this  for  him.  Owen 
Lattimore  has  said,  in  his  book  entitled  "Solution  in  Asia,"  "that  among 
the  people  of  Asia,  the  Soviet  Union  has  a  great  power  of  attraction — 
it  stands  for  democracy. 

I  submit  that  the  background  of  Mr.  Lattimore,  his  close  collabora- 
tion and  affiliation  Avith  numerous  Communist  organizations;  his 
friendship  and  close  cooperation  with  pro-Communist  individuals, 
leaves  absolutely  no  doubt  that  he  is  an  extremely  bad  security  risk 
under  Secretary  of  State  Acheson's  yardstick  of  loyalty  or  under  any 
other  yardstick  you  could  apply,  and  in  fact,  his  wide  knowledge  of 
far  eastern  affairs  and  his  affinity  for  the  Soviet  cause  in  that  area 
might  well  have  already  done  this  Nation  incalculable  and  irreparable 

So  much  for  Mr.  Lattimore. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  shall  be  prepared  to  give  the  committee  what- 
ever additional  information  I  can  at  such  other  meeting  as  the  Chair 
decides  to  call  me.  I  might  say  tliat  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Chair 
said  that  Judge  Kenyon  might  or  might  not  be  here  tomorrow,  I  would 
appreciate  it  very<,much  to  know  at  the  earliest  possible  time  whether 
he  wants  me  to  appear  tomorrow,  and  if  so,  at  what  time.  I  can't  be 
called  at  the  last  minute  and  asked  to  come  up  here,  because  it  does 
take  a  tremendous  amount  of  night  and  day  work  for  me  to  get  these 
cases  in  shape. 


Senator  TYniX(;s.  I  would  sa}'  to  Senator  McCarthy  tliat  the  matter 
lip  before  the  Senate  is  not  the  liousin*;  bill  but  the  FDIC.  You  have 
been  under  ri<iht  nuich  of  a  strain  there  to  read  for  an  hour  and  a  half 
or  so.  I  think  it  woidd  be  very  wise,  with  your  a]>i)roval,  as  the  housing 
bill  is  not  on  the  lloor  today,  if  we  were  to  take  a  recess,  which  is  at 
\  o'clock,  and  come  back,  let  us  say,  at  half  past  two,  which  w^ould  give 
the  Senator  time  to  eat  and  get  his  next  case  in  order. 

AVould  that  l>e  satisfactory  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  understood.  Mr.  Chairman,  the  agreement 
was  that  we  would  recess  when  we  got  through,  and  I  simply  am  going 
to  have  to  insist  that  I  cannot  spend  all  morning  and  all  afternoon  on 
these  cases.  It  takes  me  a  long  time  to  get  them  in  sliape.  I  have  been 
w'orking  just  about  around  the  clock  <;etting  tliese  cases  in  shape  for 
the  connnittee,  and  I  cannot  work  night  and  day  only  in  preparation 
for  the  connnittee.  I  will  come  before  the  committee  every  forenoon. 
1  just  simply  cannot  spend  every  forenoon  and  afternoon  here.  There 
is  a  great  weahh  of  material  to  be  gone  over. 

I  might  say  this.  Originally  I  had  planned  on  coming  here  today 
and  giving  the  committee  all  of  the  information  which  I  personally 
had  assembled  in  chronological  order.  I  felt  that  the  information  that 
1  have  given  in  the  Congressional  Record  from  the  secret  files  would  be 
sufficient  to  show  that  a  sizeable  number  of  individuals  are  bad  security 
risks,  and  that  the  connnittee  w^ould  develop  all  of  those  cases. 

However,  when  I  mentioned  that  to  one  of  the  newspaper  men  the 
other  day,  the  State  Department  heard  it  and  promptly  there  was  a 
tremendous  amount  of  screaming  on  the  air  and  in  the  press  that 
McCarthy  wasn't  ]:)resenting  all  of  his  cases. 

In  view  of  that  I  am  going  to  try  and  give  the  committee  all  con- 
ceivable details  of  those  cases.  That  is  a  hard  job.  I  w^ill  bring  that 
up  to  date  as  I  possibly  can. 

Let  me  say  this  also.  I  think  we  have  an  unusual  situation  develop- 
ing, an  unUsual  campaign  over  in  the  State  Department.  It  seems 
that  whenever  Dean  Acheson  wants  to  do  any  name  calling  or  issue 
any  press  releases  it  is  clone  in  the  name  of  a  very  likeable  and  fine 
young  fellow,  a  harmless  young  man  by  the  name  of  Peurifoy.  It  is 
a  clever  attempt  to  shift  on  to  Peurifoy  the  blame  for  Acheson's 
activities.  We  all  know  that  Mr.  Peurifoy  has  no  more  power  to  dis- 
charge a  ilian  like  Hanson  or  Lattimore  than  the  President's  aide  has 
to  discharge  the  President,  and  I  just  hope  very  soon  the  Secretary  of 
State  has  enough  guts  to  stand  up  and  say  "This  is  my  baby ;  I  will 
take  the  blame  for  the  sort  of  situation  that  has  been  disclosed"  and 
quit  shoving  the  blame  on  to  the  shoulders  of  a  very  fine  young  man 
who  must  do  as  he  is  told. 

Senator  Tydi^'gs.  I  did  not  interrupt  you,  but  that  has  nothing 
to  do  with  the  evidence  before  this  committee.  Our  job  is  to  hear 
evidence  that  has  to  do  with  disloyalty  in  the  State  Department  and 
other  bi'anchos  of  the  Government  where  State  De]iartment  employees 
liave  gone. 

You  have  given  us  an  outline  of  81  cases.  It  is  the  policy  of  the 
chairman,  I  am  sure,  supported  unanimously  by  the  committee,  that 
we  will  get  those  files,  and  we  ho))e  to  organize  this  week  and  start 
work  on  them.  If  you  have  anything  you  wish  to  add  to  your  testi- 
mony on  the  floor  of  the  Senate,  we  will  be  very  glad  to  have  it,  or 
any  other  cases  you  may  have  that  you  want  to  present. 


When  I  talked  to  yon  on  Friday,  yon  told  me  that  yon  thonght  you 
conld  finish  the  presentation  of  yonr  case  today,  if  yon  were  not 
interrnpted,  in  abont  4  or  5  honrs.  Yon  told  Senator  Lodge  that^ 
and  I  so  announced  it  to  the  press. 

We  have  made  our  arrangements  to  sit  today,  this  afternoon  or 
tonight,  if  possible,  to  give  yon  the  opportunity  that  you  wanted, 
and  we  have  made  our  arrangements  accordingly.  I  think  if  you 
could  help  US  by  coming  back  at  2 :  30,  so  long  as  the  situation  on 
the  Senate  floor  did  not  require  you  to  go,  it  would  be  better  if  we 
conld  finish  this  afternoon,  rather  than  have  a  niglit  session.  That 
will  not  preclude  you,  of  course,  from  giving  us  additional  informa- 
tion. We  simply  wanted  to  get  the  files  of  what  we  are  to  investigate 
pretty  clear  before  we  turned  it  over  to  the  staff  which  we  will  shortly 
name,  in  more  or  less  one  piece,  rather  than  to  string  it  out  so  we 
could  set  up  an  over-all  system  to  check  and  cross  check  at  the  very 
beginning.  You  can  appreciate  that  that  would  be  the  thorough  way 
to  do  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  the  chairman  has  a  very  commendable 
idea.  I  might  say,  however,  that  as  I  said  before,  this  is  not  the  only 
task  I  have,  presenting  this  evidence.  I  have  a  State  and  a  lot  of 
people  in  that  State.  I  have  to  take  care  of  their  interests  also.  I 
have  been  working  almost  24  honrs  a  day  getting  these  cases  in  shape. 
I  simply  cannot  work  all  morning  and  all  afternoon  before  this  com- 
mittee. The  most  I  can  do  is  to  give  the  committee  half  a  day  of 
my  time,  and  I  will  be  glad  to  do  that  on  any  day.  I  will  be  glad  to 
present  these  cases,  and  I  think  they  are  of  suflicient  import  so  that 
the  committee  will  want  to  hear  them.  If  not,  that  is  entirely  up  to 
the  committee. 

Senator  IIickenlooper.  I  strenuously  object  and  do  object  to  night 
sessions.  I  reserved  that  right  the  other  day.  I  am  not  going  to 
sit  in  night  sessions  if  I  can  help  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  could  yon  come  back  at  2 :  SO 
or  3  o'clock  with  more  material,  today? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  told  the  Chair  that  I  will  give  the  com- 
mittee my  mornings.  I  just  can't  give  them  all  day.  I  don't  want  to 
ajipear  arbitrary,  but  this  has  been  a  tremendous  task.  My  office  staff 
i.s  almost  on  the  verge  of  quitting.  I  have  been  working  them  all 
night.  I  worked  them  all  day  Sunday  and  all  Sunday  night.  I  must 
have  time  to  get  this  material  in  shape. 

As  I  say,  I  had  originally  planned  on  giving  the  committee  the 
material  principally  from  the  Congressional  Record  on  many  of  these 
individuals,  giving  them  all  of  the  leads.  However,  I  find  that  the 
Secretary  of  St^te  is  demanding  that  I  personally  give  the  committee 
more.  I  think  maybe  he  is  right  in  this  case,  so  I  will  give  the  com- 
mittee more  stuff.  I  will  give  them  cases  that  are  more  fully  developed 
outside  of  the  secret  files. 

I  might  say  that  in  the  Hanson  case  yon  have  a  complete  case  with- 
out any  files  at  all.    I  think  the  files  will  be  of  interest  to  you. 

In  the  Brunauer  case.  I  do  sincerely  hope  the  committee  takes  that 
case  immediately  and  goes  into  it  and  gets  the  files.  Tliere  is  plenty 
of  work  for  the  committee  to  start  on.  They  need  not  wait  until  I 
present  more  cases.  If  no  other  case  were  presented  except  the 
Brunauer  case  and  if  she  is  gotten  out  of  this  top-secret  position,  it 


"Would  justify  the  committee's  existence,  it  would  justify  the  spend- 
in<2:  of  all  the  money  the  Senate  has  authorized  the  committee  to  spend. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  It  hasn't  authorized  any,  yet. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let's  start  on  that  one. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  would  like  to  say  that  the  committee  hasn't  had 
a  dollar  put  at  its  disposal  yet.  There  has  been  no  authorization, 
■but  I  am  hopino;  that  today  we  will  get  some  money. 

Senator,  the  chairman  of  the  committee  is  certainly  not  going  to 
press  you.  You  are  carrying  a  heavy  burden.  We  are  all  carrying 
.a  heavy  burden,  too.  I  haven't  been  in  my  office  to  do  any  work  now 
for  4  or  5  or  6  days,  and  I  have  a  bunch  of  people  down  there  who  are 
.after  me,  almost  beside  themselves,  to  get  some  decisions,  and  that  is 
the  reason  I  tried  to  get  the  thing  under  way  today  and  hoped  we 
•could  have  concluded,  but  if  you  are  not  ready  there  is  no  reason  why 
you  should  not  have  a  fair  chance  to  produce  it.  It  would  help  us 
all  to  plan  our  lives  if  w-e  could  know  about  what  you  estimate — we 
are  not  going  to  hold  you  to  it — the  additional  time  that  you  will  re- 
quire to  present  tlie  matter  that  you  have  in  mind. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  want  the  Chair  to  know  that  I  am  not  trying 
to  evade  giving  him  an  estimate,  but  let  me  say  this.  It  wdll  be  ex- 
tremely difficult  to  estimate.  I  have  in  my  office  now  letters  from 
people,  some  of  them  having  good  information,  some  of  them  the 
typical  crackpot  letters  which  one  gets,  giving  information  and  tips 
in  a  vast  numljer  of  these  cases.  I  find  that  some  of  them  develop  un- 
usually fast.  In  fact,  much  of  the  material  that  I  am  presenting 
tomorrow  morning  frankly  was  not  in  my  hands  the  day  I  spoke  on 
the  Senate  floor.  When  I  say  "tomorrow,"  I  mean  the  next  day  you 
can  hear  me. 

The  information  that  I  have  presently  developed,  the  cases  that  I 
am  ready  to  start  on  tomorrow  or  the  next  day,  whenever  I  am  called, 
those  cases  will  still  take,  I  think,  more  than  t^ie  5  hours  which  I 
mentioned  to  the  Chair  last  Friday.  The  Chair  was  not  misquoting 
me.  I  did  tell  the  Chair  that  I  thought  I  could  get  rid  of  all  these 
■cases  in  5  hours  without  any  interruptions. 

I  frankly  don't  know,  Mr.  Chairman.  I  think  it  will  take  another, 
oh.  at  least  2  or  3  days,  spending  the  entire  forenoon  without  inter- 
ruptions— I  mean  without  any  unnecessary  interruptions. 

Senator  Ttdings.  That  gives  us  some  line  on  it.  Then  I  take  it  it  is 
the  Senators  position  that  he  does  not  want  to  go  on  any  more  today. 

Senator  jNIcCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  have  this  un- 
derstanding, that  I  will  not  be  asked  to  spend  any  afternoons  or  even- 
ings on  this.  I  think  if  I  give  the  committee  my  mornings,  then  I 
should  liaTe  tlie  afternoons  and  evenings  for  my  own  work  and  to 
further  develop  these  cases. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  We  will  try  to  conform  to  the  Senator's  wish. 

Might  I  ask  him  if  he  would  object  to  meeting  earlier  than  we  have 
been  meeting,  so  we  could  get  more  in? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Xo  objection  at  all,  Mr.  Chairman.  I  might 
say,  when  I  suggested  9  o'clock,  I  heard  a  great  protest  from  all  of 
the  members  of  the  press. 

Senator  T-ydrsgs.  I  think  the  connnittee  would  like  to  get  half  an 
Lour  in  the  office  before  they  come  up  here,  but  we  will  just  have  to 
amike  up  ;om-  minds  to  put  up  with  some  inconvenience,  all  of  us. 


I  am  going  to  say  to  the  Senator  I  have  not  talked  with  Miss  Kenyon. 
I  presume  she  will  w^ant  to  go  on  tomorrow.  If  she  isn't  ready  to 
go  on  tomorrow,  then  the  Senator,  I  take  it,  would  be  ready  to  start 
again  tomorrow. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  correct. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  understood  she  sent  word  to  the  Chairman 
she  would  be  here  to  go  on. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  right,  but  that  was  last  week,  in  response 
to  a  pretty  quick  telegram.  I  haven't  seen  her  and  haven't  communi- 
cated with  her  and  have  had  no  word  directly  or  indirectly  from 
her.  If  she  wants  to  take  another  day,  I  think  we  ought  to  give  it  to 
her.  She  was  not  here  to  hear  the  charges.  She  has  to  read  them  and 
become  up-to-date  on  them,  and  so  on. 

But,  without  objection,  we  will  take  a  recess  until  9 :  30  o'clock  to- 
morrow morning,  at  which  time  I  w411  ask  Senator  McCarthy  to  be 
ready  to  go  on  with  his  testimony. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Wait,  Mv.  Chairman:  I  would  like  to  know 
definitely    How  soon  can  you  contact  Judge  Kenyon? 

Senator  Tydings.  We  can  take  you  up  imtil  12  or  12:30,  so  long 
as  you  want  to  go  on  with  us,  and  then  we  can  go  on  with  Miss  Kenyon 
in  the  afternoon,  so  in  any  event,  if  you  will  be  ready  tomorrow  we 
can  dispose  of  you  and  Judge  Kenyon  most  likely  at  the  same  time. 

Senator  McCarthy.  In  other  words,  I  can  definitely  assume  I  will 
go  on  at  9 :  30  in  the  morning? 

Senator  Tydings.  And  we  Avill  try  to  run  until  12 :  30,  and  come 
back  and  give  Judge  Kenyon  the  afternoon.  I  do  not  know  that  she 
win  want  to  go  on.    I  imagine  she  will. 

(Whereupon,  at  1 :  15  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  recessed,  to  reconvene 
the  following  day,  Tuesday,  March  14,  1950,  at  9 :  30  a.  m.) 


TUESDAY,   MARCH    14,    1950 

UxiTED  States  Sexate, 


Subcommittee  Appointed  Under  Senate  Resolution  231, 

Wa^^hington,  D.  O. 

Tlie  subcommittee  met,  pursuant  to  ndjouriuneut  on  March  13, 1050^ 
at  9 :  40  a.  m.  in  room  318,  Senate  Office  Building,  Senator  Millard  E. 
Tvdiuirs  (chairman  of  the  subcommittee)  presiding. 

Present :  Senators  Tydings  (chairman  of  the  subcommittee) ,  Green, 
McMahon,  and  Hickenlooper. 

Also  present :  Senator  McCarthy. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  committee  will  please  come  to  order. 

Wliile  YOU  are  getting  your  papers  ready,  Senator  McCarthy,  the 
Chair  Avould  like  to  make  an  announcement. 

The  committee  has  appointed,  as  its  chief  counsel,  Mr.  Edward  P. 
Morgan,  who  was  born  May  28,  1913.  After  graduating  from  law 
school,  Georgetown  University,  with  degrees  from  other  universities, 
Mr.  Morgan,  in  March  of  1940,  was  appointed  as  special  agent  of  the 
Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation.  Following  services  in  the  field  with 
the  FBI,  he  was,  in  succession,  a  supervisor  at  FBI  headquarters; 
assistant  special  agent  in  charge  of  FBI  field  offices:  and  special  agent 
in  charge  of  the  Providence,  R.  Ir,  and  Albany,  N.  Y.,  field  offices. 

In  the  spring  of  1945,  he  was  appointed  chief  inspector  at  FBI 
headquarters,  having  under  his  supervision  and  direction  all  inspec- 
tion matters  involving  the  52  FBI  field  offices  in  the  United  States 
and  its  Territories. 

While  associated  with  the  FBI,  Mr.  Morgan  made  a  special  study 
of  Communists,  Fascists,  and  other  totalitarian  ideologies,  and  lec- 
tured to  FBI  agents  and  police  officers  from  all  over  the  world  on 
such  matters. 

Now,  proceed,  Senator  McCarthy. 

But,  before  proceeding,  may  I  say  further  that  Mr.  Morgan  is  not 
now  with  the  FBI,  but  is  a  member  of  a  Washington  law  firm. 

The  committee  is  going  to  admonish  its  fellow  members,  and  also 
witnesses,  to  try  to  get  here  on  time.  The  chairman  expects  to  get 
here  on  time  every  morning  unless  he  is  in  an  accident,  and  hopes  all 
others  will  do  likewise. 


Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  the  Chair's  clock  is  fast. 
Mr.  Chairman,  in  this  case  I  have  some  reports  from  various  intel- 
ligence files,  and  some  of  the  matei-ial  I  think  will  be  of  a  great  deal 



of  interest  to  the  committee.  The  copies  of  the  reports  which  I  am 
handing  to  the  committee  contain  a  complete  copy  of  the  files.  How- 
ever, in  reading  this,  yon  will  find  that  I  will  omit  some  of  the  material 
which  is  in  your  intelligence  report,  and  in  the  copies  that  go  to  the 
press.  The  committee  will  find  that  I  have  deleted  sections  of  the 
files  dealing  with — well,  the  purpose  will  be  obvious  to  the  Chair. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  ai-e  not  going  to  read  that  i  Do  you  want  to 
make  it  a  part  of  the  record  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  want  to  make  it  a  part  of  the  record  also. 

Senator  TydinCxS.  If  you  will  desist  until  we  get  a  chance  to  look 
this  over. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  I  intend  to  i-ead  the  entire 

Senator  Tydings.  You  have  this  marked  on  toj)  "For  committee  use 

Senator  McCarthy.  Here  is  the  copy  with  certain  portions  of  the 
intelligence  report  deleted. 

Senator  Tydings.  Will  you  give  this  copy  to  Senator  Lodge,  Sen- 
ator Hickenlooper  ? 

Will  you  give  this  to  Senator  McMahon,  Senator  Green  ? 

Just  hold  up  a  minute,  Senator  McCarthy.  You  only  gave  us  one 
copy  of  your  opening  remarks.  Will  you  give  us  a  copy  for  each  com- 
mittee member  ? 

Senator  McCarthy,  may  I  ask  if  this  contains  a  part  of  the  material 
you  will  read? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  make  myself  clear.  The  material  I  am 
giving  the  Chair  contains  copies  of  intelligence  reports  concerning  this 
man  I  am  about  to  cover,  Gustavo  Duran.  Parts  of  the  report  are  such 
that  I  do  not  think  they  should  go  out  to  the  public.  The  reason  will 
be  very  obvious  if  the  Chair  will  compare  the  portions  I  have  deleted. 
If  I  start  explaining  why  they  shottld  not  go  out 

Senator  Tydings.  I  just  wanted  to  get  the  record  straight.  So  it  is 
fair  to  say  that  what  j^ou  have  given  us  for  committee  use  only  is  not 
to  be  released  by  the  committee  until  after  they  have  had  a  chance  to 
look  at  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  And  I  am  offering  the  deleted  copies 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  minute.  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy,  a  very  proper  question  has  been  asked  me,  and 
that  is :  "What  you  have  given  us  is  a  complete  record  of  the  intelli- 
gence files  of  the  individual,  or  is  it  just  a  partial  record  of  it?" 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  all  of  the  file  that  I  have.  There  un- 
doubtedly is  much  more  in  the  files,  but  this  is  as  complete  as  I  can 
get  it,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydings.  This  is  all  that  you  have? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  all  that  I  have. 

I  might  say  I  will  give  the  Chair  the  photostatic  copies,  but  I  would 
like  to  keep  those  until  I  finish  my  statement. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  I'ight,  proceed. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  offer  this  as  exhibit  32. 

Mr.  Chairman,  the  committee  will  recall  that  the  name  of  Gustavo 
Duran  was  first  mentioned  by  me  as  a  possible  bad  security  risk  in  a 
speech  which  I  made  in  Wheeling,  W.  Va.,  and  Reno,  Nev. 


Senator  Tydixgs.  May  I  ask  a  question  in  order  to  keep  the  record 
strai<:;lit^  I  don't  know  the  man,  aiid  didn't  hear  of  him  before,  and 
didn't  read  your  l\eno  speech. 

Senator  MtCARTiiY.  You  missed  something. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  will  ask  you  whether  you  know,  or  not,  whether 
this  man  is  in  the  State  De})artment  today. 

Senator  McCarthy.  His  position  will  be  shown  Avhen 

Senator  Tydixus.  He  is  now  in  the  Department? 

Senator  McCarthy.  He  was  in  the  State  Department.  He  is  now 
in  the  United  Nations,  as  the  Chair  will  notice  as  we  go  along, 

I  have  called  Trygve  Lie's  office  to  find  out  exactly  what  work  he 
is  doing. 

Strangely  enough,  the  Secretary,  rather  his  secretary,  said  they 
couldn't  give  that  information  to  me. 

I  checked  with  the  State  Department  and  got  the  information, 
which  is  in  the  Register. 

However,  my  physical  check  indicates  that  this  man  is  in  IRO,  ap- 
parently screening  refugees  in  connection  with  our  DP  program. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Well,  we  will  investigate  the  case,  but  what  I 
would  like  to  know  now  is  about  when  he  left  the  State  Department 

Senator  McCarthy.  Exactly,  if  the  Chair  will  bear  with  me,  all 
the  exact  dates  are  in  my  report. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right. 

Senator  McCarthy.  At  that  time  I  said : 

Now,  let's  see  what  happens  when  inclividiials  with  Communist  connections 
are  forced  out  of  the  State  Department.  Gustavo  Duran,  who  was  labeled  as 
(1  Quote)  "a  notorious  international  Communist,"  was  made  assistant  to  the 
Assistant  Secretary  of  State  in  charge  of  Latin-American  affairs. 

I  refer  there  to  Mr.  Spruille  Braden,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Just  a  moment.  Senator  Green;  that  is  "For 
committee  use  only." 

His  opening  remarks  are  on  this  paper. 

Go  ahead,  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  He  was  taken  into  the  State  Department  fi'om 
his  job  as  a  lieutenant  colonel  in  the  Communist  International 
Brigade.  Finally,  after  intense  congi-essional  pressure  and  criticism, 
he  resigned  in  1946  from  the  State  Department — and,  ladies  and  gen- 
tlemen, where  do  you  think  he  is  now  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  I  don't  want  to  interrupt  you,  but  I  wonder  if  you 
would  be  good  enough  to  tell  us  who  made  that  quote  "a  notorious 
international  Communist"  ? 

Senator  IMcCartht.  We  will  get  to  that. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  will  get  to  that? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes. 

He  took  over  a  high-salaried  job  as  Chief  of  Cultural  Activities 
Section  in  the  Office  of  the  Assistant  Secretary  General  of  the  United 

Senator  Greex.  Excuse  me.  You  say  he  was  labeled.  I  think  we 
ought  to  know  Ijy  whom  he  was  labeled. 

Senator  McCarthy.  By  our  intelligence  forces.  If  the  Senator  will 
read  the  intelligence  letters,  the  photostats  I  will  give  him 

Senator  Greex.  I  would  like  to  read  that  and  follow  the  testimony 
better  in  that  way. 


Senator  McCarthy.  He  was  labeled  in  our  own  intelligence  files. 
I  will  give  the  Chair  a  complete  photostat  of  all  the  files  which  have 
been  available,  and  I  am  sure  the  Senator  will  not  question  that  after 
lie  reads  the  files. 

This  statement  was  promptly  ridiculed  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
who — through  Mr.  Peurifoy — merely  said  that  this  man  Duran  was 
no  longer  an  employee  of  the  State  Department,  but  had  been  in  the 
auxiliary  foreign  service  from  January  1943  until  September  1945, 
and  thereafter  until  October  4, 1946,  in  the  Department.  Mr.  Peurifoy 
added  that  Duran  had  voluntarily  resigned  from  the  State  Department 
on  October  4,  1946. 

One  of  the  important  facts  that  the  Secretary  overlooked  in  making 
this  press  release  is  that  this  man  is  still,  as  of  today,  a  high-salaried 
official  in  the  United  Nations.  On  March  8  my  office  phoned  the 
office  of  Trygve  Lie  to  find  out  exactly  what  type  of  woi-k  he  was  doing. 
My  office  was  advised  that  information  could  not  be  given  to  me. 

In  other  words,  the  information  as  to  what  Gustavo  Duran  is  pres- 
ently doing  in  the  United  Nations  was  not  furnished  me. 

The  State  Department  advised  me  that  Duran  is  now  Chief  of  the 
Cultural  Activities  Section  of  the  Department  of  Social  Affairs,  United 

I  was  rather  surprised  to  find  that  the  Permanent  Secretary  of  the 
United  Nations  felt  he  could  not  give  to  a  United  States  Senator  the 
information  as  to  what  this  man  was  doing.  However,  since  that 
time  I  have  had  the  matter  checked  as  well  as  possible  in  New  York 
and  am  informed  he  is  actually  with  the  International  Refugee  Or- 
ganization, engaged  in  work  having  to  do  with  screening  refugees 
coming  into  this  country.  The  financial  contribution  which  the  United 
States  makes  toward  the  running  of  this  United  Nations  agency 
amounts  to  45.57  percent.  (Taken  from  S.  Kept.  1274,  81st  Cong.,  2d 
sess..  Committee  on  Expenditures  in  the  Executive  Departments,  pre- 
pared by  Subcommittee  on  Relations  with  International  Organi- 

I  might  say  that  while  the  report  shows  that  we  pay  45.57  percent, 
actually,  of  course,  we  are  paying  practically  all  of  the  cost,  in  view  of 
the  fact  that  most  of  the  nations  that  are  contributing  money  are  con- 
tributing money  which  we  have  previously  given  them. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  same  money  ? 

Senator  ]\IcCarthy.  Whether  it  is  the  same  dollar  or  not  does  not 
make  any  difference.  If  you  put  an  American  dollar  in  one  pocket  and 
take  out  a  French  dollar  from  the  other  pocket  to  pay  the  expenses, 
then  what  is  the  difference  there. 

Senator  Tydings.  In  fairness,  I  don't  think  j^our  remark  is  open  to 
the  interpretation  that  if  we  had  not  given  them  this  money  they 
would  not  have  contributed.  That  is  what  you  virtually  are  saying 
there,  and  I  don't  think  a'ou  intend  to  say  that. 

Senator  McCarthy."  When  we  give  some  $5,000,000,000  to  the 
United  Nations  membership,  and  they  take  money,  whether  it  is  the 
same  dollar  or  not,  to  help  pay  for  the  UN  work,  obviously  it  is  our 
money.  So,  in  effect,  the  45.57  percent  refers  to  money  we  put  in 
directly.  It  does  not  refer  to  American  dollai's  which  obviously  are 
coming  in  indirectly. 


Senator  Tydings.  Take  the  case  of  Great  Britain.  I  feel  pretty 
sure  that  if  the  Britisli  were  not  receiving  a  penny  from  us  they  would 
still  have  repi'esentation  and  they  would  pay  for  themselves  at  the 
United  Nations. 

]My  only  point  was — the  way  you  stated  it — it  looked  as  though  they 
would  not  have  their  representatives  there  if  we  did  not  pay  for  it. 
I  don't  tliink  you  mean  to  convey  that;  that  is  my  point. 

Senator  McCarthy.  We  can  speculate  on  this,  Mr.  Chairman,  but 
it  would  seem  that  if  we  were  not  giving  the  nations  what  we  are, 
they  would  have  to  contribute  more  heavily  directly.  Whether  that  is 
true  or  not  is  a  matter  of  speculation,  but  the  point,  as  a  practical  mat- 
ter, we  are  paying  much  more  than  the  approximate  half  that  this 
would  indicate. 

However,  the  Chair  may  have  a  different  opinion. 

Senatoi-  Tydixgs.  That  is  right ;  but,  as  you  have  stated,  you  have 
stated  a  fact,  and  a  fact  is  only  a  matter  of  speculation  and  I  don't 
think  we  ought  to  have  speculation  in  here.  I  think  we  ought  to  stick 
to  facts.    That  was  my  point. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  we  should  stick  to  facts.  The  fact  is 
that  the  committee  says  that  we  are  paying  practically  45.57  per- 

Senator  Tydixgs.  All  right. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  additional  fact  is  that  the  other  nations 
which  contribute  30  or  35  percent,  whatever  it  happens  to  be,  are 
nations  that  are  receiving  four  or  five  billions  of  dollars  from  us. 

At  the  time  that  Acheson's  man  attempted  to  ridicule  my  statement, 
he  either  did  not  know  the  facts  in  the  case  or  he  was  covering  up  the 
information  which  is  in  the  files  and  which  should  have  been  known  to 

This  information,  which  I  shall  document  for  the  committee,  was 
known  or  was  available  to  the  State  Department.  It  shows  that  Duran 
was  (1)  well  known  for  his  rabid  Communist  beliefs  and  activities; 
(2)  that  he  was  active  in  secret  Soviet  operations  in  the  Spanish  Re- 
publican Army;  (3)  that  a  highly  confidential  report  was  sent  to  the 
Stat*  Department  by  the  military  attache  at  the  American  Embassy 
in  Madrid  which,  according  to  all  existing  rules,  called  for  Duran's 
immediate  dismissal — unless  the  facts  were  proven  to  be  wrong. 
Originally."  I  understand  it  was  claimed  that  this  was  a  case  of  mis- 
taken identity.  That  claim,  I  believe,  has  been  subsequently  dropped 
in  view  of  the  fact  that  our  intelligence  produced  pictures  of  him  in 
the  uniform  that  he  wore  at  the  time  he  was  the  regional  head  of  SIM, 
which  was  the  Spanish  counterpart  of  the  Russian  NKVD  or  OGPU. 
I  now  hand  the  committee  one  of  those  pictures. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Do  I  understand,  Senator,  that  that  was 
the  Spanish  secret  police,  the  SIM? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  was  the  secret  police  of  the  Spanish  re- 
publican regime. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  suppose  both  sides  had  secret  police ;  didn't  they, 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  assume  that  would  be  a  fair  supposition,  Mr. 

Senator  Greex.  IVIay  I  ask  a  question  ? 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Certainly. 


Senator  Green.  Do  I  luiderstand  you  to  claim  that  because  he  was- 
in  the  Spanish  secret  police  that  was  evidence  of  his  being  a  Com- 
munist ? 

Senator  IMcCarthy.  As  I  develop  this,  the  Senator  will  discover  that 
Mr.  Prieto,  who  was  the  Spanish  Minister,  appointed  this  man  from 
the  army,  as  head  of  the  SIM.  He  was  then  dissatisfied  with  his  ac- 
tivities. He  was  putting  too  many  Communists  is  as  the  subheads.. 
As  the  Senator  will  find  as  a  result  of  that,  Prieto  moved  Duran  back 
to  his  army  post  as  a  major  in  the  army,  and  that  the  Russian  techni- 
cians called  on  him  and  told  him  that  unless  Duran  headed  this  SIM 
unit  they  would  break  off  relations  with  Prieto.  The  Russians  said 
"You  must  have  this  man  as  head  of  this  regional  SIM." 

Prieto  ignored  them,  and  the  relations  were  broken  off'  with  this 
Russian  technical  staff'. 

Now,  if  the  Senator  will  let  me  read  the  document,  then  if  he  still 
has  any  questions,  I  will  certainly  be  more  than  happy  to  answer 
them.  I  wish  he  would  let  me  give  him  the  entire  document,  and  I 
don't  think  he  will  have  any  questions  then. 

I  now  hand  the  Chair  the  picture  I  referred  to,  which  apparently 
did  away  with  the  original  contention  that  it  was  a  case  of  mistaken 
identity,  so  the  claim  of  mistaken  identity  has  been  dropped. 

At  the  time  this  intelligence  report  reached  the  State  Department,. 
Duran  was  a  highly  placed  official  in  a  confidential  capacity  with 
the  State  Department  in  South  America. 

When  the  American  people  read  the  carefully  prepared  statement 
put  out  by  the  Secretary  of  State's  office  in  regard  to  the  Duran  state- 
ment, they  were  entitled  to  rely  upon  it  as  being  the  truth.  Un- 
fortunately, anyone  who  believed  that  statement  got  a  completely 
erroneous  impression  of  the  actual  facts. 

"VVliichever  way  you  wish  to  interpret  this  situation  I  submit  to- 
the  committee  that  it  is  typical  of  the  carelessness  of  the  top  executives 
of  the  State  Department  of  this  country.  The  situation  I  have  just 
discussed  is  typical  of  the  type  of  news  releases  emanating  from  the 
State  Dei')artment;  it  is  typical  of  the  half-truths  we  hear  in  answer 
to  the  information  which  I  have  been  developing  in  regard  to  the  bad 
security  risks  in  that  Department. 

I  now  submit  to  the  committee  the  intelligence  report  just  referred 
to  in  its  entirety. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  I  don't  recall  now — do  you' 
recall  who  was  Secretary  of  State  in  1945,  when  this  happened? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Acheson,  I  believe,  was  Under  Secretary.. 
The  Senator  will  recall.  I  lielieve,  who  the  Secretary  was. 

I  believe  you  will  recall,  sir,  as  Avell  as  I  do. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  don't  recall,  because  we  changed  so  frequently 
about  that  time. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  why  I  say  I  think  you  will  recall  as 
well  as  I  do,  sir.    I  think  it  was  Jimmie  Byrnes,  wasn't  it  ?' 

Senator  Tydings.  Has  anybody  got  the  date  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Jimmie  Byrnes  was  Secretary:  the  Chair  will 
recall  that  Grew  was  the  Under  Secretary,  that  Grew  was  the  man 
who  insisted  upon  the  prosecution  of  a  man  called  Service,  whose  case 
I  shall  deal  with  this  morning:  that  Grew  was  forced — let  us  say  he 
retired  or  resigned  2  days  later,  after  Acheson  took  over  arid  reinstated 


Service.     "We  will  <ret  to  that.  l)iit    I   think  that  should  refresh  our 
recollection  as  to  who  the  Secretary  was. 

Senator  Tydtxgs.  Who  was  the  Under  Secretary  of  State  at  the 
time  3'ou  criticize  the  State  Depaitnient  for  this  particular  transac- 
tion ?    I  take  it  from  your  remarks  it  was  Mr.  Grew  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No,  Mr,  Chairman.  I  think  ]\Ir.  Grew  did  an 
excellent  joh.  That  is  why  he  is  no  lon<rer  there.  Mr.  Dean  Acheson 
was  lender  Secretary  of  State  at  this  time.    It  was  in  1946 

Senator  Tydixgs."  In  1945? 

Senator  jMcCartiiy.  AVe  are  speaking  now — he  was  discharj^ed  in 
October  1946.  accordino;  to  Mr.  Acheson's  own  press  release.  I  must 
rely  on  that — October  4,  1946. 

Senator  Ttdings.  Hold  that  there,  because  I  think  we  mentioned 
a  date  of  1945  a  moment  aero,  and  I  want  the  record  to  show  which 
is  correct.  I  want  the  record  to  be  straight. 

Mr.  McCarthy.  If  the  Chair  will  refer  to  the  second  last  paragraph 
on  page  12,  he  will  find  that  the  press  release  of  the  State  Department 
shows  that  Duran  was  in  the  Department  until  October  4,  1946. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Let's  refer  to  that. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  fifth  line  from  the  bottom. 

Senator  Ty'DINGS.  Let's  refer  to,  that  paragraph  and  get  it  in. 

As  I  understand  it,  he  has  been  in  auxiliary  foreign  service  from 
January  1943  until  September  1945. 

Now,  during  that  ]3eriod  of  time  do  you  recall  who  was  the  Sec- 
retary and  the  LTnder  Secretary  of  State  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Chair  will  have  to  put  the  name  on  him — 
as  to  the  exact  date  the  different  men  resigned 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Was  Mr.  Acheson  in  the  Department  during  the 
time  from  1943  to  1945? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  first  we  have  of  Mr.  Acheson  was  in  1939. 
He  said  he  would  vouch  for  Hiss  completely.  He  was  connected  with 
the  Department  then.  Again,  in  1943,  at  the  time  of  the  FBI  inves- 
tigation of  Hiss,  he  was  there  then,  and  I  assume  was  Assistant  Secre- 
tary at  that  time.  He  was  made  Under  Secretary,  Mr.  Chairman, 
at  the  time  Joe  Grew  was  forced  out. 

Senator  Tydings.  When  was  that? 

Senator  McCarthy.  At  the  time  of  the  Amerasia  case  in  1945. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Then,  from  1943  to  1945,  he  could  not  have  been 
the  Under  Secretary. 

Senator  McCarthy.  He  could  not  have  been  the  Under  Secretary 
before  he  Avas  made  Under  Secretary,  that  is  correct. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  As  I  understand  it — who  was  the  Under  Secre- 
tary when  ^Ir.  Grew  was  forced  out,  as  you  say? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  don't  know  when  Grew  took  over.  I  don't 
know  the  exact  date  he  resigned.  I  connect  the  date  of  his  resignation 
with  the  Service  case.    He  was  reinstated  2  days  before  Grew  resigned. 

v^enator  Tydings.  The  only  reason  I  bring  it  up,  you  have  usecl  Mr. 
Acheson's  name  several  times,  and  I  think  it  is  important  to  show 
whether  or  not  he  was  Tender  Secretaiy  when  the  alleged  service  was 
rendered  to  the  country  by  the  subject  you  refer  to. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  that  is  a  good  question.  Mr.  Chairman. 
Let  us  clear  that  up  now. 

If  the  Chair  will  refer  to  the  ^photostatic  copy  of  the  intelligence 


Senator  Tydixgs.  Is  this  it? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes.  Yon  will  find  that  five  copies  were  given 
to  the  State  Department.  I  believe  the  date  was  in  1946;  it  is  on  the 
report.    At  that  time  Mv.  Acheson  was  the  Under  Secretary,  I  believe. 

Senator  Tydings.  He  didn't  stay  in  very  long  after  Acheson  became 
Under  Secretary,  according  to  yonr  date. 

Senator  McCarthy.  He  stayed  nntil  October  4,  1946.  Acheson  be- 
came Under  Secretary  in  1945'.  If  the  Chair  does  not  consider  a  year 
a  very  long  time 

Senator  Tydings.  I  don"t  think  any  man  can  get  the  dossiers  of 
16,000  employees  after  10  minutes,  or  within  a  short  time  of  taking 
over  an  office. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let's  go  on  and  see  what  Duran  is  doing  now. 
1  think  this  is  important,  and  I  will  call  attention  to  it — the  State 
T3epartment  pnt  out  a  carefully  worded  statement  which  certainly 
did  not  contain  the  facts  in  my  statement.  I  said  this  man  had  been 
in  the  State  Department.  I  pointed  out  this  was  an  example  of  what 
happens  to  an  outstanding  Communist  when  forced  out.  I  pointed  out 
that  he  was  over  with  the  United  Nations.  The  State  Department  put 
out  an  answer  to  that  saying,  in  effect,  the  last  they  knew  of  this  man 
was  in  October  1946. 

Now,  the  State  Department  knows  very  well  where  this  man  is,  and 
I  think  one  of  the  things  the  committee  should  investigate • 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  minute — all  right,  go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  one  of  the  things  this  committee  should 
.spend  some  time  on  is  the  question  of  how  men  like  Duran,  and  these 
other  individuals  with  unusual  backgrounds,  shift  so  easily  from  the 
State  Department  to  the  United  Nations. 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator,  we  will  examine  into  everything. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Someone,  we  know,  using  ordinary  common 
horse  sense — we  know  someone  in  the  State  Department  is  shifting 
them  over.    I  think  we  should  find  out  who. 

Now,  going  on  wuth  our  man  Duran — it  will  be  noted  the  State 
Department  received  a  copy  of  the  intelligence  report  just  referred  to. 
There  are  certain  matters  discussed  in  this  report  which  I  do  not  feel 
should  be  made  public  until  the  committee  has  had  a  chance  to  thor- 
oughly look  into  them.  I  have,  therefore,  deleted  those  sections  from 
the  copies  being  handed  to  the  press  and  will  not  read  them  into  the 
record  at  this  time.  The  entire  report,  however,  with  nothing  deleted, 
is  being  handed  to  each  of  the  members  of  the  committee. 

B.  I.  D.  No.  7232 
Report  No.  R~2!)f»/46 


For  general  use  by  any  United  States  Intelligence  Agency 

From  :  Military  Attache.  American  Embassy,  Madrid.  Spain 

June  4,  1946. 
Source  :  Spanish  Ai  my  Central  General  Staff  B-3 
Area  Reported  On  :  Spain 
Who's  Who  :  Gustavo  Duran 

Following  is  the  report  given  the  Military  Attache  by  the  A.  C.  of  S.,  G-2, 
Spanish  Central  (Jeneral  Staff,  after  the  M/A  asked  v\'hether  Dnran  was  known : 

"Gustavo  Duran  came  to  Madrid  for  the  first  time  in  the  lS)20's  from  the 
Canary  Island,  in  the  company  of  another  Canarian.  a  painter  called  Nestor,  who 
was  registered  by  tlie  Spanish  police  for  the  same  reasons — "  as  Durans     *     *     ♦ 


[hlaiikins  a  poition  <mtl  *  *  *  .^^^  .,  fi-idul  of  Xt^stor,  (Uistavo  Duran. 
became  employed  as  a  pianisr  in  the  company  of  Antonia  Merce  the  'Arfientinita,' 
and  went  to  Berlin  to  participate  in  that  capacity  in  dance  sliows.  However, 
his — "  *  *  *  fhlankinii  out  a  portion  I  *  *  *  '•caused  him  to  incur  the  fury 
of  the  r.eiiin  jxilice.  wiiich  linally  ousted  liim  from  Oermany. 

"Similar  trouble  happened  to  him  in  other  European  cai)itals.  His — "  *  *  * 
fa.iiain  a  blank  space  1  *  *  *  '-orew  to  the  limit  in  Paris,  which  was  the 
preferied  center  for  his  activities  sonu>  years  before  tlie  advent  of  the  Spanish 
Republic  in  1J>31,  while  he  was  under  the  protection  of  his  friend  Nestor,  the 
painter,  wlio  was  well  known  in  certain  Parisian  quarters.  About  that  time 
the  Soviets  entrusted  (Justavo  Duran  witli  some  missions  and  tinally  appointed 
him  their  aueiit. 

■•Tpon  the  proclamation  of  the  Spanish  Republic,  tlie  "I'orcelana'  (as  he  was 
nicknamed)  returned  to  Madrid.  His  identity  papers  indicated  that  he  was  the 
repre.<:entative  of  the  Paramount  Film  Co.  However,  liis  true  mission  was  service 
of  the  (JPU.  Duran  was  yi'fiitly  successful  in  his  activities  due  to  the  political 
protection  he  enjoyed.  He  soon  became  one  of  tlie  leading  members  of  the 
youths  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  greatly  contributed  to  the  merger  of  the 
Connnunists  youths  with  the  youths  of  the  Spanish  Labor  Party,  thus  giving 
birth  to  the  .ISC,  of  fateful  remembrance,  since  this  organization  committed  the 
most  cold-blooded  crimes  before  July  IS.  liKUJ — that  is  the  date  of  the  military 
uprising — and  during  the  red  revolution  which  ensued. 

"During  the  republican  regime  (l!>31-oG)  Duran  continued  practicing  his — " 
*     *     *     [blanked  out]     *     *     *. 

I  might  say  this  -was  before  the  Spanish  civil  war,  as  Ave  all  know. 

"Together  with  other  'close'  friends  of  his  and  some  young  pro-Communist 
poets,  among  whom  Alberty  was  noted,  Duran  succeeded  in  becoming  notorious. 
All  of  them  were  his  tools  and  all  of  them  were  made  into  active  Com- 
munists. In  Duran's  home  located—"  *  *  *  [at  blank]  *  *  *,  "such 
meetings  took  place  that  the  police  had  to  interfere  frequently,  thus  giving  oc- 
casion to  complete  his  record  as — "  *  *  *  [considerable  blank  space]  *  *  * 
"in  the  tiles  of  the  General  Directorate  of  Security.  This  record  as — "  *  *  * 
[blank]  *  *  *  "was  probably  removed  by  his  friend.  Serrano  Poncela.  who 
was  the  chief  of  tbe  'Red'  police  during  the  months  of  October  and  November 
3936  in  Madrid  and  political  reporter  of  "Mundo  Obrero'  (a  Communist  news- 
paper), and  chief  of  the  .TSS.  Duran's  release  from  his  frequent  imprisonments 
for — "  *  *  *  [again  a  blank]  *  *  *  "conduct  was  due  to  his  powerful 
political  protectors,  who  blindly  obeyed  orders  from  the  Soviet  political 
police . 

"T^pon  the  national  uprising  (beginning  of  civil  war)  Gustavo  Duran  took  over 
the  nearest  convent  to  his  house,  called  'las  Siervas  de  Maria,'  located  at  the  old 
Chamberi  Plaza.  He  was  there  the  'responsable,"  or  chief.  He  was  afflicted  there 
with  typhoid  fever  during  the  month  of  August  1936." 

The  next  notation  on  the  photostat  is  that  five  copies  of  this  report 
went  to  the  Dist  W  Europe,  one  to  the  Spec  Dist,  one  to  DC/CG,  five 
to  ONI,  six  to  the  State  Department,  and  one  to  the  FBI. 

"The  'Causo  General'  (general  judicial  proceedings)  has  information  about 
the  crimes  perpetrated  by  the  militia  under  the  command  of  Duran's  'choca' 
(illegal  pri.son).  He  was  one  of  the  principal  leaders  of  the  popular  militia 
created  by  the  Communists.  He  was  a  personal  friend  of  Lister  and  Modesto 
(commanders  of  red  brigades,  now  Generals  in  the  Russian  Army)  and  soon 
.became  captain,  major  and  lieutenant  colonel  of  the  'Red'  Army.  He  belonged  to 
the  General  staff  of  the  'Red'  forces  which  directed  the  'brilliant'  withdrawals 
of  Talavera  de  la  Reina,  Maqueda,  Toledo,  etc. 

''When  the  international  brigades  were  brought  into  the  Madrid  and  Aranju  -z 
fronts,  Gustavo  Duran  formed  part  of  the  High  Russian  General  Staff,  with 
bead(|Uarters  at  Tarancon  and  its  vicinity,  where  they  left  sad  and  hideous 

"After  Tarancon  we  (the  Spanish  Intelligence  Service)  lost  track  of  Duran. 
It  api>ears  that  he  went  to  Moscow  with  a  delegation  of  male  and  female  members 
of  the  'Red"  Army.     It  appears  that  later  he  was  for  some  time  in  Paris. 

"And  now  he  is  in  Washington  as  a  collaborator  of  Spruille  Braden.  <'hief  of 
a  Section  of  the  State  Department." 


Then,  the  MA  Comment:  "A  very  reliable  Spaniard  who  is  anti-Franco  in 
sympathies  but  is  middle  of  the  road  Republican  and  extremely  pro-United 
States  and  democratic  in  his  views  states  that  he  knows  personally  that  Duran 
as  commander  officer  of  an  international  brigade  in  a  small  town  not  far  from 
Madrid  ordered  the  execution  of  the  town  electrician  and  another  man  who  was 
a  mason,  neither  of  whom  has  committed  any  act  for  which  they  should  have 
suffered  this  execution. 

"Wendell  G.  Johnson. 
"Colonel,  O.  8.  C.  Military  Attache." 

Senator  Tydings.  Shortly  after  tliat  report  reached  the  State  De- 
partment, the  notation  is  that  this  man  vohmtaril}^  resigned. 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  apparently  reached  the  State  Depart- 
ment June  4,  and  October  4  he  voluntarily — I  think  that  word  is  im- 
portant— he  "voluntarily"  resigned. 

Senator  Tydings.  Won't  you  allow  me  to  correct  that  ?  The  date  of 
the  report,  written  in  Spain,  was  June  4,  not  the  date  it  was  received 
by  the  State  Department — is  that  correct  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  assume  it  took  a  couple  of  days  to  get  here, 
more  or  less,  so  we  will  say  June  6  or  7. 

Now,  on  August  2,  Senator  Wherry  wrote  to  the  State  Department, 

to  Secretary  Byrnes,  and  I  think  this  is  especially  significant,  because 

all  of  this  material  must  have  been  in  the  files  at  the  time  the  Secretary 

indicated  this  man  just  had  disappeared  from  public  life. 

AUGUST  2,  in4fi. 

The  Honorable  James  F.  Byrnes, 

Secretary  of  State,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Dear  Secretary:  As  a  member  of  the  Appropriations  Committee,  on  April  18, 
1946,  I  asked  for  investigation  of  certain  persons  holding  positions  of  trust  and 
responsibility  in  your  Department. 

It  was  my  purpose  then  and  is  now  to  withhold  appropriations  that  finance  the 
salaries  and  activities  of  anyone  in  the  State  Department  whose  allegiance  ap- 
parently is  to  some  other  country  than  to  the  United  States. 

You  will  recall.  Mr.  Secretary,  that  when  you  appeared  I  questioned  you  about 
some  of  these  officials  and  among  them  was  a  Gustavo  Duran.  This  was  just 
prior  to  the  Carter  Glass  funeral.  At  that  time  you  stated  there  was  a  question 
of  identity  of  Gustavo  Duran, 

That  question  no  longer  exists,  since  Intelligence  procured  the  par- 
ticular picture  I  gave  the  Chair. 

You  stated  further  an  investigation  had  revealed  that  he  was  some  other  person 
than  the  man  in  the  State  Department,  who  has  been  an  assistant  to  Spruille 

It  has  now  come  to  my  knowledge  there  exists  an  extensive  military  intelligence 
report  on  this  man,  Gustavo  Duran,  and  I  am  reliably  informed  that  several 
copies  of  this  report  have  been  delivered  to  the  State  Department. 

I  am  now  making  this  formal  request  upon  you  in  my  official  capacity  as  a 
United  States  Senator,  and  as  a  member  of  the  State  Department  Subcommittee 
on  Appropriations,  that  on  the  basis  of  this  report  you  immediately  dischai'ge 
Gustavo  Duran. 

Cordially  yours, 

Senator  Tydings.  Have  you  got  Secretary  Byrnes'  reply  to  that  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  a  reply  to  it  but,  as  usual  in  correspond- 
ence, you  write  to  the  Secretary,  and  someone  else  replies. 

Senator  Tydings.  Will  you  read  the  reply  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Chair  knows  I  intend  to  read  the  reply, 
because  it  is  on  the  next  page  of  the  document. 

Senator  Tydings,  I  didn't  see  it. 


Senator  McCarthy.  It  is  headed : 

Assistant  Secretary  of  State, 
Washington,  September  IJf,  WZ/G. 
My  Dear  Sknatok:  T  ;iiu  in  loceipt  of  your  recent  inquiry  about  the  security 
investigation  by  the  Department  of  ^Ir.  Gustavo  Duran.     As  you  know,  the  De- 
partment has  a  security  committee  which  confines  itself  to  reviewing  security 
investigations — 

ill  other  words,  the  old  Loyalty  Board — 

ami  to  making  recommendations  based  thereon.  Of  course,  this  committee  has 
nothing  to  do  with  reviewing  the  qualifications  or  competency  of  the  person 
rt-vM'wed  for  ;i  position  in  the  Department  other  than  as  security  is  involved.  I 
have  added  this  because  from  our  conversation  I  would  assume  that  you  seriously 
question  the  qualifications  of  Mr.  Duran  for  employment,  as  distinguished  from 
security  consideration.  That  phase  of  Mr.  Duraus  employment  is  not  within 
the  scope  of  the  security  committee. 

I  want  to  call  the  committee's  attention  especially  to  the  next  para- 
graph. This  indicates  that  conditions  have  not  changed  much  since 
September  14, 1946,  down  to  date.    He  says : 

After  reviewing  the  entire  record  on  Mr.  Duran  as  proc<u-ed  from  all  avail- 
able sources,  the  security  committee  recommended  favorably  on  Mr.  Duran. 
I  have  carefully  gone  over  the  record  before  the  security  committee  and  I  have 
approved  their  recommendation. 

While  I  recognize  that  the  above  conclusions  are  at  variance  with  your  own 
feelings,  I  have  to  do  my  duty  as  I  see  it  and  I  hope  that  you  will  recognize 
that  I  have  attempted  to  exercise  my  judgment  faithfully  and  honestly. 

With  best  wishes,  I  am 
Sincerely  yours, 

And,  it  is  sisrned  "Donald  Russell." 

Senator  Ttdixgs.  Mr.  Russell  at  that  time — was  he  Under  Secretary 
of  State? 

Senator  McCarthy.  He  was  the  predecessor  of  Mr.  Peurifoy — ^held 
the  job  now  held  by  Mr.  Peurifoy. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Do  you  know  the  title? 

Senator  McCarthy.  1  have  difficulty  in  keeping  track  of  the  title. 
I  believe  it  was  Assistant  Secretary  for  Administration,  or  something 
along  that  line.    Anyway,  he  had  the  job  Mr.  Peurifoy  now  holds. 

When  Mr.  Russall  wrote  this  letter  on  September  4,  1946,  he  had  in 
Ids  files  the  top-secret  report  from  the  militar}^  attache  in  Madrid, 
which  I  have  already  referred  to,  outlining  in  detail  the  facts  I  have 
given  on  Duran. 

Now  what  was  the  mysterious  power  in  the  possession  of  Duran 
that  enabled  him  to  continue  to  serve  as  a  confidential  assistant  to 
Spruille  Braden,  the  then  head  of  the  State  Department's  South 
American  affairs? 

Why  was  this  man  permitted  voluntarily  to  resign  in  the  face  of 
these  grave  charges? 

And,  I  might  add,  who  has  gotten  him  the  important  task  of  going 
to  the  UN,  and  doing  the  job  of  screening  refugees  coming  into  this 
Nation  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McCarthy,  I  would  like  to  say  that  your 
inquiry  that  we  should  find  out  who  got  him  the  job  in  the  United 
Nations,  inasmuch  as  there  is  no  evidence  in  what  we  are  reading  here, 
will  be  a  part  of  our  inquiry.  We  don't  know  who  he  is,  whether 
innocent  or  guilty,  but  we  Avill  find  out  anyway. 

68970 — 50 — pt.  1 9 


Senator  McCarthy.  I  don't  have  documentary  evidence,  but  we 
will  be  able  to  help  your  staff  very  considerably,  as  to  who  recom- 
mends these  individuals  to  UN,  and  who  gets  them  their  jobs. 

Mr.  Duran  obviously  had  powerful  friends,  and  one  of  his  greatest 
champions  was  his  immediate  chief,  Spruille  Braden. 

I  now  show  the  committee  exhibit  ^3,  which  is  a  copy  of  a  letter 
marked  "secret"'  and  dated  December  21,  1942,  in  Habana. 

I  believe  the  chairman  has  this  exhibit  before  him,  which  reads 
as  follows : 

Habana,  December  21,  19JfS. 
Monorayiduoi  for  the  Militarji  Attache: 

Mr.  Gustavvi  Duran  wa.s  recommenced,  to  me  in  the  first  instance  by  a  friend 
of  nnimpeachaole  patriotism  and  integrity.  He  was  recommended  for  a  specific 
objective  requiring  a  person  of  higlUy  specialized  qualificatiftns;  his  duties  were 
to  be  concerned  with  protecting  United  States  intei-ests  thrcmgh  confidential 
.surveillance  over  Falangist  activities  in  Culia. 

As  to  Mr.  Duran's  background,  he  is  a  naturalized  American  citizen  born  and 
educated  in  Spain. 

Incidentally,  his  naturalization  was  one  of  the  most  rapid  I  ever 
heard  of — as  I  recall  it  took  about  6  weeks. 

He  is  of  good  family,  and  in  his  youth  was  particularly  interested  in  the  arts. 
When  the  Spanish  civil  war  began  in  July  1936  he  gave  up  everything  to  fight 
on  the  side  of  the  Loyalists  and  from  a  somewhat  dilettante  Init  l)rilliant  young 
man,  turned  into  a  vital  force  for  the  Republican  cause.  His  military  record 
was  reportedly  brilliant.  He  was  further  dest-ribed  to  me  as  l)eing  a  man  whose 
liatred  for  the  Fascists,  and  his  deep  devotion  to  lii»eral  principles,  are  not 
open  to  debate. 

This  is  Spruille  Braden  speaking,  you  understand, 

A  close  association  with  him  during  a  period  of  over  a  year  fully  supports  this 

Mr.  Duran  arrived  in  Habana  in  November  1942  on  the  payroll  of  the  Pan 
American  Union  and  was  to  transfer  to  the  staff  of  the  CIAA  on  February  1, 
1043.  Instead,  I  urgently  I'ecommended  his  employment  as  an  auxiliary  Foreign 
Service  officer  in  a  telegram  from  which  I  quote  the  following: 

"I  regard  Duran  as  eminently  qualified  for  the  work  he  is  performing  and 
I  have  the  highest  estimation  for  his  intelligence  and  character  as  well  as  for 
his  complete  loyalty  and  discretion.  He  has  already  proven  of  very  great  value 
to  this  Embassy  and  I  anticipate  that  his  usefulness  will  inci-ease  as  he  becomes 
more  familiar  with  conditions  in  Cuba.  I  consider  that  his  continuance  here  is 
liarticularly  desirable  at  the  present  time  when  our  relations  with  Spain  are 
of  such  vital  importance." 

Mr.  Duran  has  now  served  as  one  of  my  immediate  associates  for  more  than 
a  year.  His  work  has  been  excellent  and  outstandingly  u.seful  to  the  T'nited 
States  Government.  From  my  personal  knowledge  based  on  close  association, 
Mr.  Duran  is  not  a  Conmmnist  but  a  liberal  of  the  highest  tyi)e.  I  consider  him 
an  unusually  worthy,  patriotic,  and  honorable  American  citizen,  who  shows 
great  promise  as  a  United  States  Government  official  capable  of  high  resiionsibility. 

Spkuili.e  Braden. 

This  was  w^-itten.  Mr.  Chairman,  at  the  time,  you  understand,  that 
Duran,  of  Spanish  fame,  was  not  the  Duran  of  State  Department 
fame,  but  that  claim  has  long  since  been  dropped. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  The  date  of  the  connnunication  you  have  just 
read  was  December  21, 1943. 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  exactly  as  I  read  it,  December  21.  1943, 
Mr.  Chairman. 

Mr.  Braden  describes  Mr.  Duran  as  one  recoiameiided  to  him  Ijv  a 
friend  of  unimpeachable  integrity. 


He  set  forth  in  his  letter  that  Diiran  was  a  naturalized  citizen,  bom 
and  educated  in  Spain,  of  good  family  and  in  his  youth  was  particu- 
larly interested  in  the  arts.  Braden  said  that  from  11);^>G  Duran  gave 
up  everything  to  fight  on  the  side  of  the  Spanish  Loyalists  and  said  he 
urgently  recommended  his empknnient  as  an  auxiliary  Foreign  Service 

Incidentally,  not  that  this  is  important,  but  Duran  was  mistaken 
in  where  he  was  born.  He  was  born  in  the  Canary  Islands,  according 
to  the  Intelligence  reports. 

Xow  with  that  information  in  the  possession  of  the  then  Secretary 
of  State,  information  which  Braden  gave,  plus  the  claim  that  this  was 
not  the  same  Duran,  I  can  understand  why  the  then  Secretary  kept 
liim  on.  That  was  before  the  intelligence  report  was  made  available  to^ 
the  Secretarj^  of  State. 

Following  Senator  "Wherry's  letter  to  the  State  Department  of 
August  194G,  in  which  the  Senator  maintained  that  this  man  was  such 
a  bad  security  risk  that  he  should  be  discharged,  we  find  that  he  was 
])ermitted  to  resign  on  October  4,  1946. 

In  view  of  the  grave  charges  made  by  Senator  Wherry  and  the 
unusual  attitude  of  the  State  Department  in  permitting  this  man's 
resignation,  plus  all  the  information  the  committee  will  have  before 
it.  it  Avoukt  be  interesting  to  know  what,  if  any,  investigation  was 
made  by  State  Department  officials  as  to  his  conduct  while  in  a 
lesponsible,  confidential  capacity  in  the  Department. 

But  Duran's  frieiids  in  the  State  Department  did  not  turn  their 
backs  on  him. 

After  his  resignation.  Duran  almost  immediately  was  employed  as 
a  representative  of  the  International  Refugee  Organization  of  the 
United  Nations.    He  was  employed  there  as  of  yesterday. 

I  believe  I  have  explained  that  this  is  not  his  title,  according  to  the 
State  Department.  Tryg\'e  Lie's  secretary  says  he  cannot  tell  me  what. 
he  is  doing,  but  we  sent  a  man  over  there  to  physically  check,  and  try 
and  find  out,  and  he  reports  that  his  work  has  to  do  with  the  screening 
of  refugees. 

Senator  Greex.  May  I  ask  a  question? 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  Yes. 

Senator  Green.  Can  vou  explain  Avhv  Mr.  Braden  did  not  sign  this 
letter  of  December  2.3,  1943? 

Senator  McCarthy.  There  is  no  part  of  Mr.  Braden's  actions  that 
I  would  even  attempt  to  explain.  Senator. 

Senator  Greex.  All  right. 

Senator  Htckexlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  exhibit,  as  I  under- 
stand it.  is  not  in  the  form  of  a  letter.  It  is  in  the  form  of  a  memoran- 
dum for  the  military  attache,  or  rather,  from  the  military  attache. 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  is  a  photostat  of  the  memorandum  which  is 
in  the  Department  file. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  The  signature  is  typed  in;  is  that  your  point?' 

Senator  McCarthy.  If  the  Senator  wants  to  get  the  original,  he 
can  get  it  where  I  cannot.    I  assume  that  would  be  in  order. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Well,  we  will  get  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  received  a  confidential  report  tluit 
Duran  was  recommended  for  his  UX  position  by  a  member  of  the 
present  Presidential  Cabinet.     It  has  also  been,  reported  to.  me  that 


Diiran  is  the  brother-in-law  of  Michael  Straight,  the  owner  and  pub- 
lisher of  a  pro-Communist  magazine  called  the  New  Republic. 

Here  again  it  is  certainly  pertinent  to  inquire  where  this  man  got 
his  power,  what  he  did  while  in  the  State  Department  and,  possibly, 
of  equal  importance,  is  what  he  did  not  do. 

To  complete  this  picture,  I  attach  hereto  copies  of  the  following 
documents : 

Senator  Tydings.  Has  the  New  Republic  been  declared  by  any  or- 
ganization as  a  Communist-front  newspaper.  Senator  McCarthy  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  did  not  say  "Communist  front,"  Mr.  Chair- 
man. It  is  not  necessary  for  the  Chair  to  put  words  in  my  mouth.  If 
he  will  read  the  top  of  page  13 

Senator  Tydings.  I  did  not  read  it,  but  I  want  to  know  who  de- 
nominates it  as  pro-Communist  magazine. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  just  named  them  that.  If  the  chairman 
will  read  it,  I  think  he  will  agree 

Senator  Tydings.  I  do  not  have  the  time  to  read  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  recommend  it  necessarily  for  reading. 

Now,  the  exhibit  numbered  34,  Mr.  Chairman 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Is  that  the  one  denominated  1  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  This  is  the  report  from  Edward  J.  Rutf ,  assist- 
ant United  States  military  attache  in  the  Dominican  Republic,  ad- 
dressed to  the  American  Intelligence  Service  dated  December  30,  1943. 

I  have  a  note  here,  that  the  date  of  this  is  December  30,  1943.  I  do 
not  find  any  date  on  this  document,  however.  I  assume  that  that  is 
the  correct  date. 

The  second  page  of  the  letter,  I  do  not  have  the  first  page  either — 
the  first  part  may  not  be  too  valuable,  Mr.  Chairman.  It  is  not  clear 
who  Ruff  is  referring  to. 

It  is  marked  "Secret  copy,"  and  says : 

He  states,  dogmatically,  that  the  records  showed  Duraii  to  be  a  nieralier  of 
the  Spanish  Comimmist  Party.  Our  source  had  previously  made  available  to 
xis  the  information  agreeing  vpith  that  sent  to  us  by  military  attach^,  Habana, 
except  the  statement  that  Duran  entered  the  Army  as  a  private.  According  to 
our  agent,  Durun  was  commissioned  directly  from  civilian  life  and  given  the  rank 
of  major  in  the  militia.  Later  when  the  militia  became  part  of  the  Spanish  Re- 
publican Army,  he  was  made  a  major  in  the  army.  The  only  additional  informa- 
tion we  had,  and  which  we  did  not  mention  in  the  report,  as  it  was  not  believed 
pertinent,  was  the  reported  fact  that  Duran  is  a  homosexual.  I  do  not  question 
Duran's  interest  in  the  arts,  his  culture,  or  intelligence.  However,  we  only  stated 
in  our  report  that  Duran  was  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party,  and  that  we 
(lid  not  know  whether  he  is  still  a  member  of  the  Communist  Party.  I,  myself, 
am  convinced  that  Duran  was  a  Communist  and  consider  Ambassador  Braden's 
statement  that  he  is  a  ''liberal  of  the  highest  type"  to  be  a  euphemism.  Under 
the  circumstances,  I  believed  the  reliability  of  our  report  still  remains  as  origi- 
nally submitted. 

The  Ambassador  here  is  inclined  to  concur  in  my  report  on  Duran,  but  has 
asked  that  no  further  official  correspondence  on  the  subject  be  sent  up.  Hence 
this  personal  letter  from  me. 

I  want  to  repeat  that,  Mr.  Chairman : 

The  Ambassador  here  is  inclined  to  concur  in  my  report  on  Duran,  but  has 
asked  that  no  further  official  correspondence  on  the  subject  he  sent  up.  Hence 
this  personal  letter  from  me. 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  minute,  Senator  McCarthy. 
Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say  the  entire  letter — the  first  half  I 
<lid  not  read,  and  it  might  be  well  to  I'ead  that  into  the  record,  also, 


ami  w  ith  the  permission  of  the  Chair  I  would  like  to  read  the  first  half 
of  that  letter. 

Senator  Tyoings.  All  rio;ht. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  read  the  last  half  from  the  j^hotostatic  copy. 
I  do  not  have  a  photostat  of  the  first.    Here  is  the  first  half : 

I  want  to  take  this  opportunity  to  clarify  my  position  in  connection  witli  Re- 
port No.  4'JS,  dated  December  18.  l!)4:i,  sub.iect :  Gustavo  Duran,  alleged  Com- 
munist employee  of  the  CIAA,  Habana.  As  you  know,  this  office  received  a  cable 
from  th(^  military  attach^,  Habana,  requesting  that  dissemination  of  this  report 
to  be  held  up  on  the  grounds  that  it  was  '"absolutely  incorrect."  A  few  days  ago 
we  received  letter  No.  7967  from  Lieutenant  Colonel  Brown,  written  by  Ambas- 
sador r.raden  concerning  this  individual.  Both  these  communications  corrobo- 
rated information  which  we  had  regarding  Duran  and  I  cannot  see  on  the  basis 
of  their  reports  how  our  report  can  be  branded  as  "absolutely  incorrect."  Our 
only  statement  in  the  report  on  Dui'an  is  that  he  was  a  member  of  the  Commu- 
nist I'arty  in  Spain.  From  further  reports  received,  this  information  can  now  be 
evaluated  as  A-1.  For  your  own  knowledge,  the  information  on  Duran  was  sub- 
mitted iiy  a  Spanish  refugee  who  also  served  on  Duran's  promotion  board  in 
Spain,  which  board  was  charged  with  considering  recommendations  for  promo- 
tion of  Spanish  Republican  officers.  As  our  source  was  actually  sitting  on  the 
board  at  the  time  that  Duran's  I'ecommendation  for  promotion  came  through, 
he  himself  saw  all  Duran's  papers  and  letters  of  recommendation,  and  had 
access  to  complete  information  regarding  Duran's  background. 

I  next  submit  to  the  Chair  an  excerpt  from  the  book.  Why  and  How 
I  Left  Defense  Ministry  in  the  Intriijue  of  Russia  in  Spain,  by  Indali- 
cio  Prieto,  former  Minister  of  Defense  for  the  Spanish  Republican 

Senator  Tydings.  Is  that  the  next  page? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  the  original  document,  if  the  Chair 
cares  for  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  want  to  follow  you. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  hope  the  committee  will  keep  in  mind  that 
this  is  the  same  Duran  who  is  apparently  presently  screening  our 

It  is  true  that  I  have  had  certain  Incidents  with  the  Russians.  Certain  Rus- 
sian technicians  proposed  to  me  in  Valencia  that  a  service  of  military  investiga- 
tions should  be  created.  This  was  the  Spanish  counterpart  of  the  NKVD.  I 
confess  that  I  opposed  the  project.  But  because  of  insistent  pressure,  I  created 
the  SIM. 

The  SIM,  I  believe  the  committee  knows,  is  the  counterpart  of  the 
Russian  NKVD. 

I  was  especially  concerned  with  choosing  a  chief,  until  I  gave  it  to  an  intimate 
friend  of  mine,  who  had  just  come  from  France,  wliere  he  was  with  his  family. 
In  entrusting  him  with  the  task.  I  gave  him  these  insti'uctions : 

"You  are  going  to  form  the  SIM,  carefully,  with  elements  of  all  groups  of  the 
Popular  Front.  Your  only  charges  will  be  these  two:  Do  not  permit  the  new 
organization  to  be  converted  into  an  instrument  of  the  Communists  and  do  not 
permit  Russian  technicians  to  gain  control.  Listen  to  the  advice  of  these  tech- 
nicians and  follow  their  orientations,  whicli  can  be  very  useful  to  you,  but  con- 
trol must  always  be  in  your  hands  and  in  that  of  the  Government,  and  of  no 
one  else." 

I  .showed  little  tact  in  the  selection  of  that  comrade.  A  Republican  named 
Sayagues  came  in  fact  to  be  the  chief  of  SIM.  Regional  chiefs  of  the  SIM 
were  designated  and  they  proposed  to  me  a  certain  Gustavo  Duran  for  the 
Madrid  zone.  It  was  not  conv:>ale(i  from  me  that  the  person  proposed  was  a 
Communist.  I  knew  this,  but  in  spite  of  that,  he  was  appointed  by  decree  which 
I  myself  drew  up.  I  did  not  wish  to  follow  in  a  slavish  manner  the 
project  which  was  handed  to  me — there  is  an  article  by  virtue  of  which  the 
appointment   of  all  agents  of  the  SIM  rests  exclusively'  with   the  Minister  of 


National  Defense.  This  was  a  guarantee  which  temporarily  I  wish  to  establish. 
No  one  could  be  an  agent  of  the  SIM  who  was  not  in  possession  of  the  memoran- 
dum book  wliich  bore  duplicate  the  signature  of  the  minister.  Duran  having 
been  appointed  chief  of  the  demarcation  of  the  army  of  the  center,  of  his  own 
acctn-d  and  without  power  to  do  so.  appointed  the  agents  who  were  under  his 
orders,  which  to  the  number  of  some  hundreds,  were  Communists  and  only  four 
or  five  were  Socialists. 

As  the  Chair  will  recall,  this  was  at  the  time  Spain  was  trying  to 
Avork  out  her  difficulties  by  having  a  coalition  government  of  Socialists, 
Connnnnists,  and  so  forth. 

I  faced  an  intolerable  situation,  wherefore  alleging,  and  with  reason,  that  I 
lacked  commanders  in  the  army.  I  ordered  that  all  military  chiefs  who  were 
xiot  in  particular  positions  in  the  army  should  return  to  their  former  positions, 
and  thus  Major  Duran  liad  to  return  to  his  military  fun(  tion.  Because  of 
Dtiran's  leaving  the  SIM,  I  received  a  visit  from  a  Russian  technician,  of  these 
services,  who  said  to  me  : 

■Russian  Agent.  I  have  come  to  speak  to  you  about  the  dismissal  of  Duran. 
What  happened? 

"Prieto.  Nothing  special  I  lacked  commanders  in  the  army  and  ordered  Duran 
to  return  to  it. 

"RiTsstAN  Agent.  Xo.  You  discharged  him  because  he  appointed  Communists 
as  agents  in  Madrid. 

'•Prieto.  That  is  also  sufficient  reason,  Duran  absolutely  lacked  au- 
Ihoiity  to  make  appoiutmeuts. 

"Russian  Agent.  Why  did  he  not  have  the  power  to  appoint  agents? 

"PuiETO.  Because  by  virtue  of  the  decree  creating  the  SIM  that  power  is 
ireserved  exclusively  to  the  Minister." 

Still  quoting : 

I  read  the  decree  and  before  the  evidence  of  my  statement  my  visitor  alleged: 

"Russian  Agent.  Duran  could  m.-ike  temporary  appointments. 

"Prieto.  Neither  actual  nor  temporary.  Hei"e  in  Spain,  moreover,  the  tempor- 
ary is  converted  into  the  definitive. 

"Russian  Agent.  Be  that  as  it  may.  I  come  to  ask  ycm  to  immediately  restore 
3Ia.ior  Duran  as  chief  of  the  SIM  in  Madrid. 

■'Peieto.  I  am  very  sorry,  l)Ut  I  cannot  consent. 

■"Russian  Agent.  If  you  do  not  consent  to  restore  Duran,  my  relations  with 
you  are  broken. 

"Prieto.  I  am  sorry,  but  Major  Duran  will  go  to  the  front  of  his  division  and 
will  not  return  to  the  SIM.  Your  attitude  is  unjustified  and  I  cannot  yield  to 

I  did  not  yield  as  a  matter  of  fact,  and  my  relations  with  the  Russian  technician, 
thi'ough  his  own  wish,  were  absolutely  cut  off.  I  have  not  seen  him  since  that 

Incidentally,  the  Chair  questioned  my  description  of  the  magazine 
New  Republic. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  did  not  question  it,  I  asked  what  information 
you  had  to  support  your  allegation. 

Senator  McCarthy.  If  I  may  finish,  I  want  to  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that  Mr.  Wallace  was  for  a  time  the  editor  of  that  paper,  and 
the  Chair  may  not  think  he  is  ])ro-Connnunist.  I  think  he  is,  and  as 
far  as  I  know  the  magazine  has  not  changed  its  policy  in  the  slightest 
since  Wallace  left,  in  fact  it  almost  seemed  that  Wallace  was  a  stabiliz- 
ing influence  on  that  paper,  if  anyone  could  call  Wallace  that  in  any- 

I  believe,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  covers  exhibits  in  the  Duran  case. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  confidential  exhibits  furnished  by  the  wit 
nesses  will  be  held  by  the  connnittee  until  the  whole  connnittee  author 
izes  in  whole  or  in  part  their  release. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  going  to  give  the  chairman  another  photo 
stat — I  think  that  had  better  be  given  later  to  the  committee  staff. 


Mr,  Chairman,  while  out  making  some  Lincohi  Day  si^eeches,  I  also 
mentioned  another  name  which  has  been  shrugged  off  by  the  State 
-Department.  I  wouUl  like  to  read  what  T  said  about  this  individual, 
very  briefly. 

Senator  Gkeex.  May  I  ask  a  question  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Senator  Green  w^onld  like  to  ask  a  question. 

Senator  Grkex.  In  that  connection,  Senator,  would  you  like  to  put 
into  the  record  all  your  speeches  on  this  subject? 

Senator  ]McCartiiy.  If  the  Senator  wants  my  speeches,  he  most  cer- 
tainly can  have  them. 

Seiiator  Tydixgs.  Will  you  i)ut  in  both  the  written  speeches  and  the 
oral  speeches,  because  as  I  recall  your  testimony,  you  stated  on  the 
floor  that  you  spoke  without  notes  out  at  Wheeling,  at  least. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Not  at  Wheeling,  at  Reno,  Nev. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Well,  at  Keno;  and.  we  would  like  to  have  both 
the  written  speech  and  the  oral  speech. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  glad  to  know  the  Chair  is  so  interested  in 
my  speeches.     I  will  give  him  a  complete  file  I  have  made. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  The  Chair  is  interested  in  everything  you  have 
to  say  about  this  hearing,  from  the  time  it  started  until  it  ends. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Here  is  what  was  said  about  this  man  Harlow 

I  said  you  will  recall  last  spring  there  was  held  in  New  York  what 
was  known  as  a  World  Peace  Conference ■ 

Senator  Tytjings.  Do  you  have  copies  of  this  ? 

Senator  McCxVEthy.  I  am  reading  from  the  Congressional  Record. 

This  conference  was  labeled  by  the  State  Department,  and  Mr.  Tru- 
man, as  a  sounding  board  of  Communist  propaganda  and  a  front  for 
Russia.  Mr.  Harlow  Shapley  was  a  chairman  of  that  conference.  In- 
terestingly enough,  according  to  a  news  release  put  out  by  the  State 
Department  in  July,  the  Secretary  of  State  appointed  Shapley  on  a 
commission  which  acts  as  liaison  with  UNESCO  and  the  State  De- 

After  I  made  my  Lincoln  Day  speech,  the  State  Department, 
through  its  Under  Secretary  John  Peurifoy,  had  this  to  say  in  his  press 
release  of  February  13,  1950,  concerning  Dr.  Shapley : 

Di-.  Shapley  has  never  been  an  employee  of  the  Department  of  State.  How- 
ever, in  104"),  he  served  as  a  nienib'r  of  the  Amerie:in  dolesation  at  the  UNESCO 
Conference  in  London  ;  and  in  11!46  to  the  International  Astronomical  Union  at 

Dr.  Shapley  is  a  member  of  the  National  Commission  for  UNESCO,  repre- 
senting the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science. 

I  submit  that  this  statement  in  Mr.  Peurifov's  press  release  is  a  mis- 
representation of  the  true  facts  concerning  Dr.  Shapley's  association 
with  our  Department  of  State. 

Keep  in  mind,  this  is  the  man  who  headed  the  peace  conference 
which  the  Secretary  labeled  as  a  sounding  board  for  Russia. 

Senator  Tydixos,  Senator  McCarthy,  my  two  colleagues  are  asking 
me  questions  which  I  will  attempt  to  clear  up. 

Is  this  one  of  the  cases  you  outlined  on  the  Senate  floor  by  number? 

Senator  McCarthy.  No;  this  is  one  of  the  men  I  mentioned  in 
talking,  one  that  the  Secretary  had  referred  to  in  a  news  release,  and 
I  assure  the  Chair  that  whenever  I  refer  to  one  of  those  cases  men- 
tioned on  the  Senate  floor,  I  will  give  him  the  number. 


The  full  facts  concerninfy  Dr.  Shapley  and  the  facts  that  the  State 
Department's  press  release  conveniently  omitted  are  these: 

Dr.  Shapley  was  appointed  to  the  National  Commission  for 
UNESCO  by  the  Secretary  of  State  in  May  1947  to  fill  an  unexpired 
term,  and  he  was  reappointed  to  that  position  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  in  June  1947  for  a  second  term  on  the  Commission,  which  expires 
in  April  of  this  year. 

Not  only  was  Dr.  Shapley  twice  appointed  to  the  National  Com- 
mission by  the  predecessor  of  the  present  Secretary  of  State,  in 
accordance  with  the  provisions  of  Public  Law  565  of  the  Seventy- 
ninth  Congress,  but  his  transportation  expenses  and  $10  per  diem  are 
also  paid  by  the  State  Department,  in  accordance  with  the  provisions 
of  Public  Law  565. 

I  am  at  a  complete  loss  to  understand  how  the  State  Department 
could  seek  to  avoid  responsibility  for  Dr.  Shapley's  appointment  and 
continuance  on  the  National  Commission,  in  view  of  these  uncon- 
troverted  facts. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,'!  know  that  John  Peurifoy  had  all  of  these 
facts  in  his  possession  concerning  the  appointment  and  payment  of 
expenses  for  Dr.  Shapley  at  the  National  Commission  at  the  time  his 
misleading  press  release  of  February  13  was  issued  to  the  public. 
I  know  that  because  I  have  a  letter  from  John  Peurifoy,  dated  Feb- 
ruary 16,  1950,  in  which  he  furnished  me  with  the  facts  concerning 
Shapley's  appointments  and  compensation,  in  accordance  with  Public 
Law  565. 

Now  I  personally  do  not  blame  John  Peurifoy  for  attempting  to 
mislead  the  public  and  whitewash  the  State  Department  in  that  press 
release.  I  have  known  Peurifoy  to  be  an  upright,  honest  individual, 
and  I  for  one  am  convinced  that  he  is  issuing  these  misleading  half 
truths  to  the  American  public  on  orders  from  higher  ups. 

It  is  inconceivable  that  the  Secretary  of  State  should  be  condemning 
the  Communist-inspired  Scientific  and  Cultural  Conference  for  World 
Peace  on  the  one  hand,  and  retaining  Dr.  Harlow  Shapley,  one  of 
its  main  organizers,  in  an  important  position  with  UNESCO,  on  the 

As  this  committee  well  knows,  the  power  to  appoint  carries  with  it 
the  power  to  dismiss  unless  definite  restrictions  are  placed  on  the 
appointing  authority,  which  they  are  not  in  the  case  of  Dr.  Shapley. 
Furthermore,  inasmuch  as  State  Department  funds  are  being  used  to 
pay  the  traveling  expenses  and  per  diem  of  Dr.  Shapley's  at  the 
National  Commission,  there  is  no  reason  why  he  could  not  be  sum- 
marily dismissed  from  that  position  by  Secretary  Acheson  under  the 
broad  powers  of  the  so-called  McCarran  rider. 

Dr.  Shapley's  active  participation  in  the  Soviet  Peace  Conference 
is  not  the  last  nor  only  Communist-front  with  which  this  man  has 
been  affiliated.  His  record  with  Communist  fronts  is  a  long  and 
interesting  one. 

Now,  I  have  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  not  want  to  take  the  com- 
mittee's time  to  dwell  on  each  one,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Secretary 
himself  has  said  this  man  headed  an  outfit  which  was  a  sounding  board 
of  Communism,  but  I  have  here  in  my  hand,  a  list  of  some  36  Com- 
munist-front organizations  which  this  individual  has  belonged  to, 
and  if  the  Chair's  staff  is  interested 


Senator  Tydixgs.  Tliey  ^vill  bo  ])rinted  in  the  record  at  this  point. 
Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  be  glad  to  give  them  to  him. 

1.  Joint  Aiiti-Fascist  Refugee  Committee,  sponsor  (letterhead  dated  September 

8.  1044)   (also  letterhead  of  April  2S,  1040) . 

2.  Joint  Anti-Fascist   Refugee  ("onuuittre,   eliairnian.   reception   committee  for 

Irene  Joliot-Curie,  a  leading  French  Conuuunist  fronter  and  wife  of 
Fredericlv  Joliot-Curie,  top-ranking  French  Conununist  Party  member 
(invitation  to  the  dinner,  March  ;U,  1948). 

3.  Joint  Anti-Fascist  Refugee  Committee,   speaker    (the   Worker,  October  31, 

4.  Fraternal  Outlook,  official  ori:an  of  the  International  Workers  Order,  inter- 
view, March  1042.  p.  12. 

5.  Natiomxl  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties,   Signer  of   Statement  on 

i.ssuance  of  commissions  to  Communists   (Daily  Worker,  March  18,  104.5). 

6.  Progressive  Citizens  of  America,  attack  on  motion  picture  industry  for  firing 

Communists  (Daily  Worker,  November  26,  1047). 

7.  Progressive  Citizens  of  America,  vice  chairman  (PCA  Politics,  October  1047). 

8.  Progressive  Citizens   of  America,    chairman,    cultural    freedom    conference 

(Daily  Worker,  October  27,  1047). 

9.  Progressive  Citizens  of  America,  honorary  chairman,  Massachusetts  chapter 

(the  Progressive  Citizen,  March  1947). 

10.  Progressive  Citizens   of  America,    Conference   on   Thought    Control   in   the 

IL  S.  A.  (pamphlet.  1947). 

11.  Progressive  Citizens  of  America,  delegate,  national  convention    (release  of 

list  of  delegates,  1948). 

12.  Progressive  Citizens  of  America,  speaker  on  behalf  of  Hollywood  Communists 

(dinner  pi-ogram,  March  1948). 

13.  National  Conuuittee  to  Defeat  the  Mundt  Bill    (pamphlet:   Hey,   Brother, 

There's  a  Law  Against  You)    (also  release  dated  June  1.5,  1040). 

14.  League  of  American  Writers,  signer  of  open  letter  (Daily  Worker,  July  31, 


15.  Independent   Citizens    Committee  of   the   Arts,    Sciences,    and   Professions, 

vice  chairman  (letterhead.  May  1046). 

16.  Independent   Citizens    Committee   of   the   Arts,    Sciences,   and   Professions, 

initiating  sponsor  (Daily  Woi'ker,  December  24,  1944). 

Ma}'^  I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  most  of  the  organizations  with 
which  Harlow  Shapley  has  been  associated  get  their  pnblicity  ex- 
chisivelv  in  the  Dailv  Worker,  the  official  organ  of  the  Communist 

17.  Congress  of  American  Women,  an  affiliate  of  the  Soviet-controlled  Women's 

International  Democratic  Federation,  speaker   (Daily  Worker,  September 
2.3,  1047). 

18.  American   Committee   for   Democracy   and   Intellectual   Freedom,   member, 

national  committee  (letterhead,  September  22,  1939). 

19.  Signer  of  statement  defending,"   Isadore   Rubin,   Communist   writer    (Daily 

Worker,  January  16,  1948). 

20.  Teachers  Union,  speaker  (New  York  Times,  April  18,  1949). 

I  might  point  ont  that  this  organization  has  been  cited  as  Communist 
by  a  number  of  witnesses  before  the  Senate  Committee  on  the 

21.  New    York    Conference   for    Inalienable    Rights,    signer    of   open    telegram 

(Daily  Worker.  September  17,  1040). 

22.  United    Public   Workers — an    organization   which    was    thrown   out   of   the 

CIO  for  being  Communist — speaker  (Daily  Worker,  April  16,  1948). 

23.  Bill   of   Rights   Ccmference   of   the   Civil   Rights   Congress,   sponsor    (Daily 

Worker,  June  17.  1040). 

24.  Council  for  I'an  American  Democracy,  open  letter  defending  Luiz  Carlos 

Prestes,   leading  Brazilian  Communist  Party   official    (New  Masses,  De- 
cember 3,  1940). 

25.  National  Emergency  Conference  for  Democratic  Rights,  signer  of  open  letter 

(Daily  Worker,  May  13,  1940). 

26.  New    Masses,    official   Conuuunist   periodical,   signer    of   oi>en   letter    (New 

Masses,  April  2, 1940) . 


27.  Spanish  Refugee  Appeal,  national  sponsor    (letterhead  dated  February  26, 


28.  Conference    Asainst    Anti-Communist    Legislation,    speaker     (Washington 

Times-Herald,  April  28,  1948). 

29.  Citizens  United  to  Abolish  the  Wood-Rankin   Conmiittee,   supporter    (New 

York  Times,  March  14,  1946,  paid  advertisement). 

30.  American  Russian  Institute,  speaker  (Daily  Worker,  May  20,  1947). 

31.  American  Russian  Institute,  member,  board  of  trustees   (New  York  Times,, 

December  12,  1947). 

32.  Statement  in  defense  of  Gerhard  Eisler  (Daily  Worker,  June  28,  1947). 

Eisler  is,  of  course,  the  notorious  International  Communist  agent 
who  escaped  on  the  Polish  liner  Batory  last  year.  Incidentally,  the 
affection  between  these  two  was  mutual,  because  Eisler  spoke  in  praise 
of  Harlow  Shapley  in  a  piece  entitled  "My  Side  of  the  Story,"  page  6. 

33.  Conference  on  Cultural  Freedom  and  Civil  Liberties  (PCA  Politics,  October 


34.  Committee  of  One  Thousand,  sponsor  (press  release,  March  5,  1948). 

3ii.  Attack  on  United  States  P'oreign  Policy  in  Greece  (New  York  Times,  Septem- 
ber 10,  1947). 
36".  Committee  for  the  First  Amendment   (pamphlet,  p.  5). 

Mr.  Chairman,  in  their  recent  testimony  before  the  Senate  Appro- 
priations Committee,  both  Mr.  Acheson  and  Mr.  Peurifoy  stated  that 
homosexuals  are  regarded  as  poor  security  risks.  These  State  De- 
partment officials  pointed  out  in  that  testimony  that  some  91  homo- 
sexuals, whom  they  considered  to  be  people  of  moral  weaknesses,  were 
asked  to  resign  from  the  Department. 

I  agree,  and  I  am  sure  that  no  one  here  will  disagree,  with  the  official 
position  of  the  State  Department;  namely,  that  homosexuals  are  poor 
security  risks. 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  minute. 

We  will  have  a  little  less  confusion  in  the  chamber,  please,  a  little 
less  noise. 

Proceed,  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  case  I  will  now  discuss  involves  a  man  who 
is  not  only  reported  to  be  a  homosexual,  but  he  was  arrested  for  sexual 

Because  of  the  sordid  details  of  this  case — and  until  the  committee 
has  had  ample  opportunity  to  investigate  the  matter — I  will  not  make 
public  the  name  of  this  man,  but  I  will  give  to  the  connnittee  the  full 
details  concerning  this  case,  including  the  name  of  the  individual  in- 
volved, for  their  executive  consideration. 

This  individual  was  employed  in  the  Foreign  Service  and  the  State 
Department  until  1948  when  he  resigned  for  reasons  unknown  to  me. 

I  had  received  information  from  several  sources  that  this  man 
was  a  notorious  homosexual.  A  check  of  the  records  of  the  Metropoli- 
tan Police  Department  indicated  that  these  reports  were  true.  I  now 
hand  the  Chair,  for  your  executive  consideration,  a  copy  of  a  police 
report,  together  with  a  police  photograph  and  the  official  biography 
of  this  individual  as  it  appeared  in  the  State  Department  Register 
of  April,  1948. 

I  suggest  that  not  be  displayed. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  Chair  will  hold  it  until  after  the  hearing, 
and  then  we  will  have  a  short  executive  session  if  necessary. 

The  first  name  here  is  the  last  name,  is  it  not,  on  that  biography  yoM 
liave  just  given  us? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  look  at  the  copy. 


Senator  Tydings.  The  lirst  name? 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  first  name  is  the  hist  name. 

All  of  this  material,  as  I  said,  is  being  given  for  your  executive  con- 
sideration, as  I  do  not  desire  to  make  his  name  public  at  this  time  for 
the  reason  stated  above. 

You  will  note  from  the  police  records  that  this  man  was  arrested 
on  September  8,  1943.  The  charge  was  sexual  perversion  and  the 
police  report  states  that  he  was  known  to  hang  out  at  the  men's  room, 
at  Lafayette  Park  in  AVashington. 

This  man  is  getting  about  $i*2.U00  a  year  now. 

He  was  chaiged  with  disorderly  conduct  in  connection  with  his  per- 
verted activities.  I  do  not  have  the  record  of  the  disposition  of  this 
case  available,  but  I  am  informed  that  he  was  required  to  post  col- 
lateral of  $25  on  this  charge  and  forfeited  collateral. 

As  I  ])reviously  said,  this  man  resigned  from  the  State  Depart- 
ment in  1U48  and  shortl}-  thereafter  became  employed  in  one  of  the 
most  sensitive  agencies  of  our  Government  where  he  now  holds  an 
important  and  high-paying  position.  I  am  prepared  to  furnish  the 
name  of  that  agency  for  the  executive  consideration  of  this  com- 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Seiuitor  McCarthy,  you  say  it  is  one  of  the  most 
sensitive  agencies  of  ours  ?    Is  it  the  State  Department  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  is  the  CIA. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  He  was  in  the  State  Department? 

Senator  McCarthy.  He  was  in  the  State  Department,  in  1948,  and 
went  from  there  to  the  CIA,  that  is  the  Central  Intelligence  Agency. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  It  is  not  under  the  State  Department  at  the 
present  time,  is  it  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  us  make  this  clear,  so  the  wrong  man  will 
not  be  suspected :  He  is  not  one  of  the  main  officials  in  the  CIA. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  understand  that :  but  he  was  in  the  State  De- 
partment, according  to  your  testimony? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  right. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  He  is  not  now  in  the  State  Department,  but  is  over 
working  in  the  CIA  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  That  is  right,  and  at  a  salary  of  somewhere 
around  ten  or  twelve  thousand  dolhirs  a  year,  as  I  recall. 

Furthermore,  I  have  been  informed  that  the  files  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment and  other  investigative  departments  of  the  Government  contain 
these  and  other  facts  concerning  the  homosexuality  of  this  Federal 

In  view  of  this  man's  criminal  record,  which  I  have  just  presented 
to  the  committee,  and  other  information  concerning  his  lack  of  moral 
fitness,  I  am  at  a  loss  to  understand  why  he  was  allowed  to  resign 
from  the  State  Department.  I  might  say,  in  connection  with  that, 
it  seems  unusual  to  me,  in  that  we  have  so  many  normal  people,  so 
many  competent  Americans,  that  we  must  employ  so  numy  very, 
very  unusual  men  in  Washington.  It  certainly  gives  the  country  an 
odd  idea  of  the  type  of  individuals  who  are  running  things  down  here. 

Again  refeiring  to  ]Slr.  Peurifoy's  recent  testimony  before  the  Senate 
A])propriations  Committee.  I  wish  to  point  out  that  Mr.  Peurifoy 
infoi'med  that  committee  that  he  has  experienced  difficulty  in  having 
security  risks  fired  from  the  De])artment.  In  his  testimony,  Mr.  Peuri- 
foy said  that  at  one  point  he  reconnnended  the  dismissal  of  10  poor 


security  risks  from  the  Department  under  the  provisions  of  the  Mo- 
Carran  rider  but  that  his  recommendations  were  overruled  and  only 
one  of  these  men  was  fired. 

He  did  state,  I  believe,  the  other  nine  were  allowed  to  resign,  I  assume 
so  they  could  take  over  some  other  Government  jobs. 

As  I  said  earlier  in  this  statement,  I  do  not  know  why  the  indi- 
vidual who  is  the  subject  of  my  present  case  was  allowed  to  resign; 
but  I  think  it  is  the  responsibility  of  this  committee  to  find  out  the 
full  facts  concerning  his  resignation. 

I  also  believe  that  the  committee  should  immediately  determine  how 
this  individual  was  able  to  stay  in  the  Department  for  almost  5  years 
after  he  was  arrested  on  a  morals  charge  in  Washington,  D,  C.  I 
also  think  the  committee  should  find  out  how  he,  after  leaving  the 
State  Department,  was  able  to  get  a  top-salaried,  important  position 
in  another  sensitive  Government  agency.  It  should  be  of  considerable 
interest  to  this  committee  to  find  out  who  sponsored  this  individual 
or  who  intervened  in  his  behalf  in  both  the  State  Department  and 
his  present  place  of  employment. 

I  feel  that  this  case  is  of  sufficient  importance  for  the  committee  to 
take  immediate  action. 

Would  the  Chair  like  to  wait  until  they  bring  the  copies  for  the 
members  of  the  committee,  for  the  next  case,  or  shall  I  proceed? 

Senator  Tydixgs.  How  long  will  it  be,  Senator? 

Senator  McCarthy.  About  a  minute. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  We  will  wait. 

(There  was  a  short  pause.) 

Senator  McCarthy.  JNIr.  Chairman,  before  these  are  handed  to  the 
press,  I  ask  that  these  documents  be  marked  "Exhibit  35." 

Senator  Tymngs.  All  right,  Senator,  proceed. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  this  is  one  of  those  so-called  old 
cases,  but  it  is  very  new  in  some  respects.  We  find  in  this  case,  and  the 
Chair's  staff  should  check  on  this  immediately — in  this  case  you  will 
find  that  the  State  Department's  loyalty  board  has  again  picked  up  this 
case  very  recently,  and  again  they  have  given  a  clean  bill  of  health  to 
this  individual. 

However,  a  week  ago  last  Friday,  the  Civil  Service  Commission's 
appeals  loyalty  board,  in  this  particular  case,  made  what  is  known  as 
a  post-audit.  In  that  post-audit  the  case  w^as  sent  back  to  the  State 
Department  loyalty  board,  not  only  with  the  statement  that  they  were 
dissatisfied  with  the  results  but  with  the  recommendation  that  the  State 
Department  loyalty  board  that  sat  upon  that  case  not  be  allowed  to  sit 
upon  it  again,  but  that  a  new  board  be  convened. 

So,  I  want  to  make  it  clear,  when  I  talk  about  this  man's  danger  as  a 
security  risk,  that  the  Civil  Service  Commission  has,  as  reecntly  as  a 
week  ago  last  Friday,  rather  wholeheartedly  agreed,  and  went  so  far  as 
to  say  "We  think  you  should  have  a  different  loyalty  board  sitting  on 
this  case  next  time.'' 

This  case  is  that  of  John  Stewart  Service. 

This  man  is  a  Foreign  Service  officer  of  the  Department  of  State  and 
at  the  moment  is  in  Calcutta,  India,  where  he  is  helping  determine  the 
all-important  policy  of  our  Government  toward  India. 

The  name  of  John  Stewart  Servi(^e  is  not  new  to  the  men  in  the  Gov- 
ernment who  nnist  pass  on  a  governmental  employee's  fitness  as  a  se- 
curity risk. 


When  Mr.  Penrifoy  testified  before  the  Senate  Appropriations  Com- 
mittee, he  said  that  Service  had  been  cleared  four  different  times. 

It  is  my  nnderstandinji  that  the  mnnbei-  lias  now  risen  to  five  and  I 
earnestly  request  that  this  committee  ascei'tain  immediately  if  Service 
Mas  not  considered  as  a  bad  security  risk  by  the  loyalty  appeal  board 
of  the  Civil  Service  Commission,  in  a  post-audit  decision,  handed  down 
on  March  3  of  this  year. 

I  understand  that  this  Board  returned  the  file  of  Mr.  Service  to  the 
State  Department  with  the  report  that  they  did  not  feel  that  they 
could  give  him  clearance  and  requested  that  a  new  board  be  appointed 
for  the  consideration  of  this  case. 

To  indicate  to  the  committee  tlie  im])ortance  of  this  man's  position 
as  a  security  risk  to  the  Government.  I  think  it  should  be  noted  that  he 
is  one  of  the  dozen  top  policy  makers  in  the  entire  Department  of  State 
on  far-eastern  policy. 

He  is  one  of  the  small,  potent  group  of  "untouchables"  who  year  after 
year  formulate  and  carry  out  the  plans  for  the  Department  of  State 
and  its  dealings  with  foreign  nations;  particularlv,  those  in  the  Far- 

The  Communist  affiliations  of  Service  are  well  known. 

His  background  is  crystal  clear. 

He  was  a  friend  and  associate  of  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  the 
Communist  chairman  of  the  editorial  board  of  the  infamous 

Half  of  the  editorial  board  of  this  magazine  were  pro-Communist 
members  of  the  State  Department  and  the  committee  is  in  possession 
of  these  names. 

On  June  6,  1945.  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation,  after  an  ex- 
ceedingly painstakino-  and  careful  investigation  covering  months,  ar- 
rested Philip  J.  Jaffe,  Kate  Louise  Mitchell,  editor  and  coeditor  of 
Amerasia :  Andrew  Eoth,  a  lieutenant  in  the  United  States  Naval  Re- 
serve stationed  in  Washington :  Emmanuel  Sigurd  Larsen ;  and  John 
Stewart  Service,  who  were  employees  of  the  State  Department — this  is 
the  same  John  S.  Service  to  whom  I  have  just  referred  and  wdio  is  pres- 
ently representing  the  State  Department  in  Calcutta,  India;  also 
Mark  Julius  Gayn,  a  magazine  writer  of  New  York  City,  who  is  about 
to  leave  for  Russia. 

I  might  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  while  I  believe  some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  committee  may  be  fully  aware  of  the  chronological  record, 
I  think  it  is  important  that  I  put  iii  all  the  details  for  the  record. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right,  go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  They  were  arrested  on  charges  of  espionage  in 
connection  with  the  theft  of  the  following  Government  records  : 

Classified    documents   from    the    State   Department,    including   some   top 

secret  and  confidential  classification 360 

Prepared   by   ONI 163 

Prepared  liy  MID 42 

Prepared  by  OWI 53 

From  the  files  of  the  War  Department 9 

Now,  some  of  the  important  documents  picked  np  by  the  FBI  at  the 
time  of  the  arrest  were  as  follows,  and  I  call  this  to  the  committee^s 

First:  One  document  marked  "secret"  and  obviouslv  originating  m 
the  Navy  Department  dealt  with  the  schedule  and  targets  for  the  bomb- 


ing  of  Japan.  This  particular  document  was  known  to  be  in  the  pos- 
session of  Philip  Jaffe,  one  of  the  defendants,  during  the  early  spring 
of  1945  and  before  the  program  had  been  effected.  Tliat  information 
in  the  hands  of  our  enemies  could  have  cost  us  many  precious  Ameri- 
can lives. 

Second :  Another  document,  also  marked  "top  secret"  and  likewise 
originating  in  the  Navy  Department,  dealt  with  the  disposition  of 
the  Japanese  Fleet  subsequent  to  the  major  naval  battle  of  October 

1944,  and  gave  the  location  and  class  of  each  Japanese  warship.  What 
€onceivable  reason  or  excuse  could  there  be  for  these  people,  or  anyone 
else  without  authority,  to  have  that  information  in  their  possession 
and  at  the  same  time  claim  they  are  entitled  to  it  because  of  freedom 
of  the  press?  That  was  the  excuse  they  offered.  They  stole  this  docu- 
ment for  no  good  purpose. 

Third :  Another  document  stolen  from  the  Office  of  Postal  and  Tele- 
graph Censorship  was  a  secret  report  on  the  Far  East  and  so  stamped 
as  to  leave  no  doubt  in  anybody's  mind  that  the  mere  possession  of  it 
by  an  unauthorized  person  was  a  clear  violation  of  the  Espionage  Act, 
This  was  not  an  antiquated  paper  but  of  current  and  vital  interest  to 
our  Government  and  the  Nation's  welfare. 

Fourth :  Another  document  stolen  was  from  the  Office  of  Military 
Intelligence  and  consisted  of  22  pages  containing  information  obtained 
irom  Japanese  prisoners  of  war. 

Fifth :  Another  stolen  document,  particularly  illuminating  and  of 
present  great  importance  to  our  policy  in  China,  was  a  lengthy  detailed 
report  showing  complete  disposition  of  the  units  in  the  army  of 
Chiang  Kai-shek,  where  located,  how  placed,  under  whose  command, 
naming  the  units,  division  by  division,  and  showing  their  military 

Many  of  the  stolen  documents  bear  an  imprint  which  reads  as 
follows : 

This  document  contains  information  aftVctinii'  tlie  national  dofense  of  tlie 
United  States  within  the  meaning  of  the  Espionage  Act,  50  United  States  Code 
31-32,  as  amended.  Its  transmission  or  the  revelation  of  its  contents  in  any 
manner  to  an  unauthorized  person  is  prohihited  by  law. 

Despite  the  very  small  circulation  of  approximately  1,700  copies  of 
this  magazine  it  had  a  large  photo-copying  department.  According 
to  Congressman  Dondero,  who  sjionsored  the  resolution  for  the  inves- 
tigation of  the  grand  jury,  this  department  was  working  through  the 
Flight,  into  the  small  hours  of  morning,  and  even  on  Sundays.  It 
could  reproduce  the  stolen  documents — and  undoubtedly  did — and 
distribute  them  into  channels  to  serve  subversive  purposes,  even  into 
the  clenched  fists  raised  to  destroy  our  Government. 

In  June  1944,  Amerasia  commenced  attacks  upon  Joseph  C.  Grew, 
who  had  during  his  stay  in  the  State  Department  rather  vigorously 
o])posed  the  clique  which  favored  scuttling  Chiang  Kai-shek  and  al- 
lowing the  Communist  element  in  China  to  take  over, 

Larsen,  one  of  the  codefendants  in  this  case,  subsequently  wrote  a 
lengthy  report  on  this  matter.  I  would  like  to  quote  briefly  from  parts 
of  that  report. 

Here  is  his  quote : 

Behind  the  now-famous  State  Department  espionage  case,  involving  the  arrest 
of  six  persons  of  whom  T  was  one.  an  arrest  which  shocked  the  Nation  on  June  7, 

1945,  is  the  story  of  a  highly  organized  campaign  to  switch  American  policy  in 


the  Far  East  from  its  long-established  course  to  the  Soviet  line.  It  is  a  story 
which  has  never  been  told  before  in  full.  Many  sensational,  though  little  ex- 
plained, developments  such  as  the  General  Htilwell  affair,  the  resignation  of 
Undersecretary  Joseph  C.  Grew  and  Ambassador  Patricli  Hurley  and  the  emer- 
gence of  a  pro-Soviet  bloc  in  the  Far  Eastern  Division  of  the  State  Department, 
are  interlaced  with  the  case  of  the  six,  as  the  episode  became  known.     *     *     * 

It  is  the  mysterious  whitewash  of  the  chief  actors  of  the  espionage  case  which 
the  Congress  has  directed  to  the  Hobbs  committee  to  investigate.  But  from  be- 
liiiid  that  whitewasli  tliere  emerges  tiie  pattern  of  a  major  operation  i)erformed 
upon  Uncle  Sam  witliout  his  being  conscious  of  it.  That  oiteration  vitally  affects 
our  main  ramparts  in  the  Pacific.  In  consequence  of  this  operation  General 
Marshall  was  sent  on  a  foredoomed  mission  to  China  designed  to  promote  Soviet 
expansion  on  our  Asiatic  frontier.  It  was  a  mission  which  could  not  but  come 
to  grief  and  whicli  may  yet  bring  untold  sorrow  to  the  American  people. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Senator  McCarthy,  the  report  from  which  you 
are  readinj^  does  not  show  whether  or  not  you  are  still  quoting  Larsen, 
but  I  take  it  that  you  are. 

Do  you  see  the  quotation  marks  ? 

Senator  ^McCarthy.  I  will  tell  the  Chair  when  I  finish  the  quote. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  If  you  will  do  that,  we  can  follow  it  better. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  do  that,  sir. 

How  did  it  happen  that  the  United  States  began  to  turn  in  1944  upon  its  loyal 
ally,  the  Chiang  Kai-^hek  Government,  which  had  for  7  years  fought  Japan,  and 
to  assume  the  spon^rship  of  the  rebel  Communist  regime  which  collaborated 
with  the  Japanese  during  the  period  of  the  Stalin-Hitler  pact?  How  did  it  come 
to  pass  that  Washington  since  1944  has  been  seeking  to  foist  Communist  mem- 
bers upon  the  sole  recognized  and  legitimate  government  of  China,  a  maneuver 
equivalent  to  an  attempt  by  a  powerful  China  to  introduce  Earl  Browder  and 
William  Z.  Foster  into  key  positions  in  the  United  States  Government?  How  did 
it  transpire  that  our  top-ranking  military  leader,  General  Marshall,  should  have 
promoted  an  agreement  in  China  under  which  American  officers  would  be  train- 
ing and  equipping  rebel  Chinese  Communist  units  at  the  very  time  when  they 
were  ambushing  our  marines  and  when  Communists  the  world  over  were  waging 
a  war  of  nerves  upon  the  United  States? 

Whose  was  the  hand  which  forced  the  sensational  resignation  of  Under  Sec- 
retary of  State  Joseph  C.  Grew  and  his  replacement  by  Dean  Acheson?  And 
was  the  same  hand  responsible  for  driving  Ambassador  Patrick  Hurley  into  a 
blind  alley  and  retirement? 

The  Chair  will  notice  the  quotation  marks  there.  That  will  indi- 
cate the  end  of  that  quotation. 

In  describing  the  arrest,  Larsen  had  this  to  say  about  his  arrival 
at  the  office  of  the  United  States  Commissioner : 

There  I  found  myself  sitting  next  to  John  Stewart  Service,  a  leading  figure  in 
the  pi-o-Soviet  group  in  the  China  Section  of  the  State  Department,  and  to  Lt. 
Andrew  Roth,  liaison  officer  between  the  Office  of  Naval  Intelligence  and  the 
State  Department,  whom  I  also  knew  as  an  adherent  of  pro-Soviet  policies. 
Both  of  them  were  arrested  separately  the  same  night  in  Washington. 

Larsen  then  goes  on  to  describe  John  Stewart  Service,  John  P. 
Davies,  Jr.,  and  John  Carter  Vincent  as  the  pro-Soviet  group  in  the 
China  Section  whose  views  were  reflected  by  Amerasia  and  whose  mem- 
bers were  in  close  touch  with  Jaife  and  Roth.  In  connection  with  this, 
it  will  be  remembered  that  John  Service,  as  Stilwell's  political  adviser 
accompanied  a  highly  secret  military  commission  to  Yenan.  Upon 
the  return  of  this  mission,  you  will  recall  that  Stilwell  demanded  that 
Chiang  Kai-shek  allow  him  to  equip  and  arm  some  oOO,()()0  Commu- 
nists. Chiang  Kai-shek  objected  on  the  grounds  that  this  was  part  of 
a  Soviet  plot  to  build  up  the  rebel  forces  to  the  extent  that  they  would 
control  China,  (^hiang  Kai-shek  promptly  requested  the  recall  of 
Stihvell  and  President  Roosevelt  wisely  relieved  Stilwell  of  his  com- 


mand.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Service  submitted  his  report  No.  40  to 
the  State  Department,  which  accordino;  to  Hurley,  was  a  plan  for  the 
I'emoval  of  support  from  the  Chiang  Kai-shek  government  with  the 
end  result  that  the  Communists  would  take  over. 

The  espionage  cases  apparently  had  their  origin  when  a  British 
Intelligence  Unit  called  attention  to  material  being  published  in 
Amerasia  which  was  embarrassing  its  investigations. 

Preliminary  investigations  conducted  at  that  time  by  OSS  disclosed 
classified  State  Department  material  in  the  possession  of  Jafie  and 
Mitchell.  The  FBI  men  then  took  over  and  reported  that  in  the 
course  of  its  quest  it  was  found  that  John  Stewart  Service  was  in  com- 
munication from  China  with  Jaffe.  The  substance  of  some  of  Serv- 
ice's confidential  messages  to  the  State  Department  reached  the  offices 
of  Amerasia  in  New  York  before  they  arrived  in  Washington.  One 
of  the  papers  found  in  Jaffe's  possession  was  document  No.  58,  one  of 
Service's  secret  reports,  entitled  "Generalissimo  Chiang  Kai-shek — 
Decline  of  his  Prestige  and  Criticism  of  and  Opposition  to  his  Lead- 

In  the  course  of  the  FBI  investigation  Amerasia  was  revealed  as 
the  center  of  a  group  of  active  and  enthusiastic  Communists  or  fellow 
travelers.  To  give  you  a  better  picture  of  Amerasia,  it  perhaps  should 
be  mentioned  here  that  Owen  Lattiuiore  was  formerly  an  editor  of 
Amerasia,  and  Frederick  Vanderbilt  Field,  a  writer  for  the  Daily 
Worker,  was  the  magazine  head.  Mr.  Jaife  incidentally  was  nat- 
ui-alized  in  1923  and  served  as  a  contributing  editor  of  the  Defender, 
a  monthly  magazine  of  International  Laljor  Defense,  a  Communist 
organization,  in  1933.  From  1934  to  1936  he  had  been  a  member  of 
the  editorial  board  of  China  Today,  which  was  a  publication  of  the 
pro-Soviet  American  PMends  of  the  Chinese  People.  At  that  time 
he  operated  under  the  alias  of  J.  W.  Philips.  Under  the  name  of 
J.  W.  Philips,  he  presided  in  1935  over  a  banquet  at  which  Earl 
Browder  was  a  speaker — speaking  now  of  a  man  whom  Service  was 
in  close  contact  while  in  China. 

He  also  lectured  at  the  Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science,  an  avowed 
Communist  Party  institution.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  board  of 
directors  of  the  National  Council  of  American  Soviet  Friendship. 
The  New  York  Times,  subsequent  to  his  arrest,  referred  to  him  as  an 
active  supporter  of  pro-Communist  and  pro-Soviet  movements  for  a 
lunnber  of  years. 

According  to  an  article  in  Plain  Talk  magazine  Jaffe  has  been  a 
liberal  contributor  to  pro-Soviet  causes  and  that  on  one  occasion 
he  reserved  two  tables  at  a  hotel  banquet  held  to  launch  a  pro-Com- 
munist China  front  in  the  name  of  "The  Fifth  Floor,  35  East  Twelfth 
Street,"  which  incidentally  happens  to  be  the  National  Headquarters 
of  the  Communist  Party. 

I  realize  that  this  history  of  JafFe's  activities  is  unnecessary  for  most 
of  the  members  of  this  investigating  body,  but  I  feel  that  the  record 
should  be  complete  so  that  anyone  who  reads  it  will  understand  the 
background  of  the  individual  to  whom  his  four  codefendants  had  been 
delivering  secret  State  and  War  Department  material.  His  coeditor. 
Miss  Mitchell,  gave  a  party  for  John  S.  Service  when  he  returned  from 
China.  Service  had  previously  attended  a  special  press  conference 
held  by  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations,  in  which  he  supported  the 


position  of  the  Chinese  Communists.  The  committee  will  recall  that 
the  California  committee  cited  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations  as  a 
Conunnnist-front  oroanization. 

Larsen  had  this  to  say  about  his  codefenclants : 

I  knew  JalTe  and  his  group  as  the  editor  of  a  magazine  which  had  almost 
semiofficial  standing  among  the  left  wingers  in  the  State  Department. 

The  niojht  Kate  Mitchell  was  arrested,  she  had  in  her  possession, 
accordino-  to  Conirressman  Dondero.  a  hifrhly  confidential  document 
entitled  "Plan  of  Battle  Operation  for  Soldiers,"  a  paper  of  such  im- 
portance that  Army  officers  were  subject  to  court  martial  if  they  lost 
their  copies. 

Con<j:ressman  Frank  Fellows,  a  member  of  tlie  Committee  on  the 
Judiciary  which  investigated  the  grand  jury  which  failed  to  indict 
Service — incidentally,  the  committee's  report  shows  that  some  of  the 
members  of  the  grand  jury  voted  for  his  indictment;  that  is  in  the 
House  report — wrote  a  minority  report  in  which  he  stated : 

The  author  of  the  resolution  under  which  this  committee  assumed  jurisdiction 
stated  upon  the  floor  of  the  House,  "The  President  authorized  the  arrest  to  be 
made  and  the  arrests  were  forbidden  by  the  State  Department." 

Under  Secretary  Joseph  C.  Grew  very  urgently  insisted  upon  a  pro- 
secution of  the  six  individuals  who  were  picked  up  by  the  FBI  oil 
charges  of  conspiracy  to  commit  espionage.  He  thereupon  immedi> 
ately  became  a  target  in  a  campaign  of  vilification  as  the  culprit  in 
the  case  rather  than  the  six  who  had  been  picked  up  by  the  FBI. 

I  wish  the  committee  would  keep  in  mind  when  we  are  talking  about 
Service  we  are  talking  about  the  same  Service  whose  loyalty  report 
was  sent  back  to  the  State  Department  on  March  3,  10  days  ago,  with 
the  request  that  they  look  it  over  again  and  appoint  a  new  board 
this  time.  It  is  the  same  Service,  so  there  are  some  men  over  in  the 
Civil  Service  Commission  loyalty  board  who  certainly  are  loyalty 

Lieutenant  Roth  wrote  a  series  of  articles  for  a  New  York  paper 
and  published  a  book  in  which  he  vigorously  attacked  Grew  for  his 
opposition  to  the  Communist  sympathizers  in  the  State  Department 
insofar  as  the  far-eastern  policy  was  concerned. 

Under  Secretary  Grew,  after  a  lifetime  in  the  diplomatic  service, 
resigned,  and  President  Truman  announced  that  Dean  Acheson  would 
take  over  the  post  of  Under  Secretary  of  State. 

''During  my  conference  with  Mr.  Jaffe  in  October,"  Larsen  said, 
'•he  dropped  a  remark  which  one  could  never  forget,"  and  here  is 
what  Jaffe  had  to  say :  "Well,  Ave've  suffered  a  lot,  but  anyhow  we 
got  Grew  out." 

I  might  say  that  in  the  article  in  which  I  am  quoting  Larsen,  the 
article  in  Plain  Talk,  he  quotes  Joe  Davies  as  saying  that  one  of  the 
conditions  of  Acheson's  taking  over  was  the  resignation  of  Grew. 
Tliat  is  the  quotation  from  Larsen's  article  in  Plain  Talk. 

In  regard  to  the  legal  handling  of  this  case,  the  following  is  found 
in  Plain  Talk  in  an  article  by  Larsen : 

While  public  attention  was  largely  focused  upon  extraneous  issues,  the  Espi- 
onage case  itself  was  following  a  special  course  behind  the  scenes.  It  appeared 
that  Kate  Mitchell — 

68970 — 50 — pt.  1 10 


one  of  the  coeditors  of  Amerasia  and  one  of  the  codefendants — 

had  an  influential  uncle  in  Buffalo,  a  reputable  attorney  by  the  name  of  James 
M.  Mitchell,  former  president  of  the  New  York  State  Bar  Association.  Mr. 
Mitchell  was  a  member  of  a  very  influential  law  firm  in  Buffalo,  Keneflck,  Cooke, 
Mitchell,  Bass  &  Letch  worth.  The  New  York  City  correspondents  of  that  law 
firm  include  the  most  redoubtable  Col.  Joseph  M.  Hartfield,  extremely  well  known 
and  extremely  influential  in  Government  circles  in  Washington.  Col.  Hartfield, 
who  is  regarded  by  some  as  one  of  the  most  powerful  political  lawyers  in  the 
country,  made  at  least  four  trips  to  Washington  where  he  called  on  top  officials 
of  the  Department  of  Justice  in  the  matter. 

In  that  connection  I  would  like  to  quote  a<^ain  from  Congressman 
Dondero's  talk  on  the  House  floor,  in  which  he  stated : 

I  have  lieretofore  charged  and  reiterated  now  that  the  court  before  whom  these 
cases  were  brought  was  not  fully  informed  of  the  facts.  A  summary  of  the 
court  proceedings  has  been  furnished  to  me,  which  shows  no  evidence  or  exliibit 
obtained  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  Investigation  presented  to  the  court. 

This,  incidentally,  was  not  the  FBI's  case.  They  were  not  trying  the 
case.    They  merely  presented  the  evidence. 

.Jaffe's  counsel  told  the  court  that  Jaffe  had  no  intention  of  harming  the  Govern- 
ment, and  United  States  Attorney  Hitchcock  told  the  court  there  was  no  element 
of  disloyalty  in  connection  with  the  case.  If  that  is  the  fact,  may  I  respectfully 
ask  wliat  purpose  did  these  individuals  have  in  mind  in  stealing  these  particular 

Had  this  same  thing  happened  in  certain  other  governments,  these  people  would 
undoubtedly  have  been  summarily  shot,  without  a  trial.  Let  us  not  forget  we 
were  still  at  war  at  that  time  with  Germany  and  Japan  when  these  files  were 
stolen,  and  Jaffe,  in  whose  possession  they  were  found,  had  been  for  more  than 
10  years  a  leader  and  heavy  financial  supporter  of  Communist  propaganda  causes, 
according  to  the  FBI. 

As  I  stated  above,  after  the  grand  jury  failed  to  indict  Mitchell, 
Service,  and  Roth,  the  House  passed  a  resolution  in  wliich  it  directed 
( he  Committee  on  the  Judiciary — 

to  make  a  thorough  investigation  of  all  the  circumstances  with  resrect  to  the 
disposition  of  the  charges  of  espionage  and  the  possession  of  documents  stolen 
from  secret  Government  files  which  were  made  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  In- 
vestigation "against  Philip  J.  Jaffe,  Kate  L.  INIitchell,  John  Stewart  Service, 
Emmanuel  Sigurd  Larsen,  Andrew  Roth,  and  Mark  Gayn,"  and  to  report  to  the 
House  (or  to  the  Clerk  of  the  House,  if  the  House  is  not  in  session)  as  soon  as 
practicable  during  the  present  Congress,  the  results  of  its  investigation,  to- 
gether with  such  recommendations  as  it  deems  necessary. 

In  this  connection  let  me  point  this  out  to  the  committee.  When 
I  mentioned  John  Stewart  Service  in  February  of  this  year  the 
State  Department  then  prepared  a  press  release,  something  to  tell 
the  people  what  had  happened  in  this  case,  of  course.  In  that  they 
stated  that  Joltn  Stewart  Service  had  been  cleared  four  times.  One 
of  the  times  they  refer  to  is  the  Hotise  investigation  of  the  grand 
jury.  They  failed  to  tell  the  people  that  a  number  of  the  members  of 
that  grand  jur}',  but  not  the  required  12,  voted  for  the  indictment  of 
Service.  They  failed  to  tell  the  public  that  that  grand  jury,  as  I  will 
point  out  later,  in  effect  has  said,  as  I  can  show,  that  it  is  not  a  ques- 
tion of  guilt  that  they  were  going  into — 

we  are  concerned  with  a  question  of  whether  or  not  the  evidence  was  in  such 
fashion  that  it  could  be  presented  to  the  court  to  prove  the  guilt. 

Now,  if  that  is  what  the  State  Department  calls  a  clearance,  when 
less  than  the  12  votes  are  present  for  indictment,  then  I  say  there 
is  somebody  wlio  has  a  bad  conception  of  the  loyalty  rules  and  regu- 
lations in  that  Dej)artment. 


This  committee  then  confirmed  a  report  of  a  theft  of  a  vast  number 
of  documents  from  the  State,  War,  and  Navy  Departments',  which 
i'an<2ed  in  classification  all  the  way  from  top  secret  to  confidential. 
Tliis  connnittee  report  indicates  that  a  nnnioer  of  tlie  members  of 
the  grand  jury  voted  for  the  indictment  of  Service  and  Mitchell  on 
the  espionage  charges,  but  that  the  required  number  of  12  did  not  so 

It  will  be  noted  that  the  connnittee  was  not  appointed  for  the  pur- 
pose of  passing  upon  the  guilt  or  innocense  of  the  espionage  suspects, 
l)ut  the  connnittee  was  appointed  for  the  purpose  of  investigating  the 
Avay  that  the  case  was  handled  and  to  make  recommendations.  The 
committee  did  not  in  any  way  question  the  theft  of  the  documents. 
Incidentally,  the  committee  said  nothing  to  indicate  that  they  thought 
Service  was  not  guilty.  Howevi-r,  it  seemed  to  place  a  great  deal  of 
stress  upon  the  fact  that  the  documents  might  not  be  admissible  in 
evidence  because  of  the  method  of  obtaining  them. 

For  example,  on  page  5  the  report  states  as  follows : 

4.  Mauy  of  the  identifiable  documents  might  have  had  their  evidential  value 
desitroyed*  by  reason  of  tlie  possibility  of  the  court's  sustaining  the  defendants' 
motions  nrtai-liing  the  warrants  of  arrest. 

VL  Judicial  decisions  require  scrupulous  care  to  see  that  searches  and  seizures 
are  reasonable.  While  search  and  seizure  on  arrest  may  be  made  without  a 
search  warrant,  yet  this  is  not  so  unless  the  warrant  of  arrest  issued  after 
"probable  cause"  of  guilt  had  been  established  by  legal  evidence. 

On  page  6  of  the  report  the  following  statement  is  made : 

If  the  warrant  for  arrest  was  not  issued  on  "probable  cause"  substantiated 
by  facts,  the  evidence  disclosed  as  a  result  of  the  search  and  seizure  incident 
to  the  arrest  based  on  such  a  warrant  should  be  subject  to  suppression  and, 
therefore,  not  usable  as  evidence  of  the  crime  for  whicli  the  arrest  was  made. 

I  think  this  is  extremely  important  in  considering  this  Service  case 
and  considering  any  statements  that  he  was  cleared  by  this  grand 
jury.  The  House  committee,  in  effect,  says  that  the  reason  they  are 
not  taking  action,  not  against  Service — they  had  no  right  to  take 
action  against  Service — the  House  committee  says : 

The  retison  we  are  not  taking  action  against  the  grand  .iury  in  this  case  is 
because,  while  in  effect  all  of  those  documents  were  stolen — 

some  foiu'  or  five  hundred ;  I  forget  the  luunber — 

they  were  ol)tained  in  such  a  manner  by  the  FBI,  under  the  search  warrant, 
that  perhaps  they  could  not  be  effectively  used  in  convicting  these  men — 

the  six  individuals  who  had  stolen  them. 

Senator  Ttdixgs.  We  understand  your  point,  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  want  to  make  it  very  clear  in  the  record. 
I  am  speaking  not  only  for  the  committee  but  trying  to  make  a  very 
complete  record  in  all  these  cases,  Mr.  Chairman. 

Wliile  I  have  not  seen  any  testimony  of  any  of  the  grand  jurors 
themselves,  and  do  not  know  whether  it  is  available  or  not,  the  above 
would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  committee  felt  that  the  grand  jury 
was  disturbed,  not  so  much  by  the  question  of  guilt  or  innocence  of 
the  defendants  but  by  the  question  as  to  whether  or  not  the  guilt  or 
innocence  could  lie  proven.  They  apparently  felt  that  much  of  the 
material  would  not  be  admissible  because  of  the  method  of  search 


and  seizure.    The  following  comment  will  be  noted  on  page  7  of  the^ 
committee  report : 

Most  of  the  items  seized  at  Jaffe's  ottice  were  typewritten  copies.  Some  of  such, 
copies  were  proved  to  have  been  typed  in  one  of  the  Government  departments.. 
It  may  be  fairly  inferred  that  the  originals  of  such  copies  were  never  removed, 
but  that  copies  were  made  at  the  department  or  auency  where  the  original 

Let  me  cite  this  for  the  benefit  of  the  lawyers,  especially,  on  the 
committee.  Here  is  what  the  committee  report  says  in  accnsing  the- 
grand  jury.    They  say : 

Most  of  the  items  seized  at  Jaffe's  office  were  typewritten  copies.  Some  of 
such  copies  were  proved  to  have  been  typed  in  one  of  the  Government  depart- 
ments. It  may  be  fairly  inferred  that  the  originals  of  siich  copies  were  never 
removed  but  that  copies  were  made  at  the  department  or  agency  where  the- 
original  reposed. 

This  seems  to  make  it  very  clear  that  the  committee,  for  some 
unknown  reason,  felt  that  making  copies  of  secret  documents  and  then 
delivering  the  copies  to  unauthorized  persons  placed  the  crime  in  a 
diiferent  class  than  if  they  had  delivered  the  originals.  It  is  rather 
cliiRcult  to  understand  this  reasoning,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  photo- 
stats or  copies  of  an  impoi'tant  secret  document  would  normally  be  of 
the  same  value  to  any  enemy  power  as  the  original. 

The  committee  further  pointed  out  that  an  additional  reason  for 
not  finding  the  grand  jury  at  fault  is  because  any  of  the  six:  can  still 
be  further  prosecuted  on  the  charge  of  espionage.  That,  of  course,, 
is  no  longer  true.  The  statute  of  limitations  has  now  run.  The 
majority  report  makes  some  excellent  recommendations,  which  the 
Secretary  of  State  might  well  read.  I  especially  call  his  attention  to> 
recommendations  1,  2,  and  3  on  page  9,  which  read  as  follows : 

1.  That  the  head  of  every  department  and  agency  of  our  Government  see  to- 
it  that  more — much  more — care  be  exercised  in  personnel  procurement.  That 
all  those  considered  for  Government  positions  in  every  echelon  be  investigated 
so  tlK)roughly  as  to  insure  that  no  one  be  employed  unless  absolute  certainty 
has  been  attained  that  nothing  in  background,  present  attitude,  or  affiliations 
I'aises  any  reasonable  doubt  of  loyalty  and  patriotic  devotion  to  the  United 
States  of  America. 

That  is  very  good  advice  for  the  Secretary  of  State  if  he  will 
follow  it. 

2.  That  the  watchword  and  motivating  principle  of  Grovernment 
employment  must  be :  None  but  the  best.  For  the  fewer,  the  better ,^ 
unless  above  question. 

3.  Again  the  recommendation  of  the  House  committee — 

That  each  and  every  present  employee  who  fails  to  measure  up  to  the  highest 
standard  should  be  discharged.     No  house  divided  against  itself  can  stand. 

One  of  the  members  of  the  six-man  committee,  Congressman  Han- 
cock, was  prevented  by  illness  from  participating  in  the  report.  Two 
of  the  members  of  the  committee  wrote  dissenting  opinions,  which 
meant  that  the  decision  to  absolve  the  grand  jury  of  responsibility 
was  made  by  a  3  to  2  decision. 

There  are  other  valuable  recommendations  made  by  that  House 
connnittee,  recommendations  with  which  I  do  not  think  anyone  can 

I  might  say  this :  I  am  not  criticizing  the  House  committee  for  fail- 
ing to  recommend  action  against  the  grand  jury.    Wltile  I  think  their 


Teasonintr.  wlion  they  say  some  of  the  docuinents  were  only  copies  and 
tliei-efore  they  do  not  have  the  same  strength  as  the  originals,  is  rather 
ridiculous,  there  were  some  competent  hiwyers  on  that  House  com- 
mittee. I  understand,  and  I  can  see  where  they  would  decide  that 
even  though  the  evidence  was  overwhelming  to  prove  the  guilt  of 
these  six  individuals,  if  the  evidence  were  i^ot  in  such  shape  that  it 
•could  be  used  in  a  court  of  law  to  convict  under  the  circumstances, 
they  could  well  have  said  "We  will  not  recommend  any  action  against 
the  grand  jury." 

So  that  House  committee,  which  was  not  considering  the  guilt  of 
Service  but  considering  whether  or  not  the  grand  jury  was  competent, 
rendered  a  split  decision,  3  to  2,  and  decided  that  they  would  not 
hold  the  grand  jury  liable  in  this  case,  and  that  is  the  type  of  clear- 
ance that  the  State  Department  refers  to  when  they  tell  the  country 
"This  man  was  cleared  four  times.'' 

Congressman  Fellows,  in  his  dissenting  opinion,  made  the  following 
statement : 

JafEe  either  took  these  docuaients  himself,  or  his  confederates  took  them 
for  him.  And  two  of  the  documents  found  were  top  secret,  so  marked  and  so 
desi.£nated.  I  can  see  no  point  in  arguing  that  these  papers  may  not  have  been 
of  much  value.  The  thieves  thought  the.v  were.  The  Government  agencies 
so  ad.iudged  them.  And  the  facts  show  that  the  defendants  could  have  had 
their  choice  of  an.v  documents  they  wished ;  they  were  given  no  protection  so 
far  as  the  State  Department  was  concerned. 

That  is  the  end  of  Congressman  Fellows'  quotation.  He  was  a 
member  of  the  Un-American  Activities  Committee, 

Tliis  transaction,  or  rather  a  series  of  transactions  involved,  embraces  the 
unlawful  removal  of  top  secret,  secret,  confidential,  and  restricted  flies  from  the 
Department  of  State,  in  our  National  Government.  This.  .Air.  Chairman,  is  a  very 
serious  offense.  In  time  of  war,  this  is  a  most  serious  offense.  When  war  is  in 
progress,  or  even  in  time  of  peace,  it  is  of  little  or  no  concern  whether  the  files 
removed  were  originals  or  copies;  the  fact  that  information  of  either  or  any 
classification  was  removed  from  the  secret  files  in  the  Department  of  State  and 
was  delivered  to  any  individual,  or  group  of  individuals,  who  had  no  lawful 
right  to  receive  the  same,  is  the  essence  of  the  offense. 

I  call  the  committee's  attention  to  this.  Here  is  where  the  majority 
went  wrong,  for  whether  they  were  copies  or  originals,  the  crime  was 
the  same : 

Wlien  that  very  secret  information  was  thus  unlawfully  revealed  to  others,  no 
matter  how  the  same  was  imparted  to  Mr.  Jaffe,  whetlier  by  an  original,  or  by 
copy,  or  by  any  other  method,  the  real  damage  has  been  done. 

There  should  not  be  any  attempt  made  in  the  report  to  either  minimize  or 
acquit  anyone  from  the  magnitude  of  the  act  or  acts  committed.  The  report 
filed  appears  to  at  least  attempt  to  either  minimize  or  completely  justify  some 
of  the  unlawful  acts  which  were  undoubtedly  committed. 

All  of  those  who  participated  in  any  way  in  the  i-emoval,  or  attempted  removal, 
of  these  documents  from  the  Department  of  State,  or  who  copied  such  reports 
and  thereafter  delivered  such  copies  to  Mr.  Jaffe,  or  to  any  other  person,  not 
lawfully  entitled  to  receive  the  same,  should  be  prosecuted,  and  all  those  par- 
ticii)ating.  in  any  degree,  in  the  unlawful  acts  under  investigation  should  be 
immediately  discharged  from  their  positions  in  our  Government.  The  repoi't 
should  speak  strongly  and  without  any  reservation  upon  that  subject. 

I  might  say,  after  this  recommendation  was  made,  Mr.  Chairman,  as 
the  Chair  knows,  not  only  was  John  Service  reinstated,  after  they  got 
lid  of  Joe  Grew,  but  he  was  placed  subsequently  in  charge  of  promo- 
tion and  placement  of  personnel  in  the  Far  Eastern  Division,  or  some 
title  such  as  that,  so  the  State  Department  certainly  did  not  take  the 


advice  of  either  the  majority  or  the  minority  opinion  of  that  com- 

Again  quoting  from  the  minority  opinion : 

•  The  questions  here  involved  are  so  grave  and  the  offenses  so  great  that  no 
effort  should  be  made  to  protect  or  defend  those  who  so  offended,  but  the  report 
should  be  made  both  firm  and  strong — to  speak  the  truth — but  to  place  the  blame 
where  the  same  rightfully  belongs. 

This  is  but  a  small  portion  of  the  pertinent  background  of  Service, 
but  certainly,  beyond  doubt,  it  forever  excludes  this  man  as  a  security 
risk,  no  matter  what  yardstick  is  used,  and  again  may  I  say  I  con- 
gratulate the  Civil  Service  Loyalty  Appeals  Board  in  this  case, 
though  not  in  some  of  the  others  we  will  bring  up,  for  having  the  in- 
telligence and  guts  to  send  this  back  and  say  that:  the  State  Depart- 
ment loyalty  board  who  cleared  this  man  did  wrong,  and  the  next  time 
we  don't  want  the  same  men  sitting  on  the  board,  and  I  certainly  hope 
that  the  State  Department  follows  the  advice  of  the  Civil  Service 
Loyalty  Appeals  Board. 

Again  we  have  a  known  associate  and  collaborator  with  Communists 
and  pro-Communists,  a  man  high  in  the  State  Department,  consorting 
with  admitted  espionage  agents,  and  I  wish  to  say  to  this  committee 
what  I  said  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate  on  P'ebruary  20,  1950 : 

When  Chiang  Kai-shek  was  fighting  our  war,  the  State  Department  had  in 
China  a  young  man  named  John  S.  Service.  His  task,  obviously,  was  not  to 
work  for  the  coniniunization  of  China.  Strangely,  however,  he  sent  oflicial  re- 
ports back  to  the  State  Department  iirging  that  we  torpedo  our  ally  Chiang 
Kai-shek  and  stating,  in  effect,  that  communism  was  the  best  hope  of  China. 

Later  this  man — John  Service — was  picked  up  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  In- 
vestigation for  turning  over  to  the  Communists  secret  State  Department  informa- 
tion. Strangely,  however,  he  was  never  prosecuted.  However,  Joseph  Grew,  the 
Under  Secretary  of  State,  who  insisted  on  his  prosecution,  was  forced  to  resign. 
Two  days  after  Grew's  successor.  Dean  Acheson,  took  over  as  Under  Secretary 
of  State,  this  man  John  Service,  who  had  been  picked  up  by  the  FBI  and  who 
had  previously  urged  that  communism  was  the  best  hope  of  China,  was  not  only 
reinstated  in  the  State  Department  but  promoted.  And  finally,  under  Acheson, 
placed  in  charge  of  all  placements  and  promotions. 

I  might  say  I  think  the  Avord  "all"  should  not  have  been  in  that 
speech.  I  believe  it  was  only  in  charge  of  placements  and  promotions 
in  the  far-eastern  area. 

Mr.  Chairman,  today  this  man.  John  S.  Service,  is  a  ranking  officer 
in  the  policy-making  group  of  "untouchables"  on  duty  in  Calcutta, 
India,  one  of  the  most  strategically  important  listening  posts  in  the 
w^orld  today,  and  since  the  fall  of  China  the  most  important  new  front 
of  the  cold  war. 

Five  times  this  man  has  been  investigated  as  to  his  loyalty  and  his 
acceptance  as  a  security  risk  to  the  Nation. 

Wliat  possible  reason  could  there  have  been  for  even  a  second  in- 
vestigation of  his  record? 

He  was  not  an  acceptable  security  risk  under  Mr.  Acheson's  own 
"yardstick  of  loyaltj- '■  the  day  he  entered  the  Government. 

He  is  not  a  sound  security  risk  today. 

I  am  going  to  try  to  finish  out  a  short  one.  I  would  like  permission 
to  finish  it  even  if  the  bell  does  ring  before  I  get  through. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right.  Senator.    We  wdll  give  you  the  time. 

Might  I  ask  if  you  have  an  approximation  of  the  amount  of  time 
you  would  like  to  have  to  finish  this? 

STATE  DEPARTME:NT  employee  loyalty  INVEiSTIGATION  141 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  will  take  some  time  on  this,  Mr.  Chairman. 
Tlien  I  have  a  sizable  number  of  names  which  I  wish  to  present  to  the 
committee,  not  in  the  public  record  but  some  for  the  staff,  now  that  a 
staff  has  been  appointed.  I  cannot  finish  it  between  now  and  12 

Senator  Tymngs.  We  will  wait  a  little  longer.     Go  ahead. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  might  say  that  I  am  very  gratefid  for  the 
fact  that  I  have  been  able  to  put  my  case  on  in  the  manner  that  I  have 
been  in  the  last  2  days.    I  want  to  thank  the  Senator  very  much. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Senator  jNlcCarthy,  of  course  we  are  going  to  re- 
serve the  right  to  ask  you  some  questions.  We  are  not  doing  it  now 
because  we  do  not  want  to  interrupt  you. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Absolutely,  and  I  certainly  will  be  here  for 
any  questions  you  want  to  ask. 

if  the  Chair  wants  to  ask  questions  about  the  last  case 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Inasmuch  as  we  have  let  them  all  go  by  with  no 
opportunity  for  interrogation,  we  will  have  to  go  back  and  fill  in 
things  we  will  want  to  know. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Very  good. 

I  would  like  to  mark  these.  Mr.  Chairman,  as  exhibits  36,  37,  38 

Senator  Tydixgs.  It  has  been  suggested  that  you  use  the  three 
initials  of  the  subject  in  each  case.  Then  there  probably  won't  be  any 

Senator  McCarthy.  Yes,  I  can  do  that. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  think  that  will  be  a  good  way  to  handle  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  have  already  marked  these. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Go  ahead  and  leave  them  that  way. 

Senator  McCarthy.  39. 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47,  and  48. 

Exhibits  Nos.  36  to  48  I  now  offer  as  evidence  in  this  case,  if  that 
is  agreeable  to  the  Chair. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  The  exhibits  will  be  printed  at  the  appropriate 
place  in  the  Senator's  remarks. 

The  Department  of  State  of  the  United  States  operates  with  thou- 
sands of  employees  and  requires  a  tremendous  budget  which  has 
aided  materially  in  placing  on  the  American  people  the  greatest  tax 
burden  they  have  ever  been  called  u])on  to  bear. 

All  but  a_  small  handful  of  those  employees  are  honest  and  loyal 
Americans.  The  State  Department  is  their  life  work.  They  have 
given  to  it  years  of  service,  unquestioned  loyalty ;  and  they  have  served 
it  with  great  pride. 

In  the  far-flung  places  of  the  world,  these  loyal  men  and  women 
have  spent  their  lives  and  exercised  all  their  ingenuity  to  give  to  their 
De])artment  and  their  Government  every  possible  bit  of  information 
and  advice  they  thought  useful. 

Career  employees  of  the  State  Department,  by  virtue  of  their  long 
residence  in  every  foreign  country  on  the  globe  and  their  close  asso- 
ciation, and  many  times  friendship,  with  citizens  and  officials  of  those 
countries,  have  had  access  to,  have  reported  on,  every  phase  of  eco- 
nomic and  political  affairs  in  the  nations  to  which  they  are  attached. 

These  are  the  real  "experts"  of  the  State  Department. 

It  is  a  tragedy  when  we  find  the  advice  and  experiences  of  such 
outstandingly  able  employees  stored  in  a  multitude  of  steel  filing 
cases  and  disregarded  while  the  Department  of  State's  closed  corpora- 
tion of  "'untouchables"  call  upon  pro-Communist  idealists,  crackpots, 


and,  to  put  it  mildly,  "bad  security  risks"  to  advise  them  on  American 
diplomatic  policy. 

The  next  case  I  wish  to  call  to  the  attention  of  the  committee  is  that 
of  Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman. 

Dr.  Schuman  is  on  the  faculty  of  Williams  College  and  is  a  highly 
placed  lecturer  with  the  Department  of  State. 

It  is  the  function  of  Dr.  Schuman  to  explain  how  to  be  better  diplo- 
mats to  veteran  diplomats  and  career  men  of  the  State  Department 
in  its  Division  of  Training  Services. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  do  not  know  this  gentleman  or  anything  about 
him.    Might  I  ask  you  if  he  is  an  emi)loyee  of  the  State  DejDartment  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  He  is  one  of  the  lecturers,  as  I  will  show  you. 
His  task  has  been  to  come  in  and  lecture  to  young  men  sent  out  into 
foreign  fields  and  tell  them  how  they  should  be  guided. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  undei'stand  that,  but  I  do  not  know  what  his 
status  is.     Is  he  an  employee  or  not  an  emploj- ee  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Do  you  mean  does  he  get  paid  for  that  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Both  ways.  Does  he  work  for  the  State  De- 

Senator  McCarthy.  That,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  not  a  year-round  job,  I 
understand.  He  is  listed,  I  believe,  as  a  consultant.  If  you  call  the 
State  Department  and  say  "Is  he  working  there?"  if  they  check  and 
find  he  made  no  lecture  today,  which  he  obviously  didn't,  they  will 
undoubtedly  tell  you  he  is  not  working  for  the  State  Department. 
He  is  one  of  the  lecturers. 

Senator  Tydings.  How  often  does  he  lecture  ?  Have  you  any  idea  ? 
Do  you  know  whether  he  is  paid  or  not  for  those  lectures  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  don't  know.  In  fact,  I  don't  think  that  is 

Senator  Tydings.  We  will  find  out.  I  thought  maybe  your  record 
might  have  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  don't  think  it  is  a  question  of  whether  he  is 
paid.  It  is  the  fact  that  this  man  is  picked,  of  all  the  competent,  out- 
standing Americans  we  have,  to  come  and  tell  these  young  men  who 
are  going  into  the  field  how  they  should  act  and  what  they  should 
do  that  is  an  unusual  matter. 

It  is  the  function  of  Dr.  Schuman  to  explain  how  to  be  better  diplo- 
mats to  veteran  diplomats  and  career  men  of  the  State  Department  in 
its  Division  of  Training  Services.  He  is  described  by  the  State  De- 
partment itself  as  one  of  a  group  of  "experts  on  subjects  of  importance 
in  diplomacy." 

Appearing  with  Professor  Schuman  in  the  lecture  program  were 
Owen  Lattimore  and  Dr.  Edward  C.  Acheson,  director  of  the  School  of 
Foreign  Service  at  George  Washington  University  and  brother  of  Sec- 
retary of  State  Dean  Acheson. 

Let  me  make  it  clear  that  I  am  not  referring  to  any  one  program 
in  which  all  three  of  them  appeared.  I  am  referring  to  three  men  who 
were  called  in  to  make  these  lectures. 

Dr.  Schuman  was  formerly  with  the  Federal  Communications  Com- 
mission, where  he  served  under  Mr.  Goodman  Watson,  who  was  finally 
discharged  by  that  department. 

Dr.  Schuman  is  one  of  the  closest  collaborators  in  and  sponsors  of 
Communist- front  organizations  in  America. 


He  was  affiliated  with  the  National  Council  of  the  Arts,  Sciences 
and  Professions,  which  was  denounced  as  a  subversive  organization 
by  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities.  This  is  the  or- 
franization  under  whose  auspices  was  held  the  Cultural  and  Science 
Conference  for  World  Peace  at  the  Hotel  Waldorf-Astoria  in  New 
York  from  March  25  to  29,  1949,  and  which,  incidentally,  was  de- 
nounced by  the  Secretary 

Senator  Tydings.  Which  Secretary  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Secretary  of  State  Acheson.  If  I  can  quote  his 
exact  words,  I  think  he  said  it  was  "a  sounding  board  for  Russian 

This  organization  was  denounced  as  an  instrument  of  Soviet  propa- 
ganda by  the  State  Department. 

Dr.  Schuman's  affiliations  with  the  National  Council  of  the  Arts, 
Sciences  and  Professions  are  not  casual.  He  was  a  member  of  its 
policy  and  program  committee  in  1948.  To  those  who  say  many  of 
these  Communist-front  connections  have  been  at  a  time  when  we  were 
friends  wath  Russia,  I  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  there  has  been 
no  break  from  even  during  the  days  of  the  Hitler-Stalin  Pact  right  up 
mitil  1948  and  1949.  You  don't  find  any  change  whatsoever  in  their 
sponsorship  of  these  Comnumist  front  organizations,  and  I  might  say 
that  some  individuals  can  come  down  and  say  "I  didn't  know  about 
this  organization:  I  didn't  know  anything  about  its  aims,"  but  not 
Dr.  Schuman.  When  he  belongs  to  the  organizations  I  am  going  to 
give  you,  you  can  be  sure  he  knows  what  he  is  doing.  This  is  the  man 
w^ho  lectures  in  the  State  Department. 

He  was  a  signer  of  a  press  release  of  the  same  organization  on  March 
1,  1949.  He  was  a  member  of  the  National  Council  of  the  Arts,  Sci- 
ences and  Professions  for  Wallace,  according  to  the  Daily  Worker, 
August  18, 1948,  page  7,  and  he  again  appeared  as  a  sponsor,  according 
to  the  Daily  Worker  on  October  19,  1948,  page  2. 

Professor  Schuman  was  a  sponsor  of  the  American  Committee  for 
the  Protection  of  the  Foreign  Born,  which  was  cited  as  subversive 
by  the  Attorney  General,  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Ac- 
tivities, and  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

He  was  prominent  in  the  affairs  of  the  American  Council  on  Soviet 
Relations,  which  has  been  cited  by  subvei^ive  by  the  Attorney  Cen- 
tral, the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  and  the  Cali- 
fornia Committee  on  Un-American  Activities.  He  was  a  sponsor  of 
the  American  League  for  Peace  and  Democracy,  which  has  been 
cited  by  the  same  three  official  bodies  as  a  communistic  and  subversive 

The  American  Russian  Institute,  which  has  also  been  the  recipient 
of  Professor  Schuman's  aid,  has  been  cited  as  communistic  and  sub- 
versive by  the  Attorney  General,  the  House  Committee  on  Un-Ameri- 
can Activities,  and  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American 

The  same  adherence  applies  to  the  American  Slav  Congress,  which 
the  same  three  organizations  have  cited  as  subversive. 

He  sponsored  the  Civil  Rights  Congress,  an  organization  teiTiied 
subvei"sive  by  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities ;  and 
he  was  also  affiliated  with  the  Committee  for  Boycott  Against  Japanese 
Aggression,  named  communistic   and   subversive   by   the   Attorney 


General,  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  and  the  Cali- 
fornia Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

Professor  Schmnan  lent  his  name  and  prestige  to  the  activities  ot  the 
Friends  of  the  Soviet  Union,  which  was  cited  by  all  three  of  the  above 
as  officially  a  communistic  and  subversive  organization.  The  African 
Aid  Committee  was  named  subversive  and  communistic  by  the  At- 
torney General,  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  and  the 
California  Un-American  Activities  Committee;  and  here  again  we 
have  Professor  Schuman  as  a  sponsor.  The  same  three  agencies  have 
declared  subversive  and  communistic  the  National  Conference  ot 
American  Policy  in  China  and  the  Far  East.  This  is  one  he  has  been 
really  active  in.  They  called  a  conference  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Committee  for  a  Democratic  Far  Eastern  Policy.  Here  again  we  have 
Professor  Schuman  lending  aid  and  comfort  to  a  subversive  organ- 
ization. -  -         .  ,, 

We  could  perhaps  continue  for  hours  m  elaborating  on  the  pro- 
Communist  affiliations  of  this  consultant  to  the  small  group  of  "un- 
touchables" who  determine,  force  through,  and  carry  out  the  foreign 
policy  of  this  country.  ■      . 

I  have  chosen  at  random  some  of  the  organizations,  all 
munist  in  nature,  with  which  this  man  has  been  affiliated. 

Incidentally,  when  I  talked  about  this  man's  activities  as  a  lecturer, 
I  hope  I  made  it  clear  that  that  was  one  of  his  activities  in  the  State 
Department.  He  is  also  a  consultant,  one  of  the  authorities  on  far- 
eastern  affairs,  naturally.  A  most  casual  survey  of  these  organizations 
will  indicate  that,  if  he  is  not  a  card-holding  member  of  the  Com- 
munist Party,  the  difference  is  so  slight  that  it  is  unimportant. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  before  me  the  photostats  of  documents 
showing  his  connection  with  there  organizations.  In  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  Senate  is  in  session,  I  am  not  going  to  take  the  Senators' 

time  to  read  them.  i  •      i  i 

Senator  Tydings.  They  will  be  put  in  the  record  at  this  place  as  the 

Senator  has  marked  them. 

Exhibit  36 

American  Committee  for  Protection  of  Foreign  Born, 

New  York  10.  N.  Y.,  February  8,  19.1,9. 

Testimonial  to  Ellis  Island  Hunger  Strikers 



Hotel  McAlpin,  New  York  City,  March  3,  1949 

Dear  Friend:  We  invite  you  to  join  with  us  in  a  testimonial  dinner  to  be  lield 
Ht  the  McAlpin  Hotel,  New  York  City,  on  Thursday  evening,  March  3.  1949,  for 
the  five  men  who  participated  in  a  hunger  strike  on  Ellis  Island,  during  March 


These  five  men— Charles  Doyle,  Gerhart  Eisler,  Irving  Potash,  Ferdinand  Smith, 
and  John  Williamson— uniteci  in  a  hunger  strike  in  order  that  the  constitutional 
right  to  bail  should  not  be  lost  to  the  American  people. 

As  you  will  remember,  people  all  over  the  country  joined  in  demonstrations 
for  them  and  the  principle  for  which  they  so  heroically  were  ready  to  give  their 
lives.    As  a  result,  bail  was  granted  by  the  courts.  ^  «  w 

We  are  holding  this  testimonial  on  the  first  anniversary  of  their  great  fight 
which  is  not  vet  won.  Bail  has  been  granted  to  Irving  Potash,  Ferdinand  Smith, 
and  John  Williamson  by  the  Immigration  and  Naturalization  Service.  But  it  is 
still  being  denied  to  Charles  Doyle  and  Gerhart  Eisler,  although  they  are  at  this 
moment  free  on  the  original  bail  granted  by  the  courts. 


Therefore,  the  fight  for  bail  must  go  on.  This  testimonial  must  demonstrate 
•our  determination  to  continue  the  defense  of  Doyle  and  Eislcr  and  to  carry  on  au 
(>ffeciive  campaign  to  defeat  the  Justice  Department's  deportation  (h-ive. 

We  hope  that  you  will  participate  with  us  in  this  testimonial.  Reservations 
^re  $6  per  plate.    Reservations  for  tables  of  10  are  $60. 

Sincerely  yours, 

Rev.  John  W.  Dark,  Jr., 
Chairman,  Board  of  Directors. 

Exhibit  37 

China  aid  Council," 
American  Le^vgue  for  Peace  and  Democracy, 

Champaiyn-Urbana  Branch ,  June  11,  1938. 
M\ss  Jane  Swaxhauser. 

Chicago,  III. 

Dear  Miss  Swanhauser  :  Since  you  give  us  the  choice  of  day  for  Dr.  Su,  I 

will  ask  for  Friday,  June  24,  or  Saturday,  June  25.     I  still  leave  it  to  you  to 

decide  which  of  these  two  days,  since  I  feel  it  is  possible  some  other  branch  may 

have  sjioken  already  for  one  of  these  two  dates  1  named.     Kindly  write  at  once 

which  date  I  may  count  upon  and  send  me,  tirst  of  all,  any  particulars  about 

Dr.  Su  that  I  may  use  in  publicity  ;  also  tell  me  if  this  trip  is  to  raise  money 

for  I  must  pay  $15  flat  if  I  use  a  university  hall  and  make  any  sort  of  collection. 

lYe  have  little  hope  of  raising  nuich  here,  as  the  bowl  of  rice  drive  is  now  on, 

but  we  feel  that  if  Dr.  Su  can  speak  to  the  3,000  students  of  the  summer  school 

-who  come,  many  of  them  from  country  regions,  that  they  will  carry  the  idea  of 

iboycott,  etc.,  back  to  their  homes  and  spread  the  idea.    I  am  sure  you  will  consider 

even  this  worth  while.    I  shall  not  be  able  to  do  any  advertising  until  I  hear  from 

jou,  so  please  write  as  soon  as  possible. 


Anna  H.  Rubio. 

Exhibit  38 

African  Aid  Committee, 
New  York  10,  N.  Y.,  January  20,  1950. 
Dear  Friend  :  "We  have  l»nt  one  appeal  to  make  to  you.  our  brothers  abroad — 
your  moral  and  tinancial  support  will  highly  be  appreciated" — that  is  the  message 
from  leaders  of  the  Nigerian  workers  recently  shot  down  while  striking  for 
SO  cents  a  day  pay. 

A  token  contribution  of  $2(X>  has  already  been  sent  to  these  workers  by  our 
<ommittee.    We  nuist  send  more.    With  your  help,  we  can  do  so. 

Even  if  you  have  already  contributed  to  the  African  Aid  Committee,  we  urge  you 
to  give  again  in  this  emergency. 

And  please  help  us  in  reaching  others  with  this  appeal  by  signing  and  returning 
the  blank  below. 

Very  truly  yours, 

W.  E.  B.  Du  Bois,  Chairman. 

To  Dr.  W.  E.  B.  Dr  Bois. 

African   Aid   Committee: 

I'll  be  glad  to  get  others  to  help,  too. 

Send  me  materials  for  soliciting  contributions  among  my  friends  and  organiza- 
tions in  response  to  the  appeal  from  the  workers  of  Nigeria. 

Name  __. 

(  sign  and  return  if  you  can  assist  in  this  way.) 




Elisha  Bailey,  Panama 

Louise  R.  Berman,  New  York  City 

Dr.  Phillips  Brooks,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Peter  B.  Brown,  Chicago,  111. 

Lonis  E.  Biirnham,  Birmingham,  Ala. 

Hugh  Bryson,  San  Francisco,  Calif. 

Charles  A.  Collins,  New  York  City 

Councilman  Eugene  P.   Connolly,  New 
York  City 

Evelyn  Cooper,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Dr.  Oliver  C.  Cox,  Tuskegee  Institute 

Bindley  C.  Cyrus,  Chicago,  111. 

Wendell  P.  Dabney,  Cincinnati,  Ohio. 

Councilman    Benj.   J.    Davis.   Jr.,   New 
York  City 

E.  A.  Davis,  Toronto,  Canada 

Earl  B.  Dickerson,  Chicago,  111. 

Dean  Dixon,   New  York  City 

Dr.  Arnold  B.  Donawa,  New  York  City 

Aaron  Douglas,  Fisk  University 

Arnaud  D'Usseau,  New  York  City 

Rev.  Charles  C.  S.  England,  Brooklvn, 
N.  Y. 

Howard  Fast,  New  York  City 

Frederick  V.  Field,  New  York  Citv 

Elinor  S.  Gimbel,  New  York  Citv 

Ben  Gold,  New  York  City 

Kumar  Goshal,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Shirley  Graham,  St.  Albans,  N.  Y. 

Percy  Greene,  Jackson,  Miss. 

Ewart  Guinier,  New  York  City. 

Dashiell  Hammett,  New  York  City 

William  Harrison,  Boston,  Mass. 

Rev.  Dr.  Wm.  P.  Hayes,  Newark,  N.  J. 

Donald  Henderson,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Rev.  Charles  A.  Hill,  Detroit,  Mich. 

Velnia  Hopkins.  Winston-Salem,  N.  C. 

Rev.  J.  L.  Horace,  Chicago,  111. 

Charles  H.  Houston,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Charles  P.  Howard,  Des  Moines,  Iowa 

Rev.  Kenneth  de  P.  Hughes,  Cambridge, 

Langston  Hughes,  New  York  City 

Dr.  W.  A.  Hunton,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Ada  B.  Jackson.  Brooklyn.  N.  Y. 

Luther  P.  Jackson,  Virginia  State  Col- 

David  Jenkins,  California  Labor  School 

Rev.  C.  Asapansa  Johnson,  Staten  Is- 
land. N.  Y. 

Dt.  R.  O.  Johnson,  Atlanta.  Ga. 

Albert     E.     Kahn,     Croton-on-Hudson, 
N.  Y. 

Rockwell  Kent,  Au  Sable  Forks,  N.  Y, 

John  Howard  Lawson,  San  Fernando, 

Ray  Lev,  New  York  City 
Dorothy  C.  Lymas,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Albert  Maltz,  Los  Angeles,  Calif. 
Dr.  Cecil  Marquez,  New  York  City 
George  Marshall,  New  York  City 
Larkin  Marshall,  Macon,  Ga. 
Dr.  Benjamin  E.  Mays,  Morehouse  Col- 
Rev.  Jack  R.  McMichael,  New  York  City 
John  T.  McManus,  New  York  City 
Rev.    Wm.    Howard   Melish,    Brooklyn, 

N.  Y. 
Herbert  T.  Miller.  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 
Willard   Motley,   Chicago,   111. 
Rev.  Chas.  C.  Monlton,  Panama 
Capt.  Hugh  Mulzac,  Jamaica,  N.  Y. 
George  B.  Murphy,  Jr..  New  York  City 
Estelle  Massey  Osborne.  New  York  City 
Rev.  George  L.  Paine,  Boston.  Mass. 
Father  Clarence  Parker,  Chicago,  111. 
William  L.  Patterson,  New  York  City 
Dr.  H.  T.  Penn,  Roanoke.  Va. 
Dr.  Charles  A.  Petioni.  New  York  City 
Martin  Popper,  New  York  City 
Eslanda  G.  Robeson.  Enfield,  Conn. 
Paul  Robeson,  New  York  City 
Dr.  B.  J.  Robinson,  Los  Angeles,  Calif. 
Rev.  James  H.  Robinson.  New  York  City 
Therese  L.  Robinson,  Washington,  D.  0. 
O.  John  Rogge,  New  York  City 
Paul  Schnur,  San  Francisco,  Calif. 
Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman,  Williams- 
town,  Mass. 
Mrs.    Andrew    W.    Simkins,    Columbia, 

S.  C. 
Ferdinand  C.  Smith,  New  York  City 
Rev.  Stephen  G.  Spottswood,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C. 
Max  Steinberg,  New  York  City 
Dr.  Bernhard  J.  Stern,  New  York  City 
Ella  P.  Stewart,  Toledo,  Ohio 
Deems  Taylor,  New  York  City 
Rebecca  Stiles  Taylor,  Chicago,  111. 
Alma  Vessells,  New  York  City 
Henry  A.  Wallace.  South  Salem,  N.  Y. 
Bishop  Wm.  J.  Walls,  Chicago,  111. 
Dr.  Edward  K.  Weaver.  Texas  College 
Dr.  Gene  Weltfish.  New  York  City 
Dr.    Charles    H.    Wesley,    Wilberforee, 

Lindsay  White,  New  York  City 
Di-.  J.  Finley  Wilson,  Washington,  D.  C. 


Exhibit  39 

Call  to  a  Xatioaal  Conferenck  on  American  Policy  in  China  and  the 

Far  East 

Friday,  Saturday,  and  Sunday,  January  28-25,  1948,  Hotel  Roosevelt,  New  York 


National  Cliairmen  :  T.  A.  Bisson,  Dr.  W.  E.  B.  Dubois.  Hon.  Stanley  M.  Isaacs  ; 
Organizing  Secretary  Stephen  H.  Fritcliman 

"It  is  my  considered  opinion  that  future  generations  will  regard  the  betrayal  of 
the  Chinese  people  by  the  American  Government  in  the  Truman  administration 
as  one  of  the  greatest  errors  ever  made  in  American  diplomacy." — Brig.  Gen. 
Evans  F.  Carlson,  United  States  Marine  Corps. 

The  three  undersigned  ntaional  cha'rmen  call  upon  all  interested  organizations 
to  send  delegates  and  observers  to  a  national  conference  on  American  policy  in 
China  and  the  Far  East  to  be  held  in  New  York  City,  January  23,  24,  and  25, 

The  purposes  of  the  conference  are  to  discuss  and  plan  action  on — 

1.  The  halting  of  United  States  intervention  in  China  and  other  friendly  far 
eastern  countries. 

2.  The  carrying  out  of  the  democratic  decisions  of  the  Potsdam  agreement  and 
the  Moscow  conference  regarding  policies  in  Japan  and  Korea. 

8.  The  relationship  between  far  eastern  policy  and  domestic  well-being. 

4.  A  program  to  achieve  a  genuinely  democratic  far  eastern  policy  which  alone 
can  give  any  hope  of  peace. 

o.  Rallying  all  democratic  Americans  to  support  of  such  a  program. 

We  Americans  have  always  felt  a  pride  and  strength  in  our  heritage  as  a 
dem(»cratic  people.  Our  Government's  present  far  eastern  policy  violates  our 
most  c-herished  American  political  beliefs  and  threatens  our  own  democracy. 

In  China,  the  largest  nation  in  earth,  United  States  policy,  through  military, 
financial,  and  political  intervention,  is  aiding  in  the  imposition  of  a  backward, 
corrupt  and  violently  antidemocratic  regime  which  the  vast  majority  of  the 
Chinese  people  themselves  repudiate.  The  most  reactionary  elements  in  the 
United  States  are  now  scheming  for  further  intervention  on  a  scale  which  will 
subject  the  Chinese  people  to  an  autocracy  dependent  upon  outside  financial  and 
military  help — that  is  the  United  States — for  its  continued  existence.  This 
American  intervention  also  violates  the  Charter  of  the  United  Nations. 

In  Japan,  many  observers.  Americans  and  others,  are  deeply  disturbed  over 
the  practically  unilateral  American  occupation  which  seems  less  concerned  about 
eradicaring  the  reactionary  elements  responsible  for  Pearl  Harbor  than  is  now 
harnessing  these  elements  to  the  dangerous  ambitions  of  an  antidemocratic 
American  group. 

In  the  I'hilippines.  the  American  Government  is  giving  energetic  support  to 
Filipino  collaborationists  and  other  betrayers  of  their  country's  independence; 
and  by  imposing  upon  the  I'hilippines  economic  conditions  inimical  to  their 
development  as  a  free  nation,  is  making  a  mockery  of  Philippine  independence. 

In  Indonesia,  the  people  struggling  against  their  Dutch  oppressors  have  been 
forsaken  by  an  American  policy  evidently  geared  to  safeguarding  the  status  quo 
rather  than  to  giving  encouragement  to  those  seeking  freedom  and  a  rising 
standard  of  living. 

In  southern  Korea,  where  American  occupation  forces  now  rule  over  people 
who  wore  our  allies  in  the  war,  economic  chaos  and  political  fascism  are  the 
fruits  of  American  policy. 

The  Ameru-an  democratic  heritage  and  destiny  is  now  suffering  what  may 
prove  irrevocable  damage  from  the  present  far-eastern  policy  of  our  (iovern- 
ment.  This  policy  is  costing  us  taxpayers  billions  of  futile  dollars;  it  is  post- 
poning the  healthy  trans-Pacific  trade  we  should  be  enjoying  ;  it  is  creating  condi- 
tions that  contrilnite  toward  an  economic  depression  here  at  home;  it  is  fast 
making  enemies  of  the  millions  of  Asia  who  are  our  natural  allies  in  the  desire 
for  a  peaceful  and  democratic  world:  it  is  engendering  international  frictions 
which  can  easily  lead  us  into  another  war. 

It  is  time  for  democratic  American  citizens  to  act.  In  addition  to  organiza- 
tional delegates  and  observers  we  invite  individuals  to  attend  as  visitors. 

This  conference  will  bring  together  citizens  who  wish  to  secure  the  facts  and 
understand  the  issues  related  to  far  eastern  policy,  and  to  discuss  the  means  of 


effective  citizensliip  action  on  that  policy.  The  conference  will  assist  the  dele- 
gates and  individuals  to  carry  back  to  their  organizations  and  communities  the- 
facts,  insights,  convictions,  and  suggested  methods  of  action  necessary  at  this 
time.  All  decisions  of  the  conference  will  come  out  of  floor  discussion  and,  we- 
hope,  will  be  implemented  in  whole  or  in  part,  by  each  organization  in  its  own. 


T.  A.  BissoN, 

W.  E.  B.  Dubois, 

Stanley  M.  Isaacs, 

National  Chairmen. 


Friday,  January  28 

8p.  m fVmference   mass   meeting.   City   Center  Casino,   135- 

West  Fifty-fifth  Street : 
Speakers :  Anna  Louise  Strong,  first  hand  report  on 
the  Far  East,  just  returned  from  li/o  years  in 
China  and  noi-thern  Korea ;  Dr.  .Tames  G.  Endicott, 
Toronto,  recently  returned  China-born  missionary 
for  the  United  Church  of  Canada ;  Dr.  Rexford  Guy 
Saturday,  January  24 

9-10  a.  m Registration  of  delegates  and  observers,  and  meeting^ 

of  sponsors. 

10-12  m Election  of  conference  committee. 

Delegates'  hour :  Opportunity  to  present  questions  tc 

experts  on  tlie  Far  East. 
Keynote  address  :  Hugh  Bryson.  San  Francisco. 

2-5  p.  m Wliat  is  the  United  States  doing  in  China?' 

8-10 :  30  p.  m What  is  the  United  States  doing  in  colonial  ai'eas?' 

Dramatic  presentation  by  Theater  Workshop. 
Sunday,  January  25 

9:  30-10: 15  a.  m Memorial  service  for  Brig.  Gen.   Evans  F.  Carlson, 

United   States  Marine  Corps ;   address  by  Michael 
Straight,  publisher.  New  Republic. 

10  :  15-12  m What  is  the  United  States  doing  in  Japan  and  Korea?  * 

2-4 :  30 p.  m Report  of  conference  committee;  adoption  of  action 

Closing  address  :  Paul  Robeson. 

Additional  conference  speakers  include :  Hugh  DeLacy.  Israel  Epstein.  Mark 
Gayn,  and  the  three  cochairmen.  Dr.  W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  T.  A.  Bisson,  and 
Stanley  M.  Isaacs.    Further  speakers  will  be  announced. 


(Partial  listing) 

Organizations  are  listed  for  the  purpose  of  identification   only.     Such  listing 
does  not  indicate  sponsorship  of  the  conference  by  these  organizations 

Louis  Adamic,  writer  Dr.   Deik   Bodde.   University  of   Penn- 

Charlotte   Adams,   editor,   Look   maga-  .sylvania 

zine  Dr.    Dwight    Bradley,    consulting    psy- 

Dr.    Thomas    Addis,    Leland    Stanford  chologist 

University.  Josepli    Brainen,    chairman.    American 

Emily    G.    Balch.    Nobel    Peace    Prize,  Committee    of   Jewish    Writers.    Ar- 

1946  tists,  and  Scientists 

C.  B.  Baldwin,  executive  vice-chairman,  Harry  Bridges,  president.  International 

Progressive  Citizens  of  America  Longshoremen's       and      Warehouse- 

S.   L.   M.    Barlow,    composer  mens  Union 

John   W.   Bicknell.   writer   on   the   Far  Di-.   Charlotte   Hawkins   Brown,    presi- 

Ej^gl;  dent.   Palmer  ^Memorial   Institute 

Charles     Bid' en.     e^>H-ntivp     spcr^torv.  Hugh      Bryson.      president.      National 

American   Committee   for    Free    In-  Union       Marine  Cooks  and  Stewards 

donesia  Henrietta   Buckmaster,   writer 

Dr.  Algernon  Black,  executive  leader,  Angus  Cameron,  editor-m-cnief.   Little 

Ethical  Culture  Society  Brown  &  Co. 

1  The  ma.ior  portion  of  these  sessions  will  be  devotetT  to  delegates'  discnssions  of  positive 
action  on  far  eastern  policy. 


Chu  Tonj;.  editor.  China  Daily  News 

Dr.  Uiifus  E.  Clement,  president,  Atlan- 
ta  Universit.v 

Kev.  Donald  B.  Cloward.  execntive  sec- 
retary, Council  on  Christian  Social 

Dr.  Clark  Walker  Cunnninps.  exeentive 
seeretary.  Metropolitan  Chnrrh  Fed- 
eration. St.  Lonis.  Mo. 

Dr.  II.  W.  L.  Dana,  educator 

l{ev.  John  W.  Darr,  Jr.,  executive  sec- 
retary. United  Christian  Council  for 

Frank  Marshall  Davis,  assistant  editor, 
Chicai;o  Star 

Hugh  DeLacy,  foi'mer  United  States 

Mrs.  Elliott  Dexter,  Encino,  Calif. 

J()hn  T.  Doles.  Jr.,  lawyer 

Dorothy  Doyle,  nurse,  recentl.\-  with 
UNRRA  in  China 

Muriel  Draper,  executive  vice  presi- 
dent. Congress  of  American  Women 

Barrows  Dunham,  writer 

James  Durkin.  president.  United  Office 
and  Professional  Workers  of  Am.n- 

Dr.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild,  New  York 

Frederick  V.  Field,  writer 

Olga  Field,  writei    on  the  Far  East 

Dorothy  Cantield  Fisher,  writer 

Dr.  Albert  L.  Franzke,  University  of 

Ben  (lold.  president.  International  Fur 
and  Leather  Workers   Union 

Ira  Gollobin,  chairman.  American  Ver- 
erans  of  the  Philippine  Campaign 

Carlton  B.  Goodlett,  president,  San 
Francisco  National  Association  for 
the  Advancement   of  Colored   People 

Kumar  Goshal.  writer  on  India 

Edmonia  Grant,  Associate  Administra- 
tor, Southern  Conference  for  Human 

Dr.  Ralph  H.  Gundlaeh.  University  of 
Washington  ' 

Uta  Hagen.  actress 

Dr.  Calvin  S.  Hall,  Western  Resei've 

Dr.  S.  Raliih  Harlow,  Smith  CoUege 

William  Harrison,  as.sociate  editor, 
Boston  Chronicle 

Dr.  A.  Eustace  Haydon,  University  of 
Chicago,  Divinity  School 

Charlotte   Honig,   husinesswoman 

Leo  Huberman,  writer 

Harold  Ingalls,  executive  secretary, 
Student   Division,  National  YMCA 

Philip  Jaffe,  publisher,  Amerasia  As- 
s(  c'iates 

I>r.  Pufus  M.  Jones.  Haverford  Collei-'^e 

Philip  O.  Keeney,  libraries  officer,  Su- 
preme Command  Allied  Powers  in 

Dr.  J.  Spencer  Kennard,  educator,  for- 
mer Baptist  missionary  to  Japan  and 

Dr.  Raymond  Kennedy,  Yale  Univer- 

Morris  E.  Kriensky,  artist 

Dr.  John  H.  Lathrop.  Church  of  the  Sa- 
viour.  I'rooklyn 

Richaid  E.  Lauterbach,  editor,  the 
^lagazine  '47 

Harold  Leventhal.  chairman,  American 
Friends  of  India 

Dr.  Alain  Locke.  Howard  University 

Kev.  Jack  R.  JIcMichael,  executive  sec- 
retary. Mt^thodist  Federation  for 
Social  Action 

Albert  Maltz,  writer 

Dr.  William  Mandel,  writer 

(iHorge  Marshall,  cbairman,  board  oi 
directors.  Civil  Rights  Congress 

Dr.  Kirtley  F.  :\Iather,  Harvard  Uni- 

Dr.  H.  T.  ]Medford,  secretary.  Foreign 
Missions,  A.  M.  E.  Zion  Church 

Dr.  Clyde  R.  Miller.  Teachers  College, 
Columbia  University 

Kate  L.  ^litchell,  writer  on  the  Far 

ISernard  J.  Mooney,  upstate  New  York, 
regional  director,  United  Office  and 
Professional  Workers  of  America 

Rev.  Richard  iNlorford,  executive  direc- 
tor. National  Council  of  American- 
Soviet  Friendship 

IJishop  Arthur  W.  Moulton,  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church 

Gi-ant  W.  Oakes,  president.  Farm 
lupiipment    Workers    Union 

Patrick  H.  O'Brien,  judge  of  probate, 
Wayne  County,  Mich. 

Mrs.  Jessie  L.  O'Connor,  Fort  Worth, 

Dr.  Ernest  Osborne,  Columbia  Univer- 

Bishop  Edward  Parsons,  Protestant 
Episcopal  Church 

Kobert  I'ayne,  writer  on  the  Far  East 

Dr.  Arthur  Upham  Pope,  chancellor, 
Asia  Institute 

ilartin  Popper,  board  of  directors,  Na- 
tional Lawyer's  Gn'ld 

Dr.  Edwin  McNeill  Poteat,  president, 
Colgate-Rochester    Divinity    School 

Phelps  Putman,  poet. 

Dr.    Walter   Rautenstrauch.    educator 

Dr.  Raymond  Robins,  social  economist 

Holland  Roljerts,  director,  Califorrija 
Labor  School 

Paul  Robeson,  concert  singer 

Nathaniel  L.  Rock,  lawyer 

Sidney  Roger,  radio  commentator,  CCO 

Edward  Itohrbough,  writer  on  the  Far 

Walter  Rosenblnm,  president.  Photo 


Mand  Russell,  executive  director,  Com- 
mittee for  a  Democratic  Far  Eastern 

Rose  Russell,  legislative  director, 
Teachers  Union 

Dr.  W.  Carson  Ryan,  University  of 
North  Carolina 

Dr.  Frederick  L.  Schuman,  William'^ 

Arthur  Schutzer,  New  YorJc  City 

Dr.  Vida  D.  Scudder,  Wellesley  College 

Bernard  Seeman,  writer  on  the  Far 

Joseph  P.  Selly,  president,  American 
Communications  Association 

Rev.  Guy  Emery  Shipler,  editor.  The 

Elie  Siegmeister,  composer 

Harold  G.  Slingerland,  chairman,  Che- 
mung Comity  American  Labor  Party 

Dr.  Maud  Slye,  University  of  Chicago 

Agnes  Smedley,  writer  on  the  Far  P^ast 

Christine  B.  Snuth,  ijresident,  National 
Association  of  Colored  Women 

Ferdinand  C.  Smith,  secretary,  national 
Maritime  Union 

Mrs.  Edgar  Snow,  writer  on  the  Far 

Johannes  Steel,  publisher,  Johannes 
Steel  Newsletter 

Dr.  Harry  C.  Steinmetz,  San  Diego 
State  College 

We  urge  immediate  registration. 

Dr.  Bernhard  J.  Stern,  Columbia  Uni- 

Martha  Dodd  Stern,  writer 

Annalee  Stewart,  president,  U.  S.  Sec- 
tion, Woman's  International  League 
for  Peace  and  Freedom 

Paul  Strand,  artist 

Frank  E.  Taylor,  editor,  Random  House 

Dr.  Donald  G.  Tewksbury,  Columbia 

Dr.  Rexford  G.  Tugwell,  University  of 

Jennette  Turner,  executive  secretary, 
New  York  City  Consumer  Council 

Olive  Van  Horn,  secretai-y  for  adnunis- 
trative  affairs.  National  YWCA 

Rev.  Eflgar  ]M.  Wahlberg,  formerly  with 
UNRRA  in  China 

Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward,  writer 

(  harles  Weidman,  dancer 

Dr.  Gene  Weltfish,  Columbia  University 

Dr.  Charles  PI.  Wesley,  president,  Wil- 
berforce  State  College 

Howard  Willard,  artist 

Dr.  James  M.  Williams,  Hobart  College 

Ella  Winter,  writer 

Justice  James  H.  Wolfe,  Sunreme 
Court.  State  of  Utah 

Uii-liard  Yaffe,  writer 

Victor  A.  Yakhontolf,  writer 

William  Zorach,   scidptor 


Name Address 

I  am  an  individual  visitor Organizational  delegate Appointed 


Organization   represented    

Indicate  whether :  National State Local 

Enclosed  is  $ for  registration  fee  ($3  per  delegate) 

Admission  to  single  sessions  (morning,  afternoon,  or  evening)  $1 

Address  requests  for  housing  accommodations  to  organizing  secretary 

Contributions  in  support  of  the  conference  are  invited 

Address  all  comnmnications  to:  The  Organizing  Secretary,  Far  Eastern  Con- 
ference, 111  West  Forty-second  Street,  New  York  18,  N'.  Y.,  LOngacre  4-3943. 

Exhibit  40 

Urgent  Summons  to  a  Congress  on  Civil  Rights  in  Detroit,  April  27  and  28, 
1946.  to  Organize  an  Offensive  Against  the  Rising  Fascist  Aggression  in 
the  United  States 

Today's  drive  to  subvert  our  democratic  liberties  is  well-organized,  well-heeled, 
insidious.     It  presents  an  emergency  that  emergency  measures  alone  can  meet. 

The  great  war  against  fascism  is  won,  but  the  victory  is  far  from  secure. 
Only  a  coalition  of  all  the  forces  of  the  people,  through  united  action,  can  prevent 
its  destruction. 

Here's  what  is  happening  in  the  United  States : 


Congress  on  civil  rights,  Detroit,  Mich.,  April  21  and  2!8,  19Ii6 

Saturday  morning.  First  Congregational  Church  (Woodward  Avenue  at  Forest)  : 

11  a.  m.,  registration. 

12  noon,  opening  luncheon. 


Saturday  afternoon.  2  p.  ni.  to  fi  p.  tn.,  :\Iaccabees  Auditorium  (Woodward  Avenue 
at  I'm  nam)  : 

l>etVnso  A.yainst  tlu'  Enemy  Within — Presentation  of  key  issues. 
I'roteet  Minorities  for  America's  Defense — Tlie  tight  against  police  terror 
in  Columbia,  Tenn.,  the  Freeport  Ivillings,  and  other  \videspread  violation 
of  civil  rights:  results  of  campaigns  on  tliese  cases. 
Labor's  Rights— First   Line  of  Defense — The  tight  against   the  Case  bill, 

police  violence,  the  injunction  menace. 
Crush   America's   Fifth  Colunm— The   light   against  the  Kanliiu  committee, 

Gerald  L.  K.  Smith,  the  KKK,  Bilbo  and  all  domestic  fascists. 
Tlie  :\Ienace  of  anti-Semitism  and  Jim  Crow— The  fight  against  terrorism, 

and  discrimination  in  employment,  housing,  and  educaticm. 
Initial   report   of  resolutions  conunittee ;   report  of  credentials  committee; 
election  of  campaigns  coordination  committee. 
Saturday  evening,  8 :  30  p.  m.,  reception  for  delegates  by  Michigan  Civil  Rights 

Sunday.  9  :  30  a.  m.  to  3 :  30  p.  ra. : 

Report  of  campaigns  coordination  committee.     Discussion  of  proposals. 
Luncheon  recess. 

Continued  discussion  :ind  action  on  committee  report. 
Final  report  of  resolutions  committee. 
Proposals  f()r  carrying  out  conference  decisions. 
Conference    Headquarters:    GO!)    Hanunond    Building,    Fort    and    Woodward 
Avenues.  Detroit.    Telephone  :  Cadillac  6278. 

Registration  :  At  First  Congregational  Church  from  11  a.  m.  to  2  p.  m.  on 
Saturday.  After  2  p.  m..  at  Maccabees  auditorium.  Registration  fee:  $2  for 
each  (U'ganization  delegate,  or  individual. 

Rein-esent;iti()n  :  Two  representatives  from  each  organization;  interested 

Conference  huu-iieon  :  Saturday  noon,  at  First  Congres.sional  Church. 
Reservations  nuiy  he  made  at  $l.r)0  per  plate.  I'lease  make  reservations  in  ad- 
vance.   Luncheon  speakers  to  be  announced. 

Acc-omm(»dations :  Reservations  for  hotel  accounnodations  must  be  made  in 
advance  because  of  housing  difficulties.  Address  all  requests  for  reservations 
to  New  York  headquarters  of  Congress  on  Civil  Rights.  For  further  details, 
additional  copies  of  this  call  and  general  inquiry,  send  all  communications  to : 

Congress  on  Civil  Rights,  205  East  Forty-second  Street,  New  York  17,  N.  Y. 

Reactionary  forces,  based  on  war-rich  monopolies,  the  die-hard  union  break- 
ers, red-baitei-s.  and  race  haters,  command  the  largest  surviving  fifth  column 
in  the  \\orld.  They  are  turning  the  weapons  and  methods  of  fascism  against 
the  American  people.  They  are  prepared  to  destroy  our  democracy,  even  to  the 
establishment  of  outriglit  fascism. 

Their  program  consists  of  smashing  unions  through  strike  provocation, 
in.tunctions,  and  legislation  like  the  Case  bill  that  would  wipe  out  labor  gains 
of  a   quarter  of  a   century  :    spreading  discrimination   and   hatred   against 
minorities   throngh   violence   against   Negro   civilians   and   veterans,   partic- 
ularly in  the  South.  anti-Semitism  and  destruction  of  FEPC ;  maintaining 
the  poll-tax  system  to  defranchise  10,000.0l¥)  Negro  and  white  Americans; 
sapping  the  strength  of  labor  and  other  organizations  by  using  Hitler's  prime 
weapon  of  i-ed  baiting,  esjiecially  tlii-ough  revival  of  the  Dies  committee  under 
This  reactionary  program  has  met  the  growing  organized  resistance  of  the  labor 
movement  and  other  groups  and  individuals  who  believe  firmly  in  democratic 

The  popular  response  to  such  campaigns  as  FEPC  and  poll-tax  repeal  shows 
that  the  people  will  organize.  Veterans  are  fighting  discrimination  and  challeng- 
ing the  pro-Fascist  press.  Committees  everywliere  have  sprung  up  to  defend 
victims  of  police  and  lynch  violence:  the  renewed  activity  of  such  Fascist  spokes- 
men as  Gerald  L.  K.  Smith  has  brought  widespread,  fighting  protests. 

Labor  has  sharply  stiffened  the  defense  of  its  civil  rights,  and  people  in  all 
walks  of  life  are  rallying  with  enthusiasm  to  labor's  defense. 

Now  more  than  ever  the  united  action  of  the  democratic  forces  is  needed  to 
enable  ea<h  organization  and  individual  to  exert  maximum  effectiveness  in  the 
realizntion  of  a  common  program.     The  elaboration  of  a  campaign  or  series  of 
(;s!)70 — .'-,0 — pt.  1 11 



campaigns,  coordinated  in  detail  and  Nation-wide  in  scope,  is  therefore  essential 
to  meet  the  challenges  that  today  confront  us  all : 

To  safeguard  and  extend  all  democratic  rights,  especially  the  rights  of 
labor,  and  of  racial,  political,  religious  and  national  minorities ; 
To  combat  all  forms  of  discrimination  against  these  groups ; 
To  defend  and  aid  victims  of  the  fight  for  these  rights ; 
To  fight  against  domestic  fascism  and   all  its  forms — Jim  Crow,   anti- 
Semitism,  red-baiting,  discrimination  against  the  foreign  born. 
To  these  ends,  we  call  upon  civil  rights,  labor,  religious,  interracial,  and  other 
organizations  and  individuals  to  attend  a  congress  on  civil  rights  in  Detroit 
on  April  27  and  28,  194(>,  to  formulate  and  agree  upon  a  national  program  to 
defeat  the  offensive  of  reactionary  and  Fascist  forces,  and  to  consider  all  steps 
required  to  assure  the  maximum  unification  of  effort  to  advance  that  program. 


Zlatko  Balokovic,  vice  president,  Amer- 
ican Slav  Congress 

Elmer  A.  Benson,  chairman,  executive 
council.  National  Citizens  PAC 

]\Iary  McLeod  P.ethune 

Dr.  Charlotte  Hawkins  Brown,  presi- 
dent. Palmer  Institute. 

Col.  Evans  Carlson 

Edward  Chodorov 

Norman  Corwin 

Julius  Emspak,  secretary-treasurer, 
United  Electric,  Radio  and  Machine 
Workers,  CIO 

Jess  Fletcher,  vice  president,  Building 
Service  Employees  International 
Union,  AFL 

Chirk  Foreman,  president.  Southern 
( '(Uifei-ence  for  Human  Welfare 

Carey  McWilliams 

Rep.   Vito   Marcantonio,  president,   In- 

ternational Labor  Defense 

George  Marshall,  chairman.  National 
Federation   Constitutional  Liberties 

Dr.  Kirtley  F.  Mather 

Dr.  Benjamin  E.  Mays,  president,  More- 
house College 

Bishop  Edward  L.  Parsons 

James  G.  Patton,  president.  National 
Farmers  Union 

Dr.  Edwin  McNeill  Poteat,  president, 
Colgate-Rochester  Divinity   School 

Paul  Robeson 

Edward  G.  Robinson 

Wesley  E.  Sharer,  co-chairman,  Chicago 
Civil  Liberties  Committee 

Prof.  John  F.  Shepard,  president,  Mich- 
igan Civil  Rights  Federation 

Johannes  Steel 

Donald  Ogdeu  Stewart 

Milton  Kaufman,  executive  secretary 


(Partial  list) 

Louis  Adamic 

Meyer  Adelman,  district  director, 
United  Steelworkers,  Milwaukee 

Raymond  Pace  Alexander 

James  Egert  Allen,  president,  New 
York  State  Conference  NAACP 

Rep.  Charles  W.  Anderson,  Kentucky 
State  Legislature 

Judge  William  A.  Anderson,  Minneapo- 

Susan  B.  Anthony  II,  secretary,  Con- 
gress of  American  Women 

Elmer  J.  F.  Arndt,  cliairman.  Commis- 
sion Christion  Social  Action,  Evan- 
gelical and  Reformed  Church 

Bishop  James   C.   Baker,   Los   Angeles 

C.  B.  Baldwin,  executive  vice  president, 
National  Citizens  PAC 

Howard  Bay,  president.  United  Scenic 
Artists  Local   S29 

W.  A.  Bell,  president.  Miles  College 

Lewis  Alan  Berne,  president.  Federa- 
tion of  Architects,  Engineers,  Chem- 
ists and  Technicians 

Warren  K.  Billings 

Rev.  Shelton  Hale  Bishop,  New  York 

Judge  Jane  M.  Bolin,  New  York  City 

H.  D.  Bollinger,  secretary.  Department 
of  Student  Work,  Board  of  Educa- 
tion, Methodist  Church 

Rev.  W.  Russel  Bowie 

Louis  E.  Burnham,  organizing  secre- 
tary. Southern  Negro  Youth  Congress. 

D.  A.  Cameron,  editor.  Little,  Brown 
&  Co. 

Councilman  Charles  N.  Carr,  Cleveland 

Del  Castle,  Ship  Scalers  Union,  local 

Rose  Mae  Catchings,  president.  South- 
ern Negro  Youth  Congress 

Prof.  Emmanuel  Chapman,  chairman, 
Commission  of  Catholics  for  Human 

Dr.  Rufus  E.  Clement,  president,  At- 
lanta University 

Dean  Nick  Comfort,  Oklahoma  School 
of  Religion 

Philip  M.  Connelly,  secretary,  Los  An- 
geles CIO  Council 



Councilman  Eugene  P.  Connolly,  New 
York  CMty 

A.  A.  Couch,  president,  Iowa  Federa- 
tion of  Labor 

Julius  Crane,  vice  president.  United 
Shoe  V\'orkers 

George  W.  Crockett.  Jr.,  executive  di- 
rector. Fair  Practices  Committee, 

Josepli  Cun-an,  president.  National 
Maritime  Union 

Councilman  Benjamin  J.  Davis,  Jr., 
New  York  City 

Adolph  Dehu 

Pep.  Hugh  De  Lacy,  Washington 

Hon.  Earl  B.  Dickerson,  president,  Na- 
tional Bar  Association 

Catherine  Dunham 

Roscoe  Dunjee 

N.  H.  Eagle,  director  of  organization. 
United  Rubber  "Workers 

Prof.  R.  D.  Feild,  Tulane  University 

Lion  Feuchtwanger 

Elizabeth  Gurley  Flynn 

Eleanor  Fowler,  secretary.  Congress  of 
Women's  Auxiliaries 

Stephen  H.  Fritchman,  editor,  Christian 

Leo  Gallagher,  L-os  Angeles 

.lohn   Garfield 

Sander  Genis,  manager.  Twin  City 
Joint  Board,  Amalgamated  Clothing 

Elinor  S.  Gimbel,  New  I'^ork  City 

Leonard  Golditch,  secretary.  National 
Committee  to  Combat  Anti-Semitism 

Rabbi    .Solomon    Goldman,    Chicago 

L.  A.  Gossett,  secretary,  Georgia  State 
CIO  Council 

Bishop  J.  A.  Gregg,  Kansas  City,  Kans. 

Abner  Green,  secretary,  American 
Commission  for  Protection  of  Foreign 

Mel  J.  Heiuritz,  secretary,  Wisconsin 
State  CIO  Council 

Donald  Henderson,  president,  Food,  To- 
bacco, Agricultural  .md  Allied  Work- 

Rev.  Charles  A.  Hill,  president,  De- 
troit NAACP 

James  A.  Hinton,  president,  State  Con- 
ference of  NAACP  for  South  Carolina 

Langston  Hughes 

Rev.  Kenneth  deP.  Hughes,  president, 
Boston  NAACP 

Hosea  Hudson,  local  president.  United 
Steel  Woi'kers,  Bii-mingham 

Ralil)i  Ferdinand  M.  Is.serman,  chair- 
man, Justice  and  Peace  Connnittee, 
(  entral  Conference  (tf  American  Rab- 

I>r.  I).  V.  Jemison,  jiresident,  National 
Baptist  Convention 

1)1-.  Kufus  M.  Jones,  Haverford.  Pa. 

J.  F.  Jnrich,  pie.sident.  Internal icnial 
Fishej-inen  and   Allied   AA'orkers 

Millard  Lampell 

Ring  W.  Lardner,  Jr. 

Kenneth  Leslie,  edit(>r,  The  Protestant 

A.  A.  Liveright,  executive  director, 
American  Council  on  Race  Relations 

Arthur  Le  Sueur,  Duluth,  Minn. 

Bishop  Francis  J.   McConnell 

Prof.  Edward  W.  IMcFarland,  president, 
IMetropolitan  Council  FEP,  Detroit 

O.  E.  McKaine,  secretary.  Progressive 
Democratic  Party,  South  Carolina 

Rev.  Jack  R.  McMichael,  secretary, 
Methodist  Federation  for  Social 

Herbert  March,  district  director, 
United  Packinghouse  Workers,  Chi- 

Prof.  F.  O.  Matthieson,  Harvard  Uni- 

Sannxel  D.  Menin,  Denver,  Colo. 

Lewis  Merrill,  president,  United  OflEice 
and  Professional  Workers 

Saul  Mills,  secretary,  New  York  CIO 

Dr.  George  S.  Mitchell,  director.  Vet- 
erans Service,  Southern  Regional 

J.  I'.  IMooney,  organizer,  Textile  Work- 
ers Union,  Bessemer,  Ala. 

Morris  Muster,  president,  United  Fur- 
niture Workers 

Tom  Neill,  executive  secretary.  Serv- 
icemen's and  Veterans'  Welfare  Com- 
mittee, UERWMA 

Josephine  Nordstrand,  secretary,  Wis- 
consin State  Conference  on  Social 

Grant  W.  Oakes,  president,  United  Fai'm 
Equipment  and  Metal  Workers 

Rep.  Ellis  E.  Patterson,  California 

Boyd  E.  Payton.  president,  Virginia 
State  CIO  Council 

Dr.  Charles  A.  Petioni,  chairman.  West 
Indies  National  Council 

Terry  Pettus,  president,  Washington 
State  CIO-PAC 

Irving  Potash,  manager.  Furriers  Joint 
Council,  New  Y'ork 

Rep.  Adam  Clayton  Powell,  Jr.,  New 
York  City 

Lee  Pressman,  general  counsel,  Con- 
gressman of  Industrial  Organizations 

Councilman  Michael  J.  Quill,  president, 
Transport  Workers  Union 

Thomas  C.  Rabbitt,  Washington  State 

Mervyn  Rathborne,  secretary,  Califor- 
nia State  CIO  Council 

Prof.  Walter  Rautenstrauch,  Columbia 

Earl   Robinson 

Reid  Robinson,  president.  International 
Union,  Mine,  Mill  and  Smelter  Work- 

Dorothy  K.  Roosevelt,  executive  secre- 
tary, Michigan  Citizens  Committee 

Rep.  William  A.  Rowan.   Illinois 

Rep.  Charles  R.  Savage,  Washington 


William  Jay  Schieffelin  Senator  Glen  H.  Taylor,  Idaho 

Prof.  A.  M.  Sclilesinger,  Harvard  Uni-  ReiJ.  Donald  C.  Teigland,  Illinois  State 

versity  Legislature 

Artur  Schnabel  W.  E.  Tucker,  president,  Local  157,  In- 
Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman,  Williams        ternational  Union  of  Brewery  Work- 
College  ers,  Dallas,  Tex. 

Joseph   P.    Selly,   president,    American  Prof.  Ralph  E.  Wager,  Emory  Univer- 

Communications  Association  sity 

Henry  R.  Silberman,  executive  director,  Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward 

New     England     Division,     American  Courtney  D.  Ward,  secretary.  Painters 

Jewish  Congress  District  Council,  Cleveland 

Charles  N.  Smolikoff,  director,  Florida  Max  Weber 

State  CIO  Council  Lulu    P..    White,    secretary,    Houston, 
Herbert  K.   Sorrell,  president,  Confer-        Tex.,  NAACP 

ence  of  Studio  Unions,  AFL  Rev.  Claude  C.  Williams,  director.  Peo- 
Christina  Stead  pie's  Institute  of  Applied  Religion 

Max    Sein,    secretary,    Cincinnati    CIO  James    H.    Wolfe,    Justice,    State    Su- 

Council  prenie  (Jourt,  Utah 

A.   E.    Stevenson,   secretary,   Cleveland  Bishop    R.    R.    Wright,    Jr.,    secretary, 

CIO  Council  Fraternal  Council  of  Negro  Churches 

Prof.  Dirk  J.  Struik,  Massachusetts  In-  Dr.    Max    Yergan.    president.    National 

stitute  of  Technology  Negro  Congress 

Gleiui  J.  Talbott,  president.  North  Da-  Jack  Zeller,  educational  director,  UAW- 

kota  Farmers  Union  CIO 

Note. — Organizations  listed  for  identification  only. 

Exhibit  41 
Schuman  signs  this. 

April  7, 1948. 

A  Statement  of  American  Educators 

As  American  educators,  we  are  much  disturbed  by  one  of  the  byproducts  of  the 
Presidential  "loyalty  order" — the  listing  of  a  number  of  schools  as  "subversive" 
organizations  by  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States.  The  charge  that 
these  schools  "appear"  to  be  "adjuncts  of  the  Communist  Party"  could  be  made 
against  any  institution  that  teaches  Marxism,  and  could  thus  always  be  used  as 
a  device  for  labeling  Marxist  teaching  subversive. 

We  may  or  may  not  believe  in  Marxist  schools.  Catholic  schools,  single-tax 
schools,  or  any  other  schools  with  particular  social  outlooks.  We  are  alarmed 
that  any  official  of  the  American  Government  assumes  the  power  officially  to 
proclaim  the  teaching  and  study  of  an  economic  philosophy  to  be  subversive. 

We  believe  that  every  group — including  Marxists — has  the  right,  under  the 
American  Constitution,  to  teach  and  propagate  its  ideas,  and  that  students, 
whether  they  are  Marxists  or  not,  have  the  right  to  study  Marxism  and  to  judge 
for  themselves  the  validity  of  its  teachings.  If  this  right  can  be  denied  by 
arbitrary  government  fiat — in  the  sense  that  teaching  at  or  attending  a  school 
where  such  ideas  are  taught  is  declared  "subversive" — then  similarly  any  other 
ideas  not  approved  by  those  in  power  can  as  readily  be  stifled. 

We  recognize,  for  example,  that  the  Jefferson  School  of  Social  Science  in  New 
York  is,  in  its  teaching  of  the  social  sciences,  avowedly  Marxist.  It  operates  as 
an  independent  institution  under  its  board  of  trustees,  and  clearly  defines  its  edu- 
cational objectives  and  organization  in  its  bulletins.  Whatever  one  might  think 
of  Marxism  as  a  method  or  a  body  of  doctrine,  it  is  clear  that  the  action  of  the 
Attorney  General  in  stigmatizing  such  institutions  as  "subversive,"  esiiecially 
without  hearing  or  trial,  represents  an  extremely  dangerous  step  in  the  direction 
of  thought  control  and  the  institution  of  thought  police.  If  Marxist  schools  can 
be  declared  subversive,  then  social  science  teachers  who  assign  Marxist  materials 
or  express  Marxist  views  may  quickly  be  sultjected  to  the  same  label.  Freedom 
of  inquiry  will  be  gravely  imperiled. 

The  President's  Commission  on  Higher  Education  for  American  Democracy 
(December  15,  11)47)  has  ably  stated  :  "The  social  i-ole  of  education  in  a  democratic 
society  is  at  once  to  insure  equal  liberty  and  equal  opportunity  to  differing  indi- 
viduals and  groups,  and  to  enable  the  citizens  to  understand,  appraise,  and  re- 
direct foi-ces,  men,  and  events  as  these  tend  to  strengthen  or  to  weaken  their 


111  this  spirit,  we  ask  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  and  the  Attorney 
GeiUM-al  withdiaw  tlie  blacklist  of  Marxist  and  labor  educational  institutions,  as 
repusnaut  to  uur  national  ideal  of  freedom  of  thought. 


Professor  Institution  (for  identification  only) 

Thonias  Addis Stanford  University. 

Edward  S.  Allan Iowa  State  College. 

Ku>seII  Ames Queens  College. 

Earl  Maynard  Aris Albion  College. 

Francis  ^I.  Harbour Southern  Illinois  University. 

Fred  Asa  P>arnes Cornell  (retired). 

Ralph  P.eals University  of  California  at  Los  Angeles. 

Edward  IMberinan. 

Leonard  lUoomfield Yale  University. 

Cornelius  P.ol Stanford  (retired). 

Earl  C.  Bowman De  Pauw  University 

Lyman  K.  Bradley 1 New  York  University. 

Theodore  Brameld Do. 

Joseph  Bressler Brooklyn  College. 

Dorothy  Brewster Columbia  University. 

John  Bridge City  College  of  New  York. 

Arthur  G.  Brodeur University  of  California. 

Charles  N.  Brooks Harvard  University. 

William  B.  Bryan Macalester  College,  Minnesota. 

Edwin  Berry  Burgum New  York  University. 

John  L.  Buys St.  Lawrence  University. 

Robert  Chambers Ts^ew  York  University  (retired). 

Charles  M.  Child Stanford  University. 

Edith  F.  Claflin Columbia  University. 

Edwin  L.  Clarke Rollins  College. 

Will.son  L.  Coates Sarah  Lawrence  College. 

M.  Robert  Cobbledick Connecticut  College. 

Joseph  W.  Cohen University  of  Colorado. 

Philip  W.  L.  Cox New  York  University. 

Oliver  C.  Cox Tuskegee  Institute. 

Grace  L.  Coyle Western  Re.serve  University. 

Abraham  Cronbach Hebrew  Union  College. 

Dean  W.  C.  Curtis University  of  Missouri  (emeritus). 

John  J.  De  Boer University  of  Illinois. 

Haii Director,  School  of  Education,  University 

of  Colorado. 

H.  M.  Doutt University  of  Akron. 

Arnold  Dresden Swarthmore  College. 

W.  E.  B.  DuBois National  Association  for  the  Advancement 

of  Colored  People. 

Lyford-P.  Edwards Bard  College. 

Franklin  Edgerton Yale  Law  School. 

Thomas  D.  Eliot Northwestern  University. 

Albert   I.  Elkus '_   University  of  California. 

Thomas  I.  Emer.son Yale  University. 

Bergen  Evans Northwestern  University. 

Frederic  Ewen Brooklyn  College. 

Henry  Pratt  Fairchild New  York  University. 

Philip  S.  Foner Jefferson  School. 

Abraham  Edel City  College  of  New  York. 

Frances  A.  Foster Vassar  College. 

Royal  W.  France Rollins  College. 

Harold  A.  Freeman ]\Iassachu.setts  Institute  of  Technology. 

Reirinald  F.  French Amherst  College. 

Henrietta  V.  Friedman Hunter  College. 

Wendell  H.  Fuiiy Harvard  University. 

David  R.  Goodard University  of  Pennsylvania. 

Erwin  R.  Goodenough Yale  University. 

Ralph  H.  Gundlach University  of  Washington. 

Calvin  S.  Hall Western  Reserve  University. 



Professor  Institution  (for  identification  onlyi 

Victor  E.  Hall Stanford  University. 

R.  Travis  Hardaway Queens  College. 

Harrison  Harley Simmons  College. 

Virginia  Harlow De  Pauw  University. 

Robert  .J.  Havighurst University  of  Chicago. 

Harold  Haydon I>o.  ^  ^.     .        ,.   ,     ^.      t^ 

G    A    Hedger TTniversity  of  Cincinnati  (retired). 

virgii  B   Heltzel Northwestern  University. 

J    Allen  Hickerson New  Haven  State  Teachers  College. 

Philip  M.   Hicks Swarthmore. 

Ernest   R.  Hilgard Stanford  University. 

Stefan  Hirsch Bard  College. 

Harry  Hoijer University  of  California  at  Los  Angeles. 

Hamilton   Holt President,  Rollins  College. 

H-irold  Hotelling University  of  North  Carolina. 

Abbott  G.   Houk St.  Lawrence  University. 

Abbott  Kaplan University  of  California  at  Los  Angeles 

Forrest  M.  Keen Heidelberg  College. 

Raymond  Kennedy Yale. 

Walter  B.  Keighton Swarthmore. 

C.  Wendell  King Rollins  College. 

Paul  Kirkpatrick Stanford  University. 

Samuel  Kliger D"ke  University. 

John  L  Kolehmainen Heidelberg  College 

Luther  P.   .Jackson Virginia  State  College. 

William  .Taffe Northwestern  University. 

Hirold  N    Lee Tulane  University. 

Paul  L.  Lehmann Princeton  Theological  Seminary. 

Norman  Levinson Mass.  Institute  of  Technology. 

Alton  A.  Lindsey.  ..      .p  ^  ,        ^ 

Gerhard  Loose University  of  Colorado. 

Chaplain   Sidnev  Lovett Yale. 

Robert  S.  Lynd Columbia  ^ 

Curtiss  MacDougall Northwestern  University. 

Npw  MTclMiiiri i-'O. 

Wilfred  H.  MainwVring"7_V__ Stanford  University   (emeritus). 

Lutlier  B.  Marchant Mills  College. 

Jphn  M.  Marsalka Yale. 

F    O.  Matthiessen Harvard  Umjersity. 

Wesley   H.  Maurer University  of  Michigan. 

HeSry  K  McCnntock University  of  Minnesota  Law  School. 

V.J.  McGill.  ^^    ,.     ^  „ 

J    F.  Mack Oberlin  College. 

Kirtlev  F.  Mather Harvard. 

Clyde  Miller Columbia. 

Frmim   Mills  De  Pauw  University. 

Julii  Neely     Southern  Illinois  University. 

Arthur  H    Nethercot Northwestern  University. 

Robert  HasnngrSic'hols Union  Theological  Seminary  (emeritus). 

F.  S.  C.  Northrop Yale. 

Michael  Pargment University  of  Michigan. 

Ralph  Barton  Perry Harvard  (emeritus). 

John   P.  Peters New  Haven,  Conn. 

PjIiHi   Plillins  Swarthmore. 

wlr lert    T    ™^^  -   l^"iversity  of  Washington. 

?^\^-Ji^n":::::::::::-—.  romona  CoHege  (enxeritus). 

Walter  Rautenstrauch Columbia    (emeritus). 

Tra  De    \    Reid         Atlanta  University. 

George  F.'  Reynolds University  of  Colorado   (emeritus). 

Sarah  R.  Riedman Brooklyn  College. 

RAvnnvfl  P   Riess  Hiiuter  College. 

Holland  Robust:::::::::: California  Labor  School. 

Theodore  Rosebury Columbia  University. 



Professor  Institution  (for  identification  only) 

Alt'xancler   Sandow' New  York  University. 

Marpiret  Schlanch Do. 

FrtnU'rick   I^.    Scluuuan Williams  College. 

Agnt-r  H.  Schroeder Western  Reserve  University. 

Walter  Sliz Swarthmore. 

Harry  Slochower ^__.  Brooklyn  College. 

William  C.  Smith Linfleld  College. 

Willand  Smith Mills  College. 

James  D.  Sorher Swarthmore. 

Bertha  K.  Stavrianos lioosevelt  College  of  Chicago. 

Bernard  J.  Stern Columbia. 

Dirk  .7.  Struik Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology. 

Ernest  L.  Talbert University  of  Cincinnati. 

\\'illiain('tta  C.  Thomson Syracuse  University. 

Miriam  D.  Thompkins Columbia. 

Charles  Triukaus Sarah  Lawrence  College. 

William  Lewis  Troyer Albion  College. 

Kexford  Guy  Tugwell University  of  Chicago. 

Colston  E.  Warne Amherst  College. 

Edward  K.  Weaver Alabama  State  Teachers  College. 

David  L.  Webster Stanford  University. 

Charles  H.  Wesley President,  Wilberforce  University. 

Louis  Weisner Hunter  College. 

F.  W.  Weymouth Stanford  University. 

George  F.  Whicher Amherst  College. 

Samuel  K.  Workman Noi'thwestern  University. 

Henry   N.   Wieman University  of  Chicago. 

Edward  H.  Zabriskie Rutgers  University. 

Thomas  Woody University  of  Pennsylvania. 

Eugene  C.  Holmes Howard  University. 

Stuart  Mudd University  of  Pennsylvania  Medical  School. 

Exhibit  42 

To  Honor  a  Great  American  on  the  Third  Anniversary  of  His  Courageous 

Launching  of  the  Fight  for  Peace 

You  are  cordially  invited  to  join  us  in  honoring  Henry  A.  Wallace,  a  great 
leader  and  a  wonderful  human  being  at  a  dinner,  at  the  Hotel  Astor,  New  York 
City,  Monday  evening,  September  12,  1949,  at  7  o'clock. 

Convert:  .$10 — dress  optional. 

R.  S.  V.  P.    . 

Ted  O.  Thackrey,  Dinner  Chairman. 

Three  years  ago,  a  man  of  courage  and  principle  and  great  concern  for  his 
fellow  man  raised  his  voice  against  what  he  regarded  as  a  betrayal  of  the  people. 

His  conscience  aflame,  he  spoke  up,  at  Madison  Square  Garden,  on  September 
12,  li)46,  against  the  drift  away  from  the  Roosevelt  path  of  peace  and  cooperation. 
He  did  this  at  great  personal  sacrifice.  .Just  as  2  years  earlier  when  his 
denunciation  of  Jim  Crow  at  the  Democratic  National  Convention  cost  him  the 
Presidency,  so  now  his  .Jeremiah-like  warning  led  inevitably  to  his  resignation 
from  the  Cabinet  a  few  days  later. 

On  that  September  12,  Henry  A.  Wallace  launched,  and  has  since  led  with 
magnificent  integrity,  the  resistance  movement  that  has  given  organized  ex- 
pression to  the  peace  forces  of  America.  Some  day  this  movement  will  be  judged 
in  true  perspective  and  all  who  have  participated  in  it  will  have  reason  to 
be  proud. 

Funds  from  this  dinner  will  be  used  to  further  Mr.  Wallace's  great  work  as  the 
leader  of  the  Progressive  Party. 



John  Abt 

Jacob  L.  Aisenberg 

Helen  L.  Alfred 

Oliver  S.  Allen 

Irving  Andors 

Robenia  Antliiniy 

I.  Duke  Avnet 

Homer  Ayres 

C.  B.  Baldwin 

Verda  Barnes 

Prof.  Cyrns  P.  Barnum 

Mrs.  Moses  Barron 

Dr.  Edward  K.  Barsky 

Henry  Beitscher 

Dr.  Vincent  Bellaflore 

David  Beloff 

Elmer  A.  Benson 

Irving  Berke 

]Mrs.  Irving  Berke 

^'ictor  Bernstein 

Walter  Bernstein 

Edwin  Bjorkman 

Dr.  Algernon  Black 

Morton  Bloom 

Millen  Brand 

I'rof.  Dorothy  Brewster 

Harry  Bridges 

Hngh  Bryson 

Harold  Bnchman 

Dr.  Robert  K.  Burns 

Rev.  Dudley  H.  Bnrr 

Dr.  Allan  M.  Butler 

Angus  Cameron 

Dr.  Ulysses  Campbell 

Dr.  John  E.  T.  Camper 

Herman  Cherry 

Jerome  Chodorov 

John  M.  Coe 

Louis  Cohen 

Charles  A.  Collins 

Fannie  Cook 

Israel  Cramer 


Prof.  Thomas  I.  Emerson 
Lion  Feui-htwanger 
Frederick  Y.  Field 
Thomas  Fitzpatrick 
Russell  H.  Fluent 
Clark  Foreman 
Clemens  J.  France 
Lew  Frank,  Jr. 
Patricia  Murphy  Frank 
I>rof.  Mitchell  Franklin 
Jr.  Dr.  Richard  A.  Freedman 
Dr.  Asa  B.  Friedman 

Paul  J.  Kern 
Charles  M.  Kerns,  Jr. 
Dr.  John  A.  Kingsbnrv 
Hannah  Kirtz 
Harry  G.  Kriegel 
Leo  Krzycki 
Corliss  Lamont 
Millard  Lampell 
Marjorie  Lansing 
Karly  Larsen 
John  La  Touche 
Arthur  Laurents 

Rev.  Stephen  II.  FritchmanJames  D.  Le  Cron 

William  S.  Gailmor 
Mrs.  William  S.  Gailmor 
Zalmon  Garfield 

A.  J.  Gelb 

Zina  Getmansky 
Elinor  S.  Gimbel 
Kaye  Ginsberg 
J.  W.  Gitt 
Mrs.  J.  W.  Gitt 
Ben  Gold 
Fred  F.  Gold 

B.  Z.  Goldberg 
Mrs.  Louis  Goldburt 
^Minnie  Golden 
Sanford  L.  Goldman 
Dr.  Samuel  M.  (ioodman 
Esther  Lowe  Gordon 
Jack  Greenbaum 
William  Gropiier 
Ewart  G.  Guinier 

Uta  Hagen 
Vincent  Hallinan 
Mrs.  Vincent  Hallinan 
Dashiel  Hammett 
E.  Y.  Harburg 
Mrs.  E.  Y.  Harburg 
Dr.  Fowler  Harper 
Dr.  Marion  Hathway 
Dorothy  Haven 

Prof.  Henry  W.  Longfellow  Lillian  Hellman 

Francis  Danowski 
Zoltan  Deak 
John  J.  DeBoer 
Hugh  De  Lacy 
Raymond  Dennis 
Freda  Diamond 
Harry  L.  Diehl 
Martha  Dodd 
Dr.  Barnet  Dorwitt 
Olin  Downes 
Muriel  Draper 
Paul  Draper 
Mrs.  Paul  Draper 
Benjamin  Dreyfus 
Dr.  W.  E.  B.  DuBois 
Prof.  Barrows  Dunham 
James  H.  Durkin 
Arnaud  d'Usseau 
Dr.  Lewis  A.  Eldridge,  Jr. 
Kvrle  Elkin 
Dr.  Robert  H.  Ellis 

Donald  Henderson 
Erma  L.  Henderson 
Edith  Weil  Hertz 
Rev.  Charles  A.  Hill 
Ira  A.  Hirschmann 
Charles  P.  Howard 
Leo  LIuberman 

Canada  Lee 

Ray  Lev 

Grace  K.  Liebman 

Irma  Lindheim 

Seymour  Linfleld 

Alice  F.  Liveright 

Stan  Loney 

Michael  Loring 

Dr.  Oliver  S.  Loud 

Thomas  Ludwig 

Prof.  Curtis  D. 

Bernard  Z. 

John  T.  McManus 

Mary  Cabot  Macy 

Albert  Maltz 

Vito  Marcantonio 

James  Martin 

John  Martin 

Winfred  L.  Martin- 

Mary  Bacon  Mason 

Prof.  F.  O.  Matthiessen 

Dr.  Leo  Mayer 

Mrs.  Leo  Mayer 

Rev.  William  Howard 

Arthur  Miller 

Clyde  R.  Miller 

William  H.  Miller     . 

Dimitri  Mitro- 

Mrs.  Albert  Mizzy 

Thomas  G.  Moore 

Elizabeth  Moos 

Jacob  Moscowitz 

Rev.  Kenneth  deP.  HughesStanley  Moss 

James  Imbrie 

Jeremiah  C.  Ingersoll 

Minneola  P.  Ingersoll 

Leo  Isacson 

Rev.  J.  yuinton  Jackson 

Crockett  Johnson 

Walter  *1  Johnson 

Alvin  Jones 

Dr.  Harry  Joseph 

Robert  Joseph.v 

Mrs.  Robert  Josephy 

Elinor  Kahn 

Manya  Kahn 

Rockwell  Kent 

Rev.  Arthur  W. 

Russell  Nixon 

Grant  W.  Oakes 

Walter  O'Brien 

Jerry  J.  O'Connell 

Ernest  Thor  Olson 

Orville  Olson 

Harry  C.  Oppenheimer 

Mrs.  Harry  C.  Oppen- 

Sona  Osato 

Estelle  Massey  Osborne 

Arthur  Osman 



Dr.  Lionel  Ovesey 
Meyer  Parodneck 
Ivobert  Tattersoii 
Dr.  Linus  Pauling 
William  Ponnock 
Jennings  I'erry 
Nels  Peterson 
Morris  Pi/.er 
Ely  Pollack 
A.  L.  Ponierantz 
Martin  Popper 
Prof.  Edward  A.  Post 
George  Provost 
Harry  Ragozin 
Mrs.  Harry  Ragozin 
Willard  B.  Ransom 
Bernard  Reswick 
Libby  Holman  Reynolds 
Dr.  John  G.  Rideout 
Paul  Robeson 
Eslanda  Goode  Robeson 
Col.  Raymond  Robins 
Earl  Robinson 
Reid  Robinson 
Sidney  Roger 
O.  John  Rogge 
Harold  J.  Rome 
Dr.  Samuel  Rosen 
Mrs.  Samuel  Rosen 
Paul  L.  Ross 

Norman  Rosten 

Dr.  John  F.  Rutledge 

Lee  Sabinson 

Dr.  Artur  Schnabel 

Prof.  Frederick  L. 

Arthur  Schutzer 
Dr.  Benianiin  Segal 
Joseph  P.  Selly 
Theodore  Shapiro 
Agnes  Smedley 
Dr.  Randolph  B.  Smith 
Raphael  Soyer 
Mrs.  Lawrence  D.  Steefel 
Johannes  Steel 
Boris  R.  Steinberg 
Alfred  K.  Stern 
I.  F.  Stone 
Fred  W.  Stover 
Frieda  Strassler 
Dr.  Dirk  J.  Struik 
Paul  M.  Sweezy 
Helen  Tamiris 
Dr.  I.  M.  Tarlov 
Dr.  Alva  W.  Taylor 
Mandel  A.  Terman 
P.  Frankel  Thau 
Jacob  Turner  ^ 

Mrs.  Jacob  Turner 
Jerry  Tyler 

Exhibit  43 

Elsie  II.  Tyndale 
Louis  Untermeyer 
Mary  Van  Kleeck 
Katherine  Van  Orden 
Craig  Vincent 
William  Vulcan 
Dr.  Alexander  J. 

Courtney  Ward 
Dr.  Harry  F.  Ward 
Alice  H.  Ware 
( 'loldie  Watson 
Dr.  William  H.  Watts 
Max  Weber 
Dr.  Gene  Weltfish 
Mrs.  Louis  Wender 
Prof.  Frank  W.  Wey- 
mouth    . 
Rev.  Eliot  White 
Mrs.  Eliot  White 
Henry  Willcox 
Mrs.  Henry  Willcox 
James  Waterman  Wise 
Bert  Witt 
Alexander  Wright 
Herman  Wright 
George  Wuchnich 
Coleman  Young 
Joseph  Zwillinger 
Mrs.  Joseph  Zwillinger 

[Bureau  of  Acartpmic  Freedom.  National  Council  of  the  Arts.  Sciences,  and  Professions, 
49  West  Forty-fourth  Street.  New  York  18  (Johanna  Grant)] 

For  Tuesday,  March  1,  1949. 

One  HrxDRED  and  Fifty  Leadi.xg  Educators  Call  for  Reinstatement  of 
Unr^rsity  of  Washington  Professors 


One  hundred  and  fifty  educational  leaders  from  more  than  .oO  colleges  and 
universities  throughout  the  country  have  urged  Dr.  Raymond  Allen,  president  of 
the  University  of  Washington,  to  reinstate  with  full  rights  of  tenure  the  3 
professors  recently  discharged  from  the  university  for  membership  in  or  "am- 
biguous relationship  to"  the  Communist  Party  in  a  letter  released  today  (Tuesday) 
by  the  Bureau  of  Academic  Freedom  of  the  National  Council  of  the  Arts,  Sciences, 
and  Professions. 

Dr.  Christian  Gauss,  dean  emeritus  of  Princton  University;  Prof.  L.  C.  Dunn 
of  Columbia  University ;  Dr.  L.  B.  Arguimbau,  of  the  Massachusetts  Institute  of 
Technology;  i:>r.  Howard  Mumford  Jones,  of  Harvard  University;  and  Prof. 
Robert  Chambers,  of  New  York  T'niversity.  are  among  the  signers  of  the  letter 
which  characterizes  the  firings  as  a  "shocking  repudiation"  of  the  principles  of 
democracy  and  academic  freedom. 

Otlier  signatures  to  the  letter,  which  has  also  been  sent  to  the  board  of 
regents  of  the  University  of  Washington,  include:  Dr.  David  Haber,  Yale  Law 
School  :  Prof.  Colston  Warne,  Amherst  College  ;  Dr.  Harl  R.  Douglass,  director  of 
the  ('i)llege  of  Education,  University  of  Colorado;  Dr.  Frank  W.  Weymouth, 
Stanford  University;  Prof.  Joseph  F.  Fletcher,  Episcopal  Theological  School, 
Cambridge;  Dr.  W.  C.  H.  Prentice  of  Swarthmore  College;  Dr.  I.  M.  KolthofC, 
University  of  Minne.sota:  and  Dr.  T.  W.  Reese,  Mount  Holyoke  College. 

Following  is  the  complete  text  of  the  letter,  released  by  Dr.  Clyde  R.  Miller, 
director  of  the  NCASP  Bureau  on  Academic  Freedom  : 

"The  principle  that  every  citizen  has  a  right  to  his  personal  lieliefs  and 
clations  and  to  voluntary  participation  in  the  affairs  of  the  community  is  funda- 
mental to  the  traditional  American  concepts  of  democracy  and  academic  freedom. 


"The  recent  decision  of  the  University  of  Washington  to  dismiss  three  faculty 
members  on  the  basis  of  membership  in  the  Communist  Party,  or  on  the  premise 
of  "guilt  by  association,"  is  a  shocking  repudiation  of  this  principle.  If  these 
dismissed  professors  are  not  reinstated,  the  result  will  be  irreparable  damage  to 
all  educational  institutions  and  particularly  to  the  University  of  Washington. 

"The  university's  action,  if  it  is  not  swiftly  reversed,  will  se*"  a  precedent  for 
the  dismissal  of  any  instructor  for  any  personal  beliefs  and  associations. 

"As  educators,  deeply  concerned  for  our  nwn  civil  rights  and  t'^^ose  of  our  fellow 
citizens,  and  cognizant  of  the  further  implications  of  this  action  as  a  threat  to 
our  entire  educational  system,  we  urge  the  immediate  reinstatement,  with  full 
rights  of  tenure,  of  the  dismissed  professors,  Phillips,  Butterworth,  and 

List  of  other  professors  whose  names  appear  on  the  statement  are  attached. 

Signers  of  Statement  to  President  Allen  of  the  University  of  Washingtok 

(Universities  and  colleges  listed  for  identification  purposes  only) 

Dr.  M.  H.  Abrariis,  Cornell  University.  Dr.  W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  Council  on  African 

Dr.  Vaughn  S.  Albertsou,  Vanport  Col-  Affairs. 

lege.  Dr.  Barrows  Dunham,  Temple  Univer- 

Dr.   Gordon  Allport,   Harvard   Univer-  sity. 

sity.  Dr.  L.  C.  Dunn,  Columbia  University. 

Dr.    Kurt    Anderson,    Bennington    Col-  Dr.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild,  New  York 

lege.  University. 

Prof.  L.  B.  Arguimbau,  Massachusetts  Dr.    I.    Fankuchen,    Polytechnic    Insti- 

Institute  of  Technology.  tute  of  Brooklyn. 

Dr.  Albert  F.  Ax,  Harvard  University.  Dr.   Harold  Feldman,   Cornell  Univer- 

Dr.     Bernard     Baum,     University     of  sity. 

Iowa.  Dr.     Leon     Festinger,     University     of 

Dr.    Paul    H.    Baurnan,    University   of  Michigan. 

Louisville.  Dr.  Mary  Jo  Fink,  University  of  Louis- 

Dr.  Carter  Bechtel,  University  of  Louis-  ville. 

ville.  Dr.  Joseph  J.  Firebaugh,  University  of 

Dr.  Albert  J.  Becker,  Western  Reserve  Florida. 

University.  Dr.  William  H.  Fisher,  Eastern  Wash- 

Dr.  Robert  O.  Blood,  Jr.,  William  Penn  ington  College. 

College.  Prof.    Joseph    P.    Fletcher,    Episcopal 

Prof.  Henry  Blumberg,  Ohio  State  Uni-  Theological  School. 

versity.  Dr.  G.  L.  Foster,  Columbia  University. 

Dr.  Bart  J.  Bok,  Harvard  Observatory.  Dr.    Frank    S.    Freeman,   Cornell   Uni- 

Edith    Keene    Bower,    American   Asso-  versity. 

elation  for  Adult  Education.  Dr.  Stanley  Friedman,  Western  Reserve 

Dr.  Theodore  Brameld,  New  York  Uni-  University. 

versity.  Dr.  Wendell  Furry,  Harvard  University. 

Dr.  Louise  Fargo  Brown,  Vassar  Col-  Dr.  Morris  E.  Garnsey,  University  of 

lege.  Colorado. 

Dr.     Robert    Winzer     Bruce,     Lyndon  Dr.  Christian  Gauss,  Princeton  Univer- 

Teachers  College.  sity. 

Dr.  Edith  Burnett.  Smith  College.  Dr.  Josephine  M.  Gleason,  Vassar  Col- 

Dr.    Robert    C.    Challman,    Menninger  lege. 

Foundation.  Dr.  Alma  Goetsch,  Michigan  State  Col- 

Dr.  Robert  Chambers,  New  York  Uni-  lege. 

versity.  Dr.  Irving  Goodman,  University  of  Col- 

Dr.  M.  M.  Chatterjee,  Antioch  College.  orado. 

Dr.    George   B.    Collins,    University    of  Dr.     M.    Goodman,    Western    Reserve 

Rochester.  Universitv. 

Prof  Alfred  Crofts,  University  of  Den-  ^v.  David  Ilaber,  Yale. 

yer.  Dr.  William  Haller.  .Jr..  University  of 

Prof.    John   J.    DeBoer,   University   of  Massachusetts. 

Illinois  Prof.  Fowler  Harper,  Yale  Law  School. 

Dr.  IMarion  DeRonde,  Smith  College.  Dr.  Frederick  P.  Harris,  Western  Re- 

Dr.  Malcolm  Dole,  Northwestern  Uni-  serve  University. 

versity.  Dr.  Mary  Hemle,  New  School  for  Social 

Dr.    Harl    R.    Douglass,   University   of  Research. 



Dr.  Nicliolas  Hobbs,  Colunibiii  Univer-  Dr.  Otto  Natlian,  New  York  University. 

sity.  Dr.  Wesley  Osterberg,  Western  Reserve 

Dr.  Lee  Elbert  Holt,  American  Inter-  University. 

national  College.  Dr.  Erwin  Panofsky,  Institute  for  Ad- 

Dr.  Lloyd  U.  liuniplireys,  Stanford  Uni-  vanced  Study. 

versity.  Dr.  Melber  Phillips,  Brooklyn  College. 

Dr.  W.  llurewicz,  Massachusetts  Insti-  Dr.  Dale  Pontius,  Roosevelt  College. 

tute  of  Technology.  Dr.    W.    C.    H.    Prentice,    Swarthmore 

Dr.  Kobert  Iglehart,  New  York  Univer-  College. 

sity.  Dr.  Claire  F.  Rabo,  Western  Reserve 

Dr.  Otto  Jelinek,  (Jrinnell  College.  University. 

Dr.  Howard  Muniford  Jones,  Harvard  Mr.  Walter  Rautonstrauch. 

University.  Dr.    Peter   L.    Rabe,    Western   Reserve 

Dr.  Mervin  Jules,  Smith  College.  University. 

Dr.  Daniel  Katz.  University  of  Michi-  Dr.  T.  W.  Reese,  Mount  Holyoke  Col- 

s:>n.  lege. 

Dr.  Noble  H.  Kelley,  University  of  Louis-  Dean     Geraldine     Richard,     Chandler 

ville.  School. 

Dr.  John  C.  Kennedy,  Oberlin  College.  Dr.  Walter  B.  Rideout,  Harvard  Univer- 

Dr.  George  R.  Kernodle,  University  of  sitv. 

^"^^"'*-  Dr.  Bernard  F.  Riess,  Hunter  College. 

Dr.  Philliiv  Klein,  New  York  School  of  Mr.  Holland  Robert.  California  Labor 

Social  Work.  School. 

Dr.  Ellis  Kolehin.  Columbia  University.  Dr.    Milton    Rokeach,    Michigan    State 

Dr.  I.  M.  Kolthoff,  University  of  Miune-  Colleo"e. 

i^ota.  Pi-of   cufford  P.  Rowe,  Pacific  Univer- 

Dr.  Oliver  W.  I^rkin,  Smith  College.  gj^-y 

Dr.   Douglas   H.   Lawrence,   Yale   Uni-  Dr.  Sevmour  B.  Sarason,  Yale  Univer- 

versity.  j,ity / 

Dr.  Ronald  B.  Levy,  Roosevelt  College.  Dr.   "s.    Stansfeld    Sargent,    Columbia 

Dr.  Gardner  Lindzey,  Harvard  Univer-  University. 

^it-^'-                                        ^          ^  Dr.  T.  C.  Schneirla,  American  Museum 

Dr.  Bert  James  Loewenberg,  Sarah  Law-  ^^  Natural  History. 

rence  College.    ,     ^       ,     ^       ,     ^  Dr.  Waldo'  Schumacher,  University  of 

Dr.  Helen  Morrell  Lynd,    Sarah  Law-  Oregon 

rence  College.                 „      ,  ,       ^,  ,  Dr.   Frederick   L.    Schuman,   Williams 

Dr.   Solomon  Machover,  Brooklyn  Col-  Colleo-e 

^  ^^f^           ...       .,   •        ..      ^.r-  .■  r>r.  Witliam  R.  Sears,  Cornell  Univer- 

Dr.  Gorman  Maier,  L  niversity  of  Michi-  .^ 

T.^^\'V  T     ,r               ^,        1,  TT  •        -4.  Dr.   Theodore   Shedlevsky,  Rockefeller 

Dr.  F.  L.  Marcuso,  Cornell  University.  Institute 

Dr.  S.  E.  Margolin.  University  of  Louis-  ^^^   Henry  W.  Shelton,  La  Jolla,  Calif. 

I,  ^V  V  Ar  Ar         „       A-  ,    TT  •         -^  Dr.    B.    dthanel    Smith,   University   of 

Prof.  J.  M.  Marsalka,  Yale  University.  Illinois 

Dr    R.  E.  Marshak,  University  of  Ro-  ^      ^    Bi-ewster  Smith,  Harvard  Uni- 

^'^^^^*'^"-  versitv 

Di-.  (Jlenn  C.  Martin,  Santa  Monica  City  j^^  Randolph  B.  Smith,  New  York  City. 

Lo.itge         ^   ,,  ^,        „            ,  r-   •  Dr.  P.  A.  Serekin,  Harvard  University. 

Prof.  Kirtley  F.  Mather,  Harvard  I  ni-  ^^,  ^^^^  Stagner,  University  of  Illinois. 

Di- 'r  (rMatthies.son,  Harvard  Univer-  ^'■.^-  J"  Stauverman,  Emery  Univer- 

T-w      :/         1   T    AT  T        11-      A.-        V  ..1  Dr.  Bernhard  J.  Stern,  Columbia  Uni- 

Dr.  Samuel  J.  McT>aughlin,  New  York  .: 

Universitv  versity. 

Dr.  Alice  McNiff,  New  York  University.  J^l'^'^P^!  ^^  ^^r^^M  ^' m  J'JnlSIn«  Tn 

Dr.   Willis   B.   Merriam,   State   College  ^\^'l^  l' r^^T  \  ^t^^^^^^"^^"s  In- 

of  W-mhiiK'toii  stitntP  of  Technology. 
Dr!  Ad:/!.!,  E.  Mever,  New  York  Uni-  ^r.  Edward  A.  Suchman,  Cornell  Uni- 
versitv                  '  versity. 
Prof.    Otto    Meyerhof,    University    of  Dr^    Ralph    B.    Tower,    West    Virginia 

Pennsylvania.  University. 

Dr.   Uul.v  Turner  IVIorris,  VassaV  Col-  Dr.  Charles  Trinkhaus,  Sarah  Lawrence 

le^re  College. 

Dr.     Philip     Morrison,     Cornell     Uni-  Dr.  Ralph  H.  Turner,  Oberlin  College. 

versity.  Dr.  Robert  Ulich,  Harvard  University. 

Dr.   George  A.   Muench,   University   of  Dr.  J.  Van  der  Zee,  State  University  of 

Louisville.  Iowa. 



Dr.  T.  W.  Van  Metre,  Columbia  Univer- 

Dr.  George  B.  Vetter,  New  York  City. 

Dr.  John  Voll^mann,  Mount  Holyoke  Col- 

Dr.  Herbert  Weisinger,  Institute  for 
Advanced  Study. 

Dr.  Louis  Weisner,  Hunter  College. 

Dr.  Gene  Weltfish,  Columbia  University. 

Dr.  Frank  W.  Weymouth,  Stanford 

(Partial  list  as  of  February  21, 1949.) 

Dr.  Paul  L.  Whitely,  Franklin  and 

Dr.  Maxine  Wolfenstein,  Western  Re- 
serve University. 

Dr.  Thomas  Woody,  University  of 

Prof.  Colston  E.  Warne,  Amherst  Col- 

Dr.  Thomas  I.  Emerson,  Yale  Law 

Exhibit  44 

Culture  and  the  Crisis 

an  open   letter  to  the  writers,   artists,  teachers,   physicians,   engineers, 
scientists,  and  other  professional  workers  of  america 

League  of  Professional  Groups  for  Foster  and  Ford 

In  October  this  group  was  organized  as  the  League  of  Professional  Groups 
for  Foster  and  Ford.  An  editorial  committee  was  appointed  and  instructed  to 
expand  the  original  statement  into  a  10,000-word  open  letter,  and  publish  it  as 
an  election  pamphlet.  This  pamphlet  is  now  issued  under  the  title  of  "Culture 
and  the  Crisis." 

Leonie  Adams 
Sherwood  Anderson 
Newton  Arvin 
Emjo  Basshe 
Maurice  Becker 
Slater  Brown 
Fielding  Burke 
Erskine  Caldwell 
Robert  Cant  well 
Winifred  L.  Cliappell 
Lester  Cohen 
l<ouis  Colman 
Lewis  Corey 
Henry  Cowell 
Malcolm  Cowley 
Bruce  Crawford 
Kyle  S.  Crichton 
Countee  Cullen 

H.  W.  L.  Dana 
Adolf  Dehn 
John  Dos  Passos 
Howard  N.  Doughty,  .Jr. 
Miriam  Allen  De  Ford 
^^'aldo  Frank 
Alfred  Frueh 
Murray  Godwin 
Eugene  Gordon 
Horace  Gregory 
Louis  Grudin 
John  Herrmann 
Granville  Hicks 
Sidney  Hook 
Sidney  Howard 
Langston  Hughes 
Orrick  Johns 
William  X.  Jones 

Matthew  Josephson 
Alfred  Kreymborg 
Louis  Lozowick 
Grace  Lumpkin 
P'elix  Morrow 
Samuel  Ornitz 
James  Rorty 
Isidor  Schneider 
Frederick  L.  Schuman 
Edwin  Seaver 
Herman  Simpson 
Lincoln  Steffens 
Charles  Walker 
Robert  Whitaker 
Edmund  Wilson 
Ella  Winter 

Five  cents  per  copy ;  $1  for  25 ;  $3.50  for  100. 

Send  orders  to  League  of  Professional  Groups  for  Foster  and  Ford,  35  East 
Twelfth  Street,  New  York  City, 

Exhibit  45 

List  of  Officers  and  Members  of  the  National  Citizens  Political  Action 
Committee,  as  Submitted  to  the  Committee  on  Campaign  Expenditures  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  Last  Week  of  August  1944.  An  In- 
complete List  Was  Published  in  the  Daily  Worker  of  July  15,  1944 


Hon.  George  W.  Norris,  honorary  chair- 
Hon.  Sidne.y  Hillman,  chairman 
Hon.  James  G.  Patton,  vice  chairman 

Hon.  Freda  Kirchwey,  vice  chairman 
Hon.  R.  J.  Thomas,  treasurer 
Hon.  James  H.  McGill,  comptroller 
Hon.  Clark  Foreman,  secretary 



Verda  White  Barnes  Freda  Kirrhwey  James  G.  Patton 

Elmer  A.  Benson  Janu's  Ldeb  Gifford  I'iiK-hot 

Van  A.  Bittner  Lncy  Ranilolph  INlasou  R.  J.  Thomas 

Qark  Foreman  James  H.  McGill  Dr.  Robert  C.  Weaver 

Sidney  Hillnian  I'hilip  Murray  A.  F.  Whitney 


Adamic.  Louis,  author,  Milford,  N.  J. 

Alexander,  Dr.  Will  W.,  vice  president,  Julius  Rosenwald  Fund,  North  Carolina 

Anderson,  Mary,  former  Director,  Women's  Bureau,  Department  of  Labor,  Wash- 
ington, D.  C. 

.\nderson,  Mrs.  Sherwood,  New  York  City 

Baldwin,  ('.  B.,  assistant  chairman,  CIO  Political  Action  Committee,  New  York 

Balokovic,  Zlatko,  president.  United  Committee  of  South  Slavic  Americans,  New 

Barnes,  Verda  White,  director,  women's  division,  CIO  Political  Action  Commit- 
tee, New  York 

Bauer,  Catherine,  author,  California 

Benet,  William  Rose,  poet,  New  York 

Benson,  Elmer  A.,  ex-Governor,  Minnesota 

Bethune.  Mary  McLeod  CMrs.),  Daytona  Beach,  Fla. 

Biffsert,  Robert  (Mrs.),  Winnetka,  111. 

Bittner,  Van  A.,  United  Steelworkers  of  America,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Blaine,  Emmons  (Mrs.),  Chicago,  111. 

Bliven.  Bruce,  editor.  New  Republic,  New  l^'ork 

Boas,  Dr.  Ernst  P.,  New  York  City 

Bowie,  Dr.  W.  Russell,  professor.  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York 

Bremer,  Otto,  banker,  St.  Paul.  Minn. 

Bunr'.ick,  Zarko  M  .  president.  Serbian  Vidovdas  Congress,  Akron,  Ohio 

Burke,  J.  Frank.  Pasadena,  Calif. 

Butkovich,  John  D.,  president,  Croatian  Fraternal  Union,  Pennsylvania 

Cai-ey,    James   B.,    secretary-treasurer,   Congress   of    Industrial    Organizations, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

Clyde,  Ethel  (Mrs.),  Huntington,  Long  Island 

Coinielly,  ^larc,  Los  Angeles,  Calif. 

Cooke,  Morris  Llewellyn,  consulting  engineer,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Coolidge,  Albert  Sprague,  professor.  Harvard  University,  Massachusetts 

Corrothers.  Rev.  S.  L.,  president,  National  Nonpartisan  Colored  Ministers  Asso- 
ciation, U.  S.  A.,  Westbury,  Long  Island 

Curran.  Joseph,  president.  National  Maritime  Union  of  America,  New  York 

Dalrymitle,  Sh»rnian  H.,  president.  United  Itubber  Workers  of  America,  Ohio 

Davis.  Dr.  Michael  M.,  editor.  Medical  Care,  New  York 

Dombrowski,  Dr.  James  A.,  executive  secretary.  Southern  Conference  for  Human 
Welfare,  Tennessee 

Dun.lee.  Roscoe,'editor  and  publisher,  the  Black  Dispatch,  Oklahoma 

Dul'ont,  Ethel,  writer,  Kentucky 

DuPont,  Zara,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Durr,  Clifford    (Mrs.),  vice  chairman,  National  Committee  to  Abolish  the  Poll 
Tax.  Virginia 

Eliot,  Thomas  H.,  attorney,  Cambridge,  Mass. 

Emliree,  Edwin  R.,  president,  Julius  Rosenwald  Fund,  Illinois 

Epstein.  Henry,  attorney.  New  York  City 

Fitzgerald.  Albert  J.,  president,  United  Electrical,  Radio  and  Machine  Workers 
of  America,  New  York. 

Foreman,  Clark,  president.  Southern  Conference  for  Human  Welfare 

Frazier.  Dr.  E.  Franklin,  professor  of  sociology,  Howard  University,  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.  •"  o 

Galbraith,  John  Kenneth,  editorial  department.  Fortune  Magazine 
Ginibel,  Elinor,  Committee  for  the  Care  of  Young  Children  in  Wartime,  New 
York  Cit.v. 

Green.  John,  president.  Marine  and  Shipbuilding  Workers  of  America,  New  Jersey 

Gufknecht.  John,  judge.  municii)al  court.  Chicago,  111. 

Harburg.  E.  Y..  motion  picture  director,  Hollywood.  Calif 

Hastie   AVilliam.  judge,  dean,  Howard  Law  School,  Washington,  D    C 

Hays,  Mortimer,  attorney,  New  York  City. 


Haywood,  Allan  S.,  administrator,  Federal  Workers  of  America,  Washington, 

D.  C. 
Hecht,  Ben,  writer,  California. 

Hewes,  L.  I.,  Jr.,  Palo  Alto,  Calif.,  National  Council  on  Race  Relations. 
Hillman,  Sidney,  president,  Amalgamated  Clothing  Workers  of  America. 
Hollander,  Si'lney,  manufacturer,  Maryland. 
Hughes,  Langston,  poet.  New  York. 
Imbrie,  James,  banker,  Trenton,  N.  J. 
Kenyon,  Dorothy,  judge.  New  York  City. 
Kingdon,  Dr.  Frank,  author.  New  York. 
Kirchwey,  Freda,  publisher,  the  Nation,  New  Yorlv. 
Krzycki,  Leo.  president,  American  Slav  Congress,  New  York. 
Kulikowski.  Adam,  publisher,  Opportunity,  Virginia. 
Lange,  Oscar,  professor.  University  of  Chicago,  111. 
Lapp,  John,  Independent  labor  conciliator,  Chicago,  111. 
LeCron,   James,   assistant   to  Henry  A.  Wallace  as   Secretary  of  Agriculture, 

Berkeley,  Calif. 
Lee,  Canada,  actor,  New  York  City. 
Lerner,  Max,  author,  editor,  PM,  New  York. 
Lewis,  Alfred  Baker,  Greenwicli,  Conn.,  president.  Trade  Union  Accident  and 

Health  Association. 
Lewis,  John  Frederick,  president.  Art  Alliance,  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Lewis,  William  Draper.  Philadelphia,  Pa. 
Lochard,  Dr.  Metz  T.,  editor,  Chicago  Defender,  Chicago,  111. 
Loeb,  James,  secretary,  Union  for  Democratic  Action,  New  York. 
Lxiyten,  Dr.  W.  J.,  professor  of  astronomy.  University  of  Minnesota,  Minneapolis, 

Mason.  Lucy  Randolph,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

Maurer,  Dr.  Wesley,  School  of  Journalism,  LTniversity  of  Michigan. 
McAllister,  Mrs.  Thomas  F.,  former  director,  women's  division,  National  Demo- 
cratic Party,  Grand  Rapids,  Mich. 
McConnell,  Francis  J.,  bishop.  New  York  City. 

McCulloch,  Frank,  director,  Mullenbach  Institute,  Chicago,  111. 
McDonald,    David    J.,    secretary-treasurer,    United    Steelworkers    of    America, 

!\Ic<Till,  James  H.,  McGill  Manufacturing  Co.,  Valparaiso,  Ind. 
Mc^Iahon,  Francis,  professor,  University  of  Chicago,  Chicago,  111. 
McWilliams,  Cary,  attorney.  Avriter,  Los  Angeles,  Calif. 

Motherwell,  Hiram,  author.  New  York. 

Murrav,  Philip,  president,  Congress  of  Industrial  Organizations,  Washington, 
D.  C. 

Mulzac.  Capt.  Hugh,  United  States  merchant  marine,  Jamaica,  Long  Island. 

Neilson,  William  A.,  educator,  Falls  Village.  CouJi. 

Niebuhr.  Dr.  Reinhold,  professor,  Union  Theological  Seminary,  New  York. 

Norris.  Hon.  George  W.,  Nebraska. 

Osowski,  Dr.  W.  T.,  president,  American  Slav  Congress,  ^Michigan. 

Patton,  James  G.,  president.  National  Farmers  Union,  Colorado. 

Perry,  Jennings,  editor,  Nashville  Tennessean,  Tennessee. 

Pinchot.  Cornelia  Bryce,  Washington,  D.  C. 

Pinchot.  Gifford.  Milford.  Pa. 

Platek.  V.  X.,  president.  National  Slovak  Society.  Pennsylvania. 

Pope,  Dr.  Liston,  Yale  Divinity  School,  New  Haven,  Conn. 

Pdjiper,  Mai-tin,  executive  secretary.  National  Lawyers  Guild. 

Porter,  Katherine  Anne,  writer.  New  York. 

Poynter,  Nelson,  publisher,  St.  Petersburg  Times,  Florida. 

Quilici,  Judge  George  L.,  municipal  court,  Chicago,  111. 

Ratica,   Peter,   president.   United  Russian  Orthodox   Brotherhood   of  America, 

Reid.  Dr.  Ira.,  associate  director.   Southern  Regional  Council,  Atlanta,  Ga. 

Reynolds,  J.  Louis,  Reynolds  Metals  Co.,  Virginia. 

Ricker,  A.  W.,  editor.  Farm  Union  Herald,  St.  Paul,  Minn. 

Rieve,  Emil,  president.  Textile  Workers  Union  of  America,  New  York. 

Robeson,  Paul,  actor.  New  York. 

Robinson,  Edward  G.,  Hollywood,  Calif. 

Robinson,  Mrs.  Edward  G.,  Hollywood,  Calif. 

Robinson,  Reid,  president,  United  Mine,  Mill  and  Smelter  Workers  of  America, 


liosenhluin,  Frank.  Aiualf,'a mated  (lothing  Workers  of  America,  New  York. 

lioseutlial,  Morris  S.,  Steiu,  Hall  »fc  Co.,  Inc.,  New  York. 

Koss,  Mrs.  J.  D.,  Seattle,  Wash. 

K.vaii.  n.  Frank,  managing  editor,  Courier-Post,  Camden,  N.  J. 

Sackelt,  Sheldon  F.,  editor,  Coos  Bay  Times,  Marshfield,  Oreg. 

Schli'singer,  Arthur  M.,  professor  of  history,  Harvard  University. 

Schnman.  Frederick  L.,  professor  of  international  relations,  Williams  College, 

Schwartz,  C.  K.,  attorney,  Chicago,  111. 

SeitVrheld,  David  F.,  president.  N.  Erlanger  Blumgart  &  Co.,  New  York  City. 

Suiathers,  Hon.  William  H..  New  Jersey. 

Smith,  Lillian,  editor.  South  Today,  and  author,  "Strange  P'ruit",  Georgia. 

Smith,  S.  Stephenson,  Eugene,  Oreg. 

Soule,  George,  associate  editor.  New  Republic,  New  York  City. 

Speir,  Mercedes  Powell,  presiilent,  Iticlimond  Consumers  Cooperative,  Rich- 
mond, Va. 

Steele,  Julian  D.,  president,  Boston  Branch,  NAACP,  Boston,  Mass. 

Sweezey,  Alan,  professor  of  economics,  Williams  College,  Massachusetts. 

Stone.  Maurice  L.,  business  executive,  30  Rockefeller  Plaza,  New  York. 

Thomas,  R.  J.,  president.  United  Automobile,  Aircraft,  Agricultural  Implement 
Workers  of  America,  Detroit.  Mich. 

Tilly,  Mrs.  M.  E.,  jurisdictional  secretary  of  Christian  social  relations  of  the 
southeastern  jurisdiction  of  the  Women's  Society  for  Christian  Service,  Metho- 
dist Church,  Georgia. 

Tobias,  Dr.  Channing  H.,  member  of  Joint  Army  and  Navy  Committee  on  Wel- 
fare and  Recreation  and  Mayor's  Committee  on  Unity,  New  York  City. 

Townsend,  Willard,  president,  United  Transport  Service  Employees  of  America, 
Chicago,  111. 

Van  Kleeck.  Mary,  Russell-Sage  Foundation,  New  York  City. 

Walsh,  J.  Raymond,  director  of  research,  CIO  Political  Action  Committee,  New 

Waring,  P.  Alston,  farmer-author,  New  Hope,  Pa. 

Weaver.  Dr.  Robert  C,  Mayor's  Committee  on  Racial  Relations,  Chicago,  111. 

Welles.  Orson,  Hollywood,  Calif. 

Wesley,  Carter,  publisher,  Plouston  Informer,  Tex. 

Wheeluright,  Mrs.  Ellen  DuPont,  Wilmington,  Del. 

Whitney,  A.  F.,  president,  Brotherhood  of  Railroad  Trainmen,  Ohio. 

Williams,  Aubrey,  National  Farmers  Union,  Washington,  D.  C. 

AVilson,  Mrs.  Luke  I.,  Bethesda,  Md. 

Wise,  James  Waterman,  author,  radio  commentator,  New  York. 

Wright.  Jr.,  Bishop  R.  R.,  executive  secretary,  Negro  Fraternal  Council  of 
Churches  in  America,  Ohio. 

Young,  P.  B.,  publisher,  Norfolk  Journal  and  Guide,  Virginia. 

Zeman.  Jr.,  Stephen,  president,  Slovak  Evangelical  Union,  Pennsylvania. 

Zmrhal.,  Prof.  Jaroslav  J.,  president,  Czechoslovak  National  Council,  Illinois. 

Exhibit  46 

[From  Daily  Worker,  New  York,  Wednesda.v,  April  16,  1947] 
Notables  Defend  Communist  Rights 

More  than  100  prominent  individuals  yesterday  called  upon  Congress  to  defeat 
the  various  "exceptional  and  punitive  measures  directed  against  the  Communist 
Party,"  now  in  the  hands  of  the  House  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities. 

Signers  of  the  letter  include  Thomas  Mann,  Franklin  P.  Adams,  Vincent 
Sheean,  Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schuman  of  Williams  College,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Sher- 
wood Eddy,  Mrs.  Margaret  Sanger  Slee,  Jo  Davidson,  Garson  Kanin,  Libby  Hol- 
man,  and  Dean  Walter  G.  Mudder  of  Boston  University  School  of  Theology. 

■'Legislation  such  as  that  proposed  by  Congressmen  Rankin,  Sheppard,  Hartley, 
Parnell  Thomas,  and  McDonough  follows  the  Hitler  pattern,"  the  signers  declared 
in  a  letter  to  House  Speaker  Joseph  Martin,  released  by  the  Civil  Rights  Congress. 

"The  Communist  Party  is  a  legal  American  political  party.  We  see  nothing 
in  its  program,  record  or  activities,  either  in  war  or  peace  to  justify  the  enactment 
of  the  repressive  legislation  now  being  urged  upon  the  Congress  in  an  atmos- 
phere of  an  organized  hysteria." 


Among  the  other  signers  of  the  letter  are  Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow,  Sholem  Asch, 
Elmer  A.  Benson,  former  Governor  of  Minnesota  ;  Prof.  S.  P.  Breckenridge,  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago :  Zlatko  Balokovie,  Professors  Archibald  Cox,  H-^nry  Wads- 
worth  Longfellow  Dana  and  F.  O.  Matthiessen  of  Harvard  University;  Prof.  J. 
Frank  Dobie,  University  of  Texas,  Adolf  Dehn. 

Also,  Mayor  Cornelius  D.  Scully,  Pittsburgh,  Pa.;  Charles  Houston,  attorney 
Roscie  Dunjee,  Oklahoma  City ;  Prof.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild,  Howard  Fast,  Dr. 
Harry  F.  Ward,  John  Howard  Lawson,  Agnes  Smedley,  Rev.  Charles  F.  McClen- 
nan,  Cleveland,  Ohio  ;  Arthur  Miller,  Artnr  Schnabel,  Dashiell  Hammett,  and  Dr. 
Charlotte  Hawkins  Brown,  president,  Palmer  Memorial  Institute. 

Also,  Max  Weber,  William  Jay  Schieffelin,  Dr.  E.  Franklin  Frazier,  Howard 
University;  Bishop  W.  Y.  i'ell,  Cordele,  Ga. :  INPitthew  Josephson.  h'storian; 
Rabbi  Jacob  H.  Kaplan,  Miami,  Fla. ;  Francis  Fisher  Kane,  Philadelphia  attorney ; 
Prof.  Malcolm  Sharp,  University  of  Chicago  Law  School ;  George  Marshall  and 
Milton  Kaufman,  Civil  Rights  Congress. 

(Titles  and  institutions  for  identification  only.) 

Exhibit  47 

National  Wallace  for  President  Committee, 

39  Park  Avenue,  Netc  York,  N.  T. 

For  A.  M.  Belease,  Fridaii,  March  26,  19 '/S 

Formation  of  a  700-member  National  Wallace  for  President  Committee  was 
announced  yesterday  (Thursday)  by 'Elmer  A.  Benson,  former  Minnesota 
Governor  and  chairman  of  the  Wallace  group. 

The  committee  will  hold  its  first  meeting  in  Chicago  April  9,  10,  and  11,  to 
make  plans  for  the  formation  of  a  new  national  political  party  and  to  plan 
the  program  for  the  Wallace  campaign. 

Programs  for  the  various  divisions  of  the  Wallace  committee  will  be  drafted 
on  the  opening  day  of  the  meeting.  The  divisions  include  those  for  labor,  women, 
professional  groups,  nationality  groups,  youth,  and  farm. 

On  April  10  and  through  part  of  Ai>ril  11.  State  directors  from  apijroximately 
40  States  will  report  on  their  organizational  progress  and  their  drive  to  jiut 
Wallace's  name  on  the  ballot.  The  press  will  be  admitted  to  this  session  of  the 

On  the  night  of  April  10  the  committee  members  will  attend  a  mass  rally  at 
the  Chicago  Stadium,  where  both  Mr.  Wallace  and  Senator  Glen  Taylor  will 

The  Chicago  meeting  will  also  issue  the  call  for  the  new  party  convention  and 
set  the  date  and  place. 

Eleven  new  State  parties  have  already  been  formed  by  Wallace  groups.  Plans 
are  already  under  way  for  forming  new  parties  shortly  in  24  other  States. 

Among  the  700  members  of  the  committee  are  : 

Zlatko  Balokovie,  violinist  and  president  of  the  American  Slav  Congress,  New 
York:  Charlotta  Bass,  California  publisher:  Leonard  Bernstein,  musician.  New 
York ;  Bart  J.  Bok,  assistant  director  of  Harvard  University  Observatory,  Massa- 
chusetts ;  Harry  Bridges,  president.  International  Longshoremen's  and  Ware- 
housemen's Union,  CIO,  California ;  Charlotte  Hawkins  Brown,  educator.  North 
Carolina;  Scott  Buchanan,  educator,  Massachusetts;  Quentin  Burdick,  education 
director  of  North  Dakota  Farmers  Union ;  Dr.  Allan  N.  Butler,  Harvard  Medical 
School,  Massachusetts ;  Hugh  Bi-yson,  president,  aiarine  Cooks  and  Stewards 
Union,  CIO ;  Mrs.  Evans  Carlson,  Oregon ;  John  Clark,  president.  Mine,  Mill,  and 
Smelters  Union,  CIO,  Illinois;  Robert  Coates,  New  Yorker  Magazine:  John  Coe, 
State  senator,  Florida  ;  Fannie  Cook,  novelist,  Missouri ;  Dr.  Leo  Davidoff,  neuro- 
surgeon, Monteflore  Hospital,  New  Y^ork;  Prof.  Frank  Dobie,  University  of 
Texas ;  Olin  Downes,  music  critic,  New  York ;  W.  E.  B.  DuBois,  research  director 
of  the  National  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Colored  People,  New- 
York  ;  Roscoe  Dunjee,  publisher,  Oklahoma :  James  Durkin,  president,  United 
Office  and  Professional  Workers  of  America,  CIO,  New  York ;  Mrs.  Clifford  Durr, 
Virginia ;  Prof.  Thomas  Emerson,  Yale  Law  School ;  Jose  Ferrer,  actor,  New 
York:  Prof.  Robin  Field,  Tulane  University.  Louisiana;  Albert  J.  Fitzgerald, 
))resident.  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  Machine  Workers  of  America,  CIO, 
New  Y^'ork ;  Dr.  Clark  Foreman,  president  of  the  Southern  Conference  for 
Human  Welfare,  Georgia  ;  Mrs.  Elinor  Gimbel,  New  York  ;  Josiah  Gitt,  publisher, 
York  (Pa.)  Gazette  and  Daily;  Ben  Gold,  president.  Fur  AVoikers  International 
Union,  CIO,  New  York ;  Uta  Ilagen,  actress,  New  York ;  Roy  Harris,  composer, 


Colorado:  Lillian  Hellinan,  playwridit.  New  York;  Donald  Henderson,  presi- 
dent. Food,  Tobacco,  and  Asricnltural  Work(M-s  of  America.  ("lO:  Ira  A.  Hirsch- 
mann.  former  inspector  jieneral  for  I'NKKA.  New  York:  Henry  T.  Hnnt,  former 
mayor  of  Cincinnati:  N^.  Floyd  Hunter,  director.  Community  rinnnini;'  Council, 
Atlanta.  Ga. :  .Tohu  Huston,  tilm  director,  California:  Contj.ressman  Leo  Isacson, 
New  York:  Francis  Fisher  Kjuie,  rhiladelphia :  Howard  Koch,  Hollywood  screen 
writer:  Leo  Ki-zycki,  retired  A'lce  president,  Amaliiamated  Clothinc:  Workers  of 
Ameriia.  Wisconsin:  Canada  Lee,  actor.  New  York;  Curtis  McDouuall,  North- 
western I'niversity.  Illinois:  .lames  McfJill,  Indiana  nianufa<-turer :  Howard 
McKenzie,  vice  president.  National  Maritime  Union,  CIO;  Aline  McMahon,^ 
.•ictress,  Los  Angeles;  Congressman  Vito  Marcantonio,  New  York;  Prof.  F.  O. 
Matthiesson,  Harvard  LTniypi-sity,  Massachusetts ;  Daniel  Mebane,  publisher. 
New  Kepuhlic,  New  York;  Frederic  G.  Melcher,  editor  of  Publishers*  Weekly, 
New  .lersey ;  Dmitri  ^litropolous.  conductor  of  the  Minneapolis  Symphony 
Orcliestra  ;  Capt.  Hugb  IMulzac,  captain  of  the  Booker  T.  W<ishi)if/to)i :  Stanley 
Nowak,  State  senator,  Michigan  ;  Grant  W.  Oakes,  president.  Farm  Equipment 
Workers  Unuion,  CIO,  Illinois:  Sono  Osato,  actress,  California:  Dr.  Linus 
Paulinir,  physicist,  California  Institute  of  Technoloiry :  Morris  Pizer,  president. 
United  Furniture  Workers  of  America,  CIO:  Abraham  Pomerantz,  former  United 
States  prosecntin-  at  the  Nuremburu'  War  Crimes  Trials.  New  York  :  Lee  Press- 
man, former  CIO  general  counsel :  Michael  J.  Quill,  president.  Transport  AVorkers 
of  America.  CIO:  Magistrate  Joseph  Rainey.  Philadelphia:  O.  John  Rogge, 
former  Assistant  United  States  Attorney  General.  New  York;  Prof.  John  G. 
Rideout.  Durham.  N.  H. ;  Prof.  Frederick  L.  Schumann.  Williams  College.  Massa- 
chusetts ;  Jospeh  P.  Selly,  president.  American  Communications  Association, 
CIO;  Artie  Shaw,  bandleader.  Norwalk,  Conn.;  Dr.  Michael  A.  Shadid.  Okla- 
homa City.  Okla. :  Dr.  Maud  Slye,  director  of  the  University  of  Chicago  Cancer 
Research':  Mrs.  Edgar  Snow  (Nym  Wales)  Madison,  Conn.;  Robert  St.  John, 
author.  New  York ;  Kenneth  Spencer,  singer.  New  York ;  Fred  Stover,  president, 
Iowa  Farmers  Union:  iSIark  Van  Doren,  poet.  New  York;  Mary  Van  Kleeck, 
Russell  Sage  Foundation,  New  York;  F.  A.  Vider,  chairman,  Slovene  American 
National  Council,  Chicago:  Smeale  Voydanoff,  president.  Macedonian  American 
Peoples  League,  Michigan :  Addie  L.  Weber,  president,  New  Jersey  State  Feder- 
ation of  Teachers.  AFL ;  Don  West.  poet.  Oglethorpe  LTniversity,  Atlanta,  Ga.; 
Nelson  V\'illis,  president.  Cook  County  Bar  Association.  Chicago;  James  Water- 
man Wise,  New  York:  Ed  Yeomans.  director  of  the  Eastern  Division.  Naticmal 
Farmers  Union :  Chester  Young,  vice  president.  National  Maiitime  Union,  CIO. 

Assistant  M.  Benson  as  cochairman  of  the  committee  are  Jo  Davidson,  sculptor  ; 
Albert  J.  Fitz*,^erald.  president  of  the  CIO  United  Electrical,  Radio,  and  :Macliine 
AVorkers  of  America ;  Mrs.  Anita  McCormick  Blaine,  of  Chicago ;  Paul  Robeson, 
sinirer,  and  Dr.  Rexford  G.  Tugwell  of  the  University  of  Illinois  faculty. 

Comnuttee  treasurer  is  Angus  Cameron,  editor  in  chief  of  Little,  Brown  & 
Co.,  publishers.     Campaign  manager  is  C.  B.  Baldwin. 

Exhibit  48 

The  Text  of  an  Open  Calling  for  Greater  Unity  of  the  Anti-Fascist  Forces 
AND  Strengthening  of  the  Front  Against  Aggression  Through  Closer 
Cooperation  With  the  Soviet  Union  Released  on  August  14  by  400  Leading 

To  All  Active  Supporters  of  Democracy  and  Peace 

One  of  the  greatest  problems  confronting  al  Ithose  engaged  in  the  struggle  for 
democracy  and  peace,  whether  they  be  liberals,  progressives,  trade-unionists,  or 
others,  is  how  to  unite  their  various  forces  so  as  to  achieve  victory  for  their  com- 
mon goals.  The  Fascists  and  their  allies  are  well  aware  that  democracy  will  win 
if  its  supporters  are  united.  Accordingly,  they  are  intent  on  destroying  such 
unity  at  all  costs. 

On  the  inteinational  scene  the  Fascists  and  their  friends  have  tried  to  prevent 
a  muted  antiaggression  front  by  sewing  suspicion  between  the  Soviet  Union  and 
other  nations  interested  in  maintaining  peace. 

On  the  domestic  scene  the  reactionaries  are  attempting  to  split  the  democratic 
front  by  similar  tactics.  Realizing  that  here  in  America  they  cannot  get  far  with 
a  definitely  pro-Fascist  appeal,  they  strive  to  pervert  American  anti-Fascist 
sentiment  to  their  own  ends.  With  the  aim  of  turning  anti-Fascist  feeling  against 
the  Soviet  Union  they  have  encouraged  the  fantastic  falsehood  that  the  U.  S.  S.  R. 
and  the  totalitarian  states  are  basically  alike.     By  this  strategy  they  hope  to 

GS070 — 50 — pt.  1 12 


create  dissension  among  the  progressive  forces  whose  united  strength  is  a  first 
necessity  for  the  defeat  of  fascism. 

Some  sincere  American  liberals  have  fallen  into  this  trap  and  unwittingly 
aided  a  cause  to  which  they  are  essentially  opposed.  Thus,  a  number  of  them 
have  carelessly  lent  their  signatures  to  the  recent  manifesto  issued  by  the  so- 
called  Committee  for  Cultural  Freedom.  This  manifesto  denounces  in  vague, 
undefined  terms  all  forms  of  "Dictatorship"  and  asserts  that  the  Fascist  states 
and  Soviet  Russia  equally  menace  American  institutions  and  the  democratic  way 

of  life.  .  .  ^    ,  .    . 

While  we  prefer  to  dwell  on  facts  rather  than  personalities,  we  feel  it  is  neces- 
sary to  point  out  that  amouy  the  signers  of  this  manifesto  are  individuals  who 
have  for  years  had  as  their  chief  political  objective  the  maligning  of  the  Soviet 
people  and  their  government,  and  it  is  precisely  these  people  who  are  the  initia- 
tors and  controllers  of  the  committee. 

A  number  of  other  committees  have  been  formed  which  give  lip  service  to 
democracy  and  peace  while  actually  attacking  the  Soviet  Union  and  aiding  re- 
action. Honest  persons  approached  by  such  committees  should  scrutinize  their 
aims  very  carefully  and  support  only  those  groups  genuinely  interested  in  pre- 
serving culture  and  freedom  and  refusing  to  serve  as  instruments  for  attacking 
the  Soviet  Union  or  aiding  fascism  in  any  other  way. 

The  undersigned  do  not  represent  any  committee  or  organization,  nor  do  they 
propose  to  form  one.  Our  object  is  to  point  out  the  real  purpose  behind  all  these 
attempts  to  bracket  the  Soviet  Union  with  the  Fascist  states,  and  to  make  it 
clear  that  Soviet  and  Fascist  policies  are  diametrically  opposed.  To  this  end  we 
should  like  to  stress  ten  basic  points  in  which  Soviet  socialism  differs  fundamen- 
tally from  totalitarian  fascism. 

1.  The  Soviet  Union  continues  as  always  to  be  a  consistent  bulwark  against 
war  and  aggression,  and  works  unceasingly  for  the  goal  of  a  peaceful  inter- 
national order. 

2.  It  has  eliminated  racial  and  national  prejudice  within  its  borders,  freed  the 
minority  peoples  enslaved  under  the  Tzars,  stimulated  the  development  of  the 
culture  and  economic  welfare  of  these  peoples,  and  made  the  expression  of  anti- 
semitism  or  any  racial  animosity  a  criminal  offense. 

3.  It  has  socialized  the  means  of  production  and  distribution  through  the  public 
ownership  of  industry  and  the  collectivization  of  agriculture. 

4.  It  has  established  nation-wide  socialist  planning,  resulting  in  increasingly 
higher  living  standards  and  the  abolition  of  unemployment  and  depression. 

5.  It  has  built  the  tiade  unions,  in  which  almost  24,000,000  workers  are  organ- 
ized, into  the  very  fabric  of  its  society. 

6.  The  Soviet  Union  has  emancipated  woman  and  the  family,  and  has  de- 
veloped an  advanced  system  of  child  care. 

7.  From  the  viewpoint  of  cultural  freedom,  the  difference  between  the  Soviet 
Union  and  the  Fascist  countries  is  most  striking.  The  Soviet  Union  has  aff'ected 
one  of  the  most  far-reaching  cultural  and  educational  advances  in  all  history  and 
among  a  population  which  at  the  start  was  almost  three-fourths  illiterate.  Those 
writers  and  thinkers  whose  books  have  been  burned  by  the  Nazis  are  published  in 
the  Soviet  Union.  Tlie  best  literature  from  Homer  to  Thomas  Mann,  the  best 
thought  from  Aristotle  to  Lenin,  is  available  to  the  masses  of  the  Soviet  people, 
who  themselves  actively  participate  in  the  creation  of  culture. 

8.  It  has  replaced  the  myths  and  superstitions  of  old  Russia  with  the  truths 
and  techniques  of  experimental  science,  extending  scientific  procedures  to  every 
field,  from  economics  to  public  health.  And  it  has  made  science  and  scientific 
study  available  to  the  mass  of  the  people. 

9.  The  Soviet  Union  considers  political  dictatorship  a  transitional  form  and 
has  shown  a  steadily  expanding  democracy  in  every  sphere.  Its  epoch-making 
new  constitution  guarantees  Soviet  citizens  universal  suffrage,  civil  liberties, 
the  right  to  employment,  to  leisure,  to  free  education,  to  free  medical  care,  to 
material  security  in  sickness  and  old  age,  to  equality  of  the  sexes  in  all  fields  of 
activitv,  and  to  equality  of  all  races  and  nationalities. 

10.  In  n^atiou  to  Russia's  past,  the  country  has  been  advancing  rapidly  along 
the  road  of  material  and  cultural  progress  in  ways  that  the  American  people  can 
understand  and  appreciate. 

The  Soviet  Union  has  an  economic  system  different  from  our  own.  But  Soviet 
aims  and  achievements  make  it  clear  that  there  exists  a  sound  and  permanent 
basis  in  mutual  ideals  for  cooperation  between  the  U.  S.  A.  and  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  on 
behalf  of  world  peace  and  the  security  and  freedom  of  all  nations. 



Accordingly,  tlie  signers  of  rliis  letter  ur.ce  Americans  of  whatever  political 
persnasion  to  stand  iirmly  for  close  cooperation  in  tlii.s  sphere  between  the  United 
States  and  Soviet  Russia,  and  to  he  on  yuard  against  any  and  all  attempts  to 
prevent  such  cooperation  in  this  critical  period  in  the  affairs  of  mankind. 

Among  the  400  signers  of  the  open  letter 

Dr.  Thomas  Addes,  professor  of  medi- 
cine,  Leland   Stanford  University 

Helen  Alfred,  executive  director  Na- 
tional Public  Ilousiug  Conference 

Prof.  Newton  Arvin.  professor  of  Kng- 
lish,  Smith  College 

Dr.  Charles  S.  Bacon,  honorary  piesi- 
denr,  American  Russian  Institute. 
Chicago.  111. 

Frank  C.  Bancroft,  editor,  Social  Work 

Maurice  Becker,  artist 

Louis  P.  Birk,  editor,  Modern  Age 
Books,  Inc. 

T.  A.  Bisson,  research  associate,  For- 
eign Policy  Association 

Alice  Stone  Blackwell,  suffragist,  writer 

Marc  B  itzstein,  composer 

Anita  Biock,  Theater  (Juiid  playreader 

Stirling  B  >wen,  i>oet 

Richard  Boyer,  staff  writer.  The  New 

Millen  Brand,  writer 

Simon  Breines,  architect 

Robert  Brirfault,  v.riter 

Prof.  Dorothy  Brewster,  assistant  pro- 
fessor of  English,  Columbia  Univer- 

Prof.  Edwin  Berry  Burgum.  associate 
professor  of  English,  New  York  Uni- 

Fielding  Burke,  writer 

Katherine  Devereaux  Blake,  teacher 

Meta  Berger.  writer,  widow  of  the  first 
Socialist  Congressman 

Prof.  Robert  A.  Brady,  professor  of  eco- 
nomics. University  of  California 

J.  E.  Bromberg,  actor 

Bessie  Beatty,  writer 

Vera  Caspary,  scenaiio  writer 

Maria  Cristina  Chambers,  of  the  Au- 
thors' League 

Prof.  Robert  Chaml)ers,  research  pro- 
fessor of  biology.  New  York  Uni- 

Harold  Clurman.  producer 

Robert  ^I.  Coates.  writer 

Lester  Cohen,  writer 

Kyle  Crichton,  editorial  staff  of  Collier's 

Miriam  Allen  De  Ford,  writer 

Paul  de  Kruif,  writer 

Pietro  di  Donato,  writer 

William  Dodd.  .Jr..  chairman  Anti-Nazi 
Literature  Committee 

Stanley  D.  Dodge,  University  of  INIich- 

Prof.  Dorothy  Douglas,  department  of 
economics.  Smith  College 

are : 

Muriel  Draper,  writer 

Prof.  L.  C.  Dunn,  professor  of  zoology, 
Columbia  University 

Prof,  llaakou  Chevalier,  professor  of 
French,  University  of  Califoriua 

Prof.  George  B.  Cressey,  chairman  of 
the  department  of  geology  and  geog- 
raphy, Syracttse  I'niversity 

Ilariet  G.  Eddy,  library  specialist 

Prof.  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild,  professor 
of  sociology.  New  York  University 

Kenneth  Fearing,  poet 

I'rof.  Mildred  Fairchild,  professor  of 
economics,  Bryn  :Mawr  College 

Alice  Withrow  Field,  writer 

Sara  Bard  Field,  writer 

William  O.  Field,  Jr.,  chairman  of  the 
board,  American  Russian  Institute 

Irving  Fineman,  writer 

Marjorie  Fischer,  writer 

Angel  Flores,  writer,  critic 

Waldo  Frank,  writer 

Wanda  Gao,  artist 

Hugo  Gellert.  artist 

Robert  Ge.ssuer,  department  of  English, 
New  York  University 

Prof.  Willystiue  Goodsell,  associate  pro- 
fessor of  education  (retired),  Colum- 
bia University 

Mortimer  Graves,  of  the  American 
Council  of  Learned  Societies 

Dr.  John  H.  Gray,  economist,  former 
president  of  the  American  Economics 

V\'illiam  Gropper,  artist 

IMaurice  Halperin,  associate  editor, 
Books  Abroad 

Earl  P.  Hanson,  explorer,  writer 

Prof.  Samuel  N.  Harper,  professor  of 
Russian  language  and  institutions, 
Chicago  Universit.v. 

Rev.  Thomas  L.  Harris,  national  execu- 
tive secretary,  American  League  for 
Peace  and  Democracy 

Dashiell  Hammett,  writer 

Ernest   Hemingwa.v 

Granville  Hicks,  writer 

Prof.  Norman  E.  Himes,  department  of 
sociology,  Colgate  University 

Charles  J.  Hendley,  President  Teachers' 
Union  of  the  City  of  New  York 

Leo  Huberman,  writer 

Langston  Hughes,  jwet 

Agatha  Hies,  writer 

Rev.  Otis  G.  Jackson,  rector  of  St.  Paul's 
E])iscopal  Church,  Flint,  Mich. 

Sam  JafFe,  actor 

Orrick  Johns,  poet 

^latthew  Joseph.sou,  writer 


George  Kauffinan,  playwright 

Prof.  Alexander  Kann,  associate  pro- 
fessor of  Slavic  languages,  University 
of  California 

Fred  C.  Kelly,  writer 

Rockwell  Kent,  artist 

Dr.  Jolin  A.  Kingsbury,  social  worker, 
administrative  consultant,  WPA 

Beatrice  Kinkead,  writer 

Lincoln  E.  Kirstein,  ballet  producer 

Arthur  Kober.  playwright 

Alfred  Kreyniborg,  poet 

Edward  Laml>,  lawyer 

Dr.  Corliss  Lamont,  writer,  lecturer 

Margaret  I.  Lamont,  sociologist,  writer 

.7.  J.  Lankes,  artist 

Jay  Leyda,  cinema  critic 

John  Howard  Lawson,  playwright 

Kmil  Lengyel,  writer,  critic 

Prof.  Max  Lerner,  professor  of  govern- 
ment. Williams  College 

Meridel  LeSueur,  writer 

Meyer  Levin,  writer 

Prof.  Charles  W.  Lightbody,  department 
of  government  and  history,  St.  Law- 
rsHice  University 

Robert  Morss  Lovett,  Governor  of  the 
Virgin  Islands,  and  editor  of  The 
New  Republic 

Prof.  Halford  E.  Luccock,  Yale  Univer- 
sity Divinity  School 

Katherine  DuPre  Lumpkin,  writer 

Klaus   Mann,   lecturer,   writer,    son   of 

Thomas  Mann 

Prof.  F.  O.  Mathiessem,  associate  pro- 
fes.sor  of  bistory  of  literature.  Har- 
vard University 

Dr.  Anita  Marburg,  department  of 
P^nglish.  Sai'ah  L:!wrence  College 

Dr.  George  Marshall,  ec(momist 

Aline  MnclNIalion,  actress 

Clifford  T.  McAvoy,  instructor,  depart- 
ment of  romance  languages.  College  of 
the  City  of  New  York 

Prof.  V.  J.  McGill,  professor  of  philoso- 
phy. Hunter  College 

Prof.  Robert  McGregor,  Reed  College 

Rutb  McKenney,  writer 

Darwin  J.  Mesrole,  lawyer 

Prof.  Herbert  A.  Miller,  professor  of 
economics,  Bryn  Mawr  College 

Harvey  O'Connor,  writer 

Clifford  Odets,  playwright 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  would  like  to  call  one  to  the  committee's  at- 
tention, somethino-  I  did  not  suspect  before  I  saw  this  document. 
It  seems  that  on  September  12.  1949,  one  of  these  Communist-front 
organizations  sponsored  a  dinner  for  Henry  A.  Wallace  and,  believe 
it  or  not,  the  convert  charge  was  $10. 

Now,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  understand  that  you  have  hired  a  staff  to 
obtain  the  complete  information  on  anyone  in  the  State  Department 
or  closely  related  agencies  who  is  suspected  of  being  a  bad  security 

Shaemus  O'Sheel  writer,  critic 

Mary  White  Ovington,  social  worker 

S.  J.  Perelmau,  writer 

Dr.  Jolni  P.  I'etei-s,  department  of  in- 
ternal medicine,  Yale  University 
Medical  School 

Dr.  Emily  M.  Pierson,  physician 

Walter  N.  Polakov,  engineer 

Prof.  Alan  Porter,  professor  of  German, 
Vassar  College 

George  D.  Pratt,  Jr.,  agriculturist 

John  Hyde  Preston,  writer 

Samuel  Putnam,  writer 

Prof.  Paul  Radin,  professor  of  anthro- 
pology. University  of  California 

Prof.  Walter  Rautenstrauch,  professor 
of  industrial  engineering,  Columbus 

P.ernard  J.  Reis,  accountant 

Bertha  C.  Reynolds,  social  worker 

Lynn  Riggs,  playwright 

Col.  Raymond  Robins,  former  head  of 
American  Red  Cross  in  Russia 

William  Rollins,  Jr.,  writer 

Harold  J.  Rome,  composer 

Ralph  Roeder,  writer 

Dr.  Joseph  A.  Rosen,  former  head,  Jew- 
ish Joint  Distribution  Board 

Eugene  Schoen,  architect 

Prof.  Margaret  Shlauch,  associate 
p/ofessor  of  English,  New  York  Uni- 

Prof.  Frederick  L.  Scliuman,  professor 
of  government,  Williams  College 

Prof.  Vida  D.  Scudder.  professor  emer- 
itiis  of  English,  Wellesley  College 

George  Seldes,  writer 

Vincent  Sheean,  writer 

Viola  Brothers  Shore,  scenario  writer 

Herman  Shuudin,  producer 

Prof.  Ernest  J.  Sinnuons,  assistant  pro- 
fessor of  English  literature,  Harvard 
T  jiiversity 

Irina  Skariatina,  writer 

Dr.  F.  Tredwell  Smith,  educator 

Dr.  Steplienson  Smitii,  president,  Ore- 
gon Conunonwealth  Federation 

Hester  Sondergaard,  actress 

Isobel  Walker  Soule,  writer,  editor 

Lionel  Stander,  actor 

Cliristina  Stead,  writer 

A.  F.  Steig,  artist 

Alfred  K.  Stern,  housing  specialist 


1  am,  therefore,  subiiiittin<i;  to  the  cliairinan  for  the  attention  of 
the  staff  a  list  of  25  names  which  requires  further  investigation.  All 
of  these  individuals  to  the  best  of  my  knowledoe  are  either  in  the  State 
De]>artment,  or  in  closely  related  a<»encies.  At  least  they  were  very 

Senator  Tydings.  We  will  look  them  up. 

Senator  Mc^Caktiiy.  I  understand  all  of  them  have  been  investi- 
•rated  by  the  Federal  Bureau  of  1  n vest i^fi^t ion  and  that  such  FBI  in- 
vest i<>at  ions  have  developed  information  which  is  now  in  the  files — 
information  which,  accordino-  to  Acheson's  own  "yardstick  of  loyalty" 
would  stamp  many,  if  not  all  of  them,  as  beinj^  bad  security  risks. 

'\^'ith  the  very  limited  staff  which  I  have  available  (and,  as  the 
Chair  knows,  1  have  been  alloc;:ted  no  funds  for  this  investi<2:ation ; 
I  have  been  conducting  it  completely  on  my  own),  it  would  take  me 
a  considerable  period  of  time  to  develop  all  of  the  information  on 
all  of  these  individuals  and  submit  individual  cases  on  each  of  them 
to  the  connnittee. 

I  intend,  of  course,  to  continue  my  investigation  and  assemble  all 
available  information  which  comes  to  my  attention  on  any  of  these 
individuals,  which  information  shall  be  available  to  the  staff  of  this 

In  the  meantime,  in  order  to  get  things  started,  I  believe  the  staff 
might  well  start  checking  on  these  individuals.  Obviously,  the  staff 
could  do  a  much  speedier  job  in  that  the  files,  which  are  not  easily 
available  to  me,  will  be  available  to  the  committee. 

Xone  of  the  names  which  I  now  hand  the  Chair  covers  the  cases 
which  I  covered  on  the  Senate  floor. 

Let  me  make  that  clear.  These  are  additional  names,  some  I  had 
not  had  time  to  develop  when  I  made  the  speech  on  the  Senate  floor. 

vSenator  Tytoxgs.  AYe  are  glad  to  have  them.  We  will  look  into 
them,  examine  the  files,  and  make  a  report. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  thank  the  chairman. 

I  shall  continue  to  develop  as  much  information  on  those  cases  as 
possilde  and  will,  of  course,  submit  to  the  connnittee  all  such  informa- 
tion as  soon  as  I  have  it  properly  documented. 

I  have  remaining  a  considerable  amount  of  information  on  the  bal- 
ance of  these  cases  covered  on  the  Senate  floor,  which  information  is 
being  assembled  as  rapidly  as  possible  and  put  into  shape  to  be  pre- 
sented to  the  committee.  This  task  will  be  completed  as  soon  as 

I  now  give  the  Chair,  if  I  may,  these  names. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Those  are  the  keys? 

Senator  McCarthy.  Those  are  the  25  names  that  have  bad  informa- 
tion in  their  files,  information  which  indicates  they  should  not  be 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  am  very  ho])eful  that  we  can  get  our  staff  under 
way  some  time  during  the  week,  and  I  would  like  to  consult  the  Sena- 
tor as  to  his  convenience  when  he  will  give  us  in  executive  session, 
as  he  said  he  would,  the  names  of  the  81  people,  some  of  whom  he 
has  since  given  us  in  public,  but  all  of  the  81  cases  that  he  delineated 
on  the  Senate  floor,  so  that  we  may  key  the  names  to  the  information 
which  the  Senator  has  given  ns,  and  when  we  request  the  files,  make 
sure  that  we  are  requesting  them  for  all  the  people  that  he  has  men- 
tioned in  his  testimony. 


I  would  like  to  say  to  tlie  Senator  that  it  would  be  very  helpful  to 
the  committee  if  we  could  get  all  of  the  names  at  one  time,  for  this 
reason :  I  would  like  to  make  the  request  in  writing,  confidentially  of 
course,  to  the  proper  authorities  for  all  of  these  files  at  one  time,  and 
provide  a  safe  place,  arranged  as  they  come  from  different  depart- 
ments, where  they  can  all  be  assembled  in  one  room,  so  that  if  the 
Civil  Service  files  or  State  Department  or  any  other  files  are  needed, 
we  will  have  them  all  in  one  place,  where  we  can  make  a  thorough 
and  complete  investigation  of  a  case  without  having  to  go  from  one 
de])artment  to  another,  and  I  am  sure  the  Senator  will  want  it  done 

that  way. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think  it  is  an  excellent  idea. 

Senator  Tydings.  But  unless  we  have  all  of  the  files  in  one  room  at 
the  start,  it  will  take  us  much  longer  than  we  need  to  do  it.  So  I  will 
ask  the  Senator,  as  I  said,  at  his  convenience,  in  executive  session, 
today  if  he  would  like  to,  or  tomorrow,  if  he  will  not  give  us  the 
keys'so  that  we  can  turn  them  over  to  counsel  and  our  staff  and  begin 
the  operation  of  assembling  these  files. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Let  me  say  to  the  Chair  that  as  soon  as  I  have 
all  the  information  assembled  which  I  have— I  think  I  have  con- 
siderable information  of  benefit  to  your  staff. 

Senator  Tydings.  We  would  like  to  have  it. 

Senator  McCarthy.  It  will  all  l)e  turned  over  with  the  names.  I 
have  given  you  the  names  of  25  that  I  consider  very  important,  25  that 
I  have  not  been  able  to  develop  beyond  the  point  of  knowing  that  the 
files  are  valuable.  The  files  show  that  the  FBI  has  given  information 
which,  so  far  as  I  know,  makes  them  bad  security  risks  under  Ache- 
son's  own  yardstirlv.  The  staff  will  have  plenty  to  do  on  those  25 
and  will  have  no  difficulty  at  all,  I  am  sure,  in  transmitting  to  the 
staff  information  which  I  have.  I  am  sure  we  will  get  along  on  that 
very  well. 

I  might  say  that  before  I  turn  over  the  Senate  floor  cases  1  want 
to  check  all  of  the  information,  document  it,  and  give  it  to  you.  There 
seems  to  be  a  great  deal  of  interest,  and  rightly  so,  on  the  part  of 
people  as  to  just  the  extent  of  the  information  we  have  on  those  par- 
ticular cases. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  would  say  to  the  Senator  that  during  the  course 
of  this  proceeding  if  he  will  come  to  me  with  any  additional  matter 
that  he  has  not  given  to  us  at  the  start,  we  will  be  glad  to  have  it. 

In  order  that  there  may  be  no  misunderstanding  about  it,  I  would 
appreciate  it  if  the  Senator  would  hand  it  personally  to  me  until 
such  time  as  I  can  designate  somebody  else  to  hand  it  to  in  the  event 
that  I  am  not  available  at  the  moment. 

As  I  understand  it,  the  Senator  has  now  placed  his  case  before  us. 
and  he  wants  us  to  go  ahead  and  investigate  these  loyalty  files  and 

Senator  McCarthy.  You  understand  that  I  have  a  sizable  number 
of  additional  cases  to  lav  before  the  Senator,  work  that  will  take,  I 
assume,  2  or  3  or  4  days.  ^  Whether  the  Chair  will  want  it  in  executive 
session  or  in  public  I  frankly  do  not  care. 

Senator  Tydings.  How  does  the  Senator  want  to  do  it  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  think,  Mr.  Chairman,  when  we  refer  to  men 
like  John  Service,  Owen  Lattimore,  individuals  of  top  importance, 
I  believe  any  facts  which  we  have  with  regard  to  them  definitely 


should  1)0  made  public.  1  think  those  morals  cases,  which  also  are 
extremely  bad  security  risks,  obviously  should  be  made  in  executive 
session.  Then  there  is  an  area  in  between  which  I  frankly  don't  care 
Avhotlier  they  are  made  in  public  or  executive  session. 

1  miirht  say  this,  outside  of  the  top  men,  like  Hanson,  who  is  taking 
over  this  point  4  program,  Lattimore.  and  several  other  names  that 
I  think  should  be  given  in  ])ublic.  I  think  the  names  better  be  given 
in  executive  session,  now  that  you  have  a  staff  to  check  on  them.  That 
is  merely  my  suggestion. 

I  might  say  to  the  Chair  I  would  like  to  see  the  Chair  follow  through 
his  suugestion  this  afternoon.  I  can  give  him  information  which 
1  think^ 

Senator  Tydings.  I  am  going  to  ask  the  Senator  if  he  won't  hold 
that  information  until  tomorrow,  because  I  have  no  place  to  keep  it. 
1  prefer  to  have  the  Senator  keep  it  until  tomorrow,  until  I  can  make 
some  definite  arrangements  for  quarters  and  one  or  two  other  things, 
protecting  the  information  we  get  and  so  on. 

What  I  would  like  to  know  is,  does  the  Senator  want  us  to  go  ahead 
now.  or  does  he  want  us  to  sit  to  hear  more  things  ? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  have  considerable  more,  Mr.  Chairman, 
but  I  would  like  some  time  to  develop  the  cases  so  I  can  present  them 
in  chronological  order,  with  all  the  information  I  have.  That  wall  take 
me  time. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  am  not  questioning  it.  I  am  just  trying  to  find 
out  to  acconnnodate  the  Senator.  When  does  he  think  he  will  want 
to  have  this  stuff  available,  and  how  does  he  want  to  deliver  it  to  us? 
Does  he  want  to  do  it  in  a  session  such  as  we  are  in  now,  or  does  he 
want  to  hand  it  to  the  committee  for  investigation?  There  are  five 
of  us  on  the  committee.  Whatever  way  the  Senator  wants  to  do  it, 
we  will  try  to  accommodate  him.  We  will  leave  that  up  to  his  judg- 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  thank  the  Chair,  and  as  I  get  the  other  cases 
in  shape  I  will  contact  the  Chair,  and  I  am  sure  we  can  work  out  some- 
thing completely  satisfactory  to  both  the  committee  and  myself  as  to 
how  the  further  facts  will  be  presented. 

Senator  Tydtxgs.  In  order  to  make  the  record  straight,  I  put  in 
the  record  the  first  day,  cut  out,  the  case  numbers  from  1  to  81, 1  think 
it  was,  and  put  those  in  the  record  so  that  vce  would  have  that  already 
as  a  part  of  the  testimony,  and  I  take  it  for  granted  the  Senator  wants 
that  made  a  part  of  his  sworn  testimony. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  no  not  mind  having  it  made  part  of  the 
recf)rd.  If  the  chairman  wants  me  to  repeat  any  of  it  under  oath,  I 
will  be  glad  to  do  so. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  do  not  want  you  to  repeat  it.  I  want  to  know 
what  category  it  is  in.  I  want  to  know  whether  you  desire  it  to  be 
part  of  your  sworn  testimony.  We  can  put  it  in  as  a  part  of  the  Con- 
gressional Record,  or  we  can  put  it  in  as  part  of  his  sworn  testimony. 
Which  would  he  prefer? 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  do  not  follow  the  chairman.  The  chairman 
has  ])ut  the  evidence  in  the  record.  That  is  the  committee's  testimony. 
If  I  see  fit  to  put  any  testimony  in,  I  will  put  it  in.  Do  you  follow 


Senator  Tydings.  AVliat  I  meant  was,  the  Senator  gave  us  81  cases 
on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  I  am  not  trying  to  take  any  advantage  of 
the  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  Senator  would  have  difficulty  doing  that. 

Senator  Ttdings.  I  believe  I  would,  and  I  would  not  do  it  if  1 
could.  I  would  like  the  Senator  to  believe  that.  I  want  him  to  have 
a  fair  chance  here  in  every  sense  of  the  word. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  sure  the  Chair  does. 

Senator  Tydings.  He  delineated  81  cases  on  the  floor  of  the  Sen- 
ate, which  I  have  put  in  the  record.  I  see  no  reason  \A'hy  they  should 
not  be  a  part  of  the  Senator's  sworn  testimou}',  that  he  is  bringing 
those  cases  before  the  committee. 

Senator  McCarthy.  The  only  way  you  can  make  those  part  of  the 
sworn  testimony,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  to  ask  me  to  repeat  them.  You  can- 
not make  an  oath  retroactive.  I  do  not  follow  the  Chair  at  all,  and 
I  assume  the  Chair  is  not  a  lawyer.  There  is  no  way  of  making  an 
oath  retroactive.  If  the  Chair  wants  me  to  repeat  what  I  said  on  the 
Senate  floor,  under  oath,  I  will  be  glad  to  come  in  and  do  that.  There 
is  no  possible  way  the  Chair  can  put  things  in  the  record  and  say 
"Now  will  you  consider  that  as  part  of  your  testimony  under  oath?" 

Let's  make  this  clear.  If  the  Chair  wants  me  to  come  back  here 
at  any  time  and  repeat  any  part  or  all  of  what  I  said  on  the  Senate 
floor,  and  do  it  under  oath,  I  will  be  glad  to  do  it.  I  am  not  going 
to  try  to  indulge  in  some  completely  impossible  and  ridiculous  proce- 
dure of  trying  to  make  an  oath  retroactive. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  have  no  disposition  to  make  it  retroactive. 
What  I  thouglit  was,  the  Senator  has  testified  under  oath.  He  has 
also  delineated  certain  cases  on  the  Senate  floor.  I  simply  wanted 
to  ask  him  if  the  remarks  he  made  on  the  Senate  floor,  and  which  are 
now  a  part  of  tlie  record,  he  wishes  included  in  his  sworn  testimony, 
or  wlietlier  he  wishes  them  not  included  in  the  sworn  testimony.  That 
is  all  I  asked  the  Senator. 

Senator  McCarthy.  Mr.  Chairman,  regardless  of  what  my  wishes 
are,  the  only  way  I  can  make  them  part  of  the  sworn  testimony  is  to 
swear  to  them,  either  in  affidavit  form  or  repeat  them.  If  the  Chair 
desii-es  them  put  in  affidavit  form,  if  he  wants  me  to  repeat  them,  I 
will  be  glad  to  take  that  up  with  him.  Otlierwise,  the  Chair  has 
introduced  them. 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right,  if  the  Senator  does  not  want  to  make 
them  part  of  his  sworn  testimony. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  will  make  it  part  of  my  sworn  testimony 
if  the  Chair  wants  me  to  come  in  and  repeat  it.  There  is  no  way 
of  making  an  oath  retroactive. 

Senator  Tydings.  Certainly  there  is.  All  he  needs  to  say  is  "All 
the  things  I  gave  in  these  cases  on  the  Senate  floor  I  would  like 
considered  a  part  of  my  sworn  testimony."  It  is  just  as  simple  as 
that.     There  is  no  trick  about  that. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  am  telling  the  Chair  it  can't  be  done,  but 
if  he  wants  me  to  come  in  and  read  that  part  of  the  Congressional 
Record  under  oath,  I  will  be  glad  to  do  that  at  any  time,  this  after- 

Senator  TvmNGS.  I  was  asked  by  some  committee  members  to  ask 
that  c}uestion  of  the  Senator,  and  I  have  discharged  my  obligation 
to  them. 


Wlioiiever  tlie  Senator  wants  to  return  to  the  stand,  all  he  has  to  do 
is  to  tell  the  chairman. 

Senator  McCarthy.  I  thank  the  chairman  very  much. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  would  like  to  ask  if  Jud<ie  Dorothy  Kenyon  is 
in  the  room  ^  I  don't  know  her.  She  may  have  some  friends  in  the 
room.  AVe  are  counting  on  hearing  her  at  2  :  30  this  afternoon  unless 
when  I  get  to  my  office  I  find  she  has  requested  a  postponement  to 
another  day.  So  far  I  have  received  no  such  message,  so  unless  that 
is  received,  we  will  proceed,  as  scheduled  yesterday,  at  2:  30,  to  hear 
Judge  Kenyon. 

(Whereupon,  at  12:  20  p.  m.,  a  recess  was  taken  until  2:30  p.  m.  of 
the  same  day.) 


Senator  Tydings.  The  committee  will  come  to  order. 

For  the  record,  the  day  that  Senator  ^IcCarthy  testified,  bringing 
in  the  name  of  Miss,  or  Judge  Dorothy  Kenyon,  I  received  a  telegram, 
either  that  daj'  or  the  following  morning,  I  think  that  night,  in  which 
^liss  Kenyon  asked  me  to  accord  her  the  privilege  of  a  hearing. 

I  inmiediately  replied  and  told  her  that  I  would  be  glad  to  set  Tues- 
day, today,  as  the  time  when  she  might  come  before  this  committee 
and  answer  any  remarks  or  charges  which  Senator  ISIcCarthy  had 
made,  and  asked  her  was  that  satisfactory. 

I  immediately  received  another  telegram  from  Judge  Kenyon  in 
which  she  said  Tuesday  would  be  satisfactory,  and  she  is  here  in  re- 
sponse to  those  telegi'ams. 

So  that  Judge  Kenyon  may  know  what  the  powers  of  this  com- 
mittee are,  and  what  its  duty  is,  and  I  think  we  owe  it  to  her,  she 
may  not  have  seen  the  formal  resolution  which  brought  us  into  being, 
I  would  like  to  read  it  before  she  testifies. 

This  is  Senate  Resolution  231.  It  was  agreed  to  on  February  22, 
1950.     The  resolution  reads  as  follows : 

That  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  or  any  duly  authorized 
subcommittee  thereof,  is  authorized  and  directed  to  conduct  a  full  and  complete 
study  and  investigation  as  to  whether  persons  who  are  disloyal  to  the  United 
States  are  or  have  been  employed  by  the  Department  of  State.  The  committee 
shall  report  to  the  Senate  at  the  earliest  practicable  date  the  results  of  its 
investigation,  .together  with  such  reconnuendations  as  it  may  deem  desirable, 
and  if  said  recommendations  are  to  include  formal  chai-ges  of  disloyalty  against 
any  individual,  then  the  committee,  before  making  said  recommendations,  shall 
give  said  individual  open  hearings  for  the  purpose  of  taking  evidence  or  testi- 
mony on  said  charges.  In  the  conduct  of  this  study  and  investigation,  the  com- 
mittee is  directed  to  procure,  by  sul»pena,  and  examine  tlie  complete  loyalty 
and  employment  files  and  records  of  all  the  Government  employees  in  the 
Department  of  State  and  such  other  agencies  against  whom  charges  have  been 

Senator  McCarthy,  on  the  first  day  he  appeared  before  our  com- 
mittee in  open  hearing,  made  certain  statements.  Judge  Kenyon,  in 
which  your  name  was  drawn. 

You  are  now  at  liberty  to  proceed  to  answer  them  in  such  manner 
as  you  deem  fit. 

Before  you  testify,  will  you  stand  and  raise  your  right  hand. 

Do  you  solemnly  promise  that  the  testimony  you  shall  give  m  this 
matter  pending  before  the  committee,  in  accordance  with  Senate 
Resolution  231,  shall  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but 
the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 


Miss  Kenton.  I  do. 

Senator  Tydings.  Take  a  seat,  Judge.    You  may  proceed. 


]\tiss  Ken  YON.  Thank  you  very  much,  Mr.  Chairman,  for  giving 
me  this  opportunity  to  appear. 

My  name  is  Dorothy  Kenyon.  I  live  at  No.  433  West  Twenty-first 
Street,  New  York  City.  I  am  a  practicing  lawyer  with  offices  located 
at  No.  50  Broadway,  New  York  City. 

When  I  was  informed  of  the  accusations  that  were  made  against 
me  before  this  subconnnittee  last  week,  I  did  explode.  Doubtless  my 
indignation  led  me  to  make  some  impulsive  remarks  in  unparliamen- 
tary language.  Reflection,  and  a  recollection  refreshed  by  such  in- 
vestigation as  I  could  make  in  the  interim,  now  permits  a  more  dis- 
passionate approach.  However,  nothing  can  diminish  the  deep 
resentment  I  feel  that  such  outrageous  charges  should  be  publicized 
before  this  subcommittee  and  broadcast  over  the  entire  Nation  without 
any  notice  or  warning  to  me. 

My  answer  to  these  charges  is  short,  simple,  and  direct.  I  am  not, 
and  never  have  been  disloyal.  I  am  not  and  never  have  been,  a 
Communist.  I  am  not,  and  never  have  been  a  fellow  traveler.  I  am 
not,  and  never  have  been,  a  supporter  of,  a  member  of,  or  a  sympathizer 
with  any  organization  known  to  me  to  be,  or  suspected  by  me  of  benig, 
controlled  or  dominated  by  Communists.  As  emphatically  and  un- 
reservedly as  possible,  I  deny  any  connection  of  any  kind  or  character 
with  connnunism  or  its  adherents.  If  this  leaves  anything  iinsaid  to 
indicate  my  total  and  complete  detestation  of  that  political  philosophy, 
it  is  only  because  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  express  my  sentiments. 
T  mean  my  denial  to  be  all-inclusive. 

So  absolute  a  negation  of  the  charges  should  be  supplemented  with 
an  equally  positive,  but  brief,  affirmation  of  what  I  am  and  have 


I  received  my  A.  B.  degree  from  Smith  College  and  my  law  degree- 
doctor  juris — from  New  York  University  Law  School.  I  am  a  member 
of  Phi  "Beta  Kap])a  and  have  been  for  several  years  a  senator  of  the 
United  Chapters  of  Phi  Beta  Kappa. 

I  come  of  a  f  amilv  of  lawyers,  my  father  having  been  a  patent  laywer 
in  New  York  City  where  my  brothers  and  a  cousin  now  practice  under 
the  firm  name  of  Kenyon  &  Kenyon.  My  father's  cousin,  William  S. 
Kenyon,  was  for  many  years  a  member  of  the  United  States  Senate 
and  later  a  Federal  judge  in  Iowa. 

I  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  1917  and  have  practiced  law  continually 
ever  since,  except  during  certain  periods  when  I  held  public  office. 
Mine  is  a  general  practice.  I  am  a  member  of  the  Bar  Association  of 
the  City  of  New  York,  the  New  York  County  Lawyers'  Association, 
the  New  York  State  Bar  Association,  the  American  Bar  Association, 
the  National  Women  Lawyers'  .Association,  the  American  Society  of 
International  Law,  the  American  Branch  of  the  International  Law 
Association  and  several  others. 

I  have  held  public  office  three  times,  first  from  June  1,  1936,  to  De- 
cember 31,  1937,  2  years,  as  deputy  commissioner  of  licenses  by  ap- 
pointment of  Mayor  Fiorello  LaGuardia  :  second  from  January  1, 


1939,  to  December  31,  1939,  1  year,  as  municipal  court  judge  in  New 
York  City,  also  by  appointment  of  JNIayor  LaGuardia;  and  third, 
from  January  1,  1947.  to  December  31,  1949,  as  United  States  delegate 
to  the  Connnission  on  the  Status  of  Women  of  the  United  Nations, 
by  appointment  of  President  Truman,  ratified  and  confirmed  by  the 
Senate.  I  was  also  appointed  in  January  1938  by  the  League  of 
Nations  as  one  of  a  Connnission  of  seven  jurists — of  whom  I  was  the 
only  American — to  study  the  legal  status  of  women  throughout  the 
world.  This  Connnission  continued  to  operate  until  the  war  made 
further  communication  between  its  members  impossible.  I  have  also 
served  on  a  number  of  governmentally  appointed  commissions  and 
connnittees  dealing  with  such  varied  subjects  as  the  regulation  of 
employment  agencies,  minimum-wage  legislation,  consumer-cooper- 
ative corporations,  problems  growing  out  of  the  wartime  employment 
of  women,  et  cetera.  I  have  also  done  a  small  amount  of  labor  arbi- 

My  interest  in  good  government  led  me  early  into  the  ranks  of  the 
League  of  Women  Voters,  of  which  I  have  been  a  member  for  almost 
30  years  and  which  I  have  served  in  many  capacities  and  offices.  It 
also  led  me  into  the  Citizens  Union  of  New  York,  of  whose  executive 
committee  I  have  been  a  member  for  almost  20  years.  When  the 
American  Labor  Party  was  formed  in  New  York  I  was  one  of  its 
earliest  members,  but  I  left  it  after  our  efforts  to  save  it  from  Com- 
munist domination  finally  failed. 

I  have  here,  Mr.  Chairman,  an  exhibit,  copies  of  which  I  am  giving 
to  all  the  members  of  the  subconnnittee ;  it  is  dated,  the  Daily  News, 
Wednesday,  February  14,  1940.  It  is  announcing  the  setting  up  of  a 
committee  to  fight  the  Communist  attempt  to  capture  the  Labor  Party, 
and  I  was  one  of  the  vice  presidents  of  that  organization. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Would  you  pause  until  we  can  look  at  the  exhibit? 

Miss  Kenyox.  Yes. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Do  you  want  to  read  it  in,  yourself? 

Miss  Kexyon.  No,  no,  I  have  read  everything,  Mr.  Chairman,  that 
is  of  importance;  and  I  am  leaving  the  whole  statement  with  the  ex- 
hibits attached.     I  have  a  number  of  other  exhibits. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Just  a  moment. 

Miss  Kexyox.  Yes. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  Miss  Kenyon,  would  you  be  kind  enough  to 
identify  for  us,  this  document  again,  and  to  tell  us  in  a  brief  way,  for 
the  information  of  the  press,  who  may  not  have  copies  of  it,  and  who 
want  to  know — briefly  what  is  it  all  about  ? 

Miss  Kexyox.  Yes.  It  is  a  statement  that  appeared  in  the  Daily 
News,  a  New  York  newspaper,  on  Wednesday,  February  14,  1940, 
announcing  the  setting  up  of  a  liberal  and  labor  committee  to  safe- 
guard the  American  Labor  Party  and  to  fight  the  Communists'  attempt 
to  capture  that  labor  party,  and  my  name  is  there  listed  as  one  of  the 
vice  chairmen. 

I  am  simply  offering  that  as  documentary  evidence. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  think  that  identification  is  sufficient.  It  will  be 
accepted  as  exhibit  49. 

I  will  say  to  the  press :  I  will  leave  a  copy  here  on  the  table,  as  we 
have  some  extra  ones,  and  should  you  gentlemen  wish  to  familiarize 
yourselves  with  this  to  a  greater  extent,  go  ahead. 

All  right,  Judge  Kenyon,  proceed. 


Miss  Kenyon.  I  am  now  an  enrolled  Democrat.  I  am  also  a  member 
of  Americans  for  Democratic  Action. 

My  interest  in  civil  liberties  led  me  equally  early  into  the  ranks 
of  the  American  Civil  Liberties  Union,  of  which  I  have  been  a  member 
of  the  board  for  almost  20  years.  In  that  connection  I  have  fought 
on  many  civil  liberties  issues  and  have  participated  in  many  briefs 
amicus  in  defense  of  the  bill  of  rights. 

My  interest  in  education,  in  labor  problems,  and  in  the  problems 
of  women  made  me  an  early  membei'  of  the  American  Association  of 
University  Women,  of  which  I  am  now  second  vice  president.  I  am 
also  a  member  of  the  national  board  of  the  Young  Women's  Catholic 
Association,  a  director  of  the  Women's  City  Club  of  New  York,  the 
Association  for  the  Aid  of  Crippled  Children,  and  the  Committee  of 
Women  in  World  Affairs.  I  was  also  for  many  years  on  the  board 
of  the  Consumers'  League  of  New  York  and  was  for  a  time  its  presi- 
dent.    I  am  also  a  member  of  numerous  other  women's  organizations. 

I  am,  and  always  have  been,  an  independent,  liberal  Rooseveltian 
Democrat,  devoted  to  and  actively  working  for  such  causes  as  the 
improvement  of  the  living  and  working  conditions  of  labor  and  the 
preservation  of  civil  liberties.  To  the  latter  cause  especially  I  have 
given  much  time  and  attention  and  have  made  speeches  on  that  subject 
for  many  years  in  various  parts  of  the  country.  At  times  I  have 
espoused  unpopular  causes  in  that  connection  and  have  probably  made 
some  enemies  of  those  who  disagreed  with  my  views. 

I  am,  and  always  have  been,  an  ardent,  outspoken  American  citizen, 
yielding  to  no  one  in  my  admiration  of  the  great  privileges  this  coun- 
try offers  to  all  its  sons  and  daughters,  and  determined  to  do  all  I 
can  to  maintain  those  privileges  inviolate  forever.  I  am,  and  always 
have  been,  unalterably  opposed  to  anyone  who  advocates  the  overthrow 
of  onr  Government  by  force  or  violence,  or  who  otherwise  engages 
in  subversive  activities  or  entertains  subversive  ideas. 

I  am  not  content  to  rely  on  these  general  denials  and  observations, 
however,  and  I  therefore  proceed  to  deal  more  specifically  with  the 
charges  against  me.  In  substance,  as  I  understand  it,  it  is  claimed 
that  it  can  be  established  by  documentary  proof  that  I  have  been  at 
some  time  a  member  of  28  or  more  Communist-front  organizations 
and  therefore  stand  convicted  under  the  doctrine  of  guilt  by  asso- 

Thus  far  I  have  not  been  confronted  with  this  documentary  proof 
and  as  I  am  totally  unaware  of  the  contents  of  most  of  the  documents, 
I  am  in  no  position  to  make  an}^  categorical  denials  or  assertions 
regarding  such  statements  as  they  may  contain.  Here  and  now,  how- 
ever, I  can  and  do  state,  with  the  absolute  confidence  borne  of  my 
personal  and  positive  knowledge,  that  there  does  not  exist  and  never 
has  existed  any  genuine  document  that  proves,  or  even  tends  to  prove, 
that  I  have  ever  knowingly  joined  or  sponsored  or  participated  in 
the  activities  of  au}^  organization  known  to  me  to  be  even  slightly 

Frankness  and  caution  ndmonish  ?ne  to  nvoid  ''T'eatino;  fa^se  impres- 
sions or  otherwise  putting  myself  in  the  i)Osition  of  the  lady  who 
protested  too  much.  I  cannot  and  do  not  deny  that  my  name  may 
have  been  used,  even  at  times  with  my  consent,  in  connection  with 
organizations  that  later  proved  to  be  subversive  but  which,  at  the 
time,  seemed  to  be  engaged  in  activities  or  dedicated  to  objectives 


M-hich  I  could  ami  did  approve.  Nevertheless  1  challenge  and  defy 
anyone  to  ])rove  that  I  ever  joined,  or  sponsoi-ed,  or  continued  to 
identify  myself  with  any  organizations  or  individuals  1  knew,  or 
had  reason  to  believe,  were  subversive. 

I  do  not  even  know  the  names  of  all  the  28  or  more  Communist- 
front  organizations  I  am  sup})osed  to  have  joined.  I  have  taken  the 
list  of  organizations  from  the  ])ublished  reports  in  the  press.  The 
names  may  not  be  quite  accurate,  and  the  list  is  apparently  incom- 
plete, or  else  my  arithmetic  is  w^rong.  It  is  impossible  for  me  to 
identify  some  of  the  names  and  events  described  in  those  charges. 
I  have  done  the  best  I  could,  however,  in  the  brief  time  since  hearing 
of  them  and  have  searched  my  files,  and  my  own  menior}^  in  respect 
to  each  one.  If  any  further  organizations  are  alluded  to  today  I  shall 
ask  the  committee's  indulgence  for  time  to  investigate  and  make  my 
replies  thereon  at  a  later  date. 

Senator  Ttdings.  That  will  be  granted. 

Miss  Kexyox.  Thank  you  very  much. 

First,  let  me  deny  acquaintance  with  practically  every  one  of  the 
l^ersons  mentioned  in  the  charges  as  being  "familiar  company"'  to  me, 
"collaborator,"  or  "fellow  red.''  I  do  not  know  and  have  never  to 
my  knowledge  laid  eyes  on  Bernard  J.  Stern,  Albert  Maltz,  Anna 
Louise  Strong.  William  Gropper,  Langston  Hughes,  Hewlett  John- 
son, Ben  Gold,  Lee  Pressmen,  Whittaker  Chambers,  Howard  Fast, 
Saul  Mills,  Ella  Winter,  John  Howard  Lawson,  Henry  H.  Collins, 
Rockwell  Kent,  Lewis  Merrill,  Mervyn  Rathborne,  Dirk  J.  Struick, 
Harry  Bridges,  Paul  P.  Crosbie,  Benjamin  J.  Davis,  Charles  Krum- 
bein,  Morris  Y.  Schappes,  Simon  W.  Gerson,  Loids  Weinstock,  Irving 
Potash,  Helen  Selden,  or  Josephine  Herbst. 

I  once  heard  Paul  Robeson  sing  at  a  concert.  Harry  F.  Ward  was, 
in  the  thirties — before  its  Communist  purge —  chairman  of  the  board 
of  the  American  Civil  Liberties  Union  and  I  of  course  knew  him 
there.  Corliss  Lamont  is  still  on  its  board.  I  met  Carol  King  years 
ago,  before  she  went  "left,''  but  I  have  seen  hardly  anything  of  her 
in  many  years.  Arthur  Kallet's  name  I  vaguely  remember,  as  I 
vaguely  remember  Consumer's  Union,  but  he  and  it  date  back  in  my 
memory  at  least  15  years  and,  if  he  were  a  Communist  then,  I  did  not 
know  it. 

I  may  be  -pardoned  for  putting  the  other  names  mentioned  in  a 
different  category.  They  are  Mrs.  Dean  Acheson,  Stanley  Isaacs, 
Philij)  Jessup,  and  Franklin  Delano  Roosevelt.  I  am  proud  to  say 
I  have  had  a  slight  acquaintance  with  them  all. 

To  re})eat,  the  rest  are  unknown  to  me,  except  as  above  mentioned, 
and  the  innuendoes  as  to  my  relationship  with  them  absolutely  false. 

Now  for  the  organizations  themselves. 

I  begin  with  the  League  of  Women  Shoppers  because  my  connec- 
tion with  that  organization,  which  was  set  up  to  investigate  labor  dis- 
putes, is  ancient  history  and  it  was  also  very  short  lived.  Evelyn 
Preston  Baldwin,  wife  of  Roger  Baldwin,  and  a  close  friend  of  mine, 
became  its  ])resident  at  its  founding  in  lOo.")  or  thereabouts.  I  was  a 
sponsor.  We  both  withdreAv  a  year  or  bO  later.  I  remember  that  1  did 
so  because  I  did  not  approve  the  way  the  investigations  ^vere  being 
handled.    If  it  was  Communist  then,  neither  of  us  knew  about  it. 

The  Political  Prisoners'  Bail  Fund  Committee  is  also  ancient  his- 


I  have  no  documentation  on  this  organization  in  my  files  but  I  re- 
member that  I  served  as  sponsor  for  a  short  time  at  the  request  ot 
Koo-er  Baldwin.  Mr.  Baldwin,  who  was  a  trustee  ot  the  tund,  tells 
me^'that  he  and  others  set  it  up  about  1925,  to  write  bail  ma  great 
variety  of  worthy  cases,  some  may  possibly  have  involved  Commu- 
nists but  most  of' them  definitely  did  not.  It  was  liquidated,  he  tells 
me,  about  1934.  He  regarded  it  as  wholly  nonpartisan  and  non-Com- 
munist. It  is  significant  that  it  is  apparently  not  on  any  subversive 
list  It  is  described  in  the  charges  merely  as  subsidiary  to  the  inter- 
national Labor  Defense,  which  is  on  the  subversive  list.  The  connec- 
tion between  them  is  not  stated. 

The  Consumer's  Union  is  also  ancient  history.  I  have  never  repre- 
sented Consumer's  Union.  I  had  acted  as  attorney  for  Consumer  s 
Research  in  its  incorporation  and  for  several  years  thereafter,  prior 
to  1935,  but  I  never  acted  for  Consumer's  Union.  Consumer  s  Union 
came  into  existence,  as  I  recall  it,  following  a  strike  and  split-up  of 
the  business  into  two  organizations.  They  both  test  merchandise  and 
give  advice  as  to  good  buys.  This  is  where  I  had  my  short  acquaint- 
ance with  Arthur  Kallet.  He  was  with  Consumer's  Research  and, 
later,  with  Consimier's  Union.  t  c   ^ 

The  Conference  on  Pan-American  Democracy  comes  next,  i  Una  a 
letterhead  in  my  file  listing  me  as  a  sponsor  of  this  organization,  dated 
March  4, 1939,  along  with  now  Senator  Paul  A.  Douglas,  John  Haynes 
Holmes,  Quincy  Howe,  Stanley  Isaacs,  and  Dr.  Ralph  W.  Sockman, 
all  friends  of  mine.  I  remember  almost  nothing  about  this  organiza- 
tion except  that  I  think  I  may  have  spoken  before  it  in  1938  or  there- 
abouts I  have  never  heard  of  it  since.  I  certainly  had  no  idea  at  that 
time  that  it  was  Communist,  and  I  am  sure  my  other  sponsor  friends 

had  no  such  idea  either.  .        o-.t^-ji-        t 

Now  for  the  National  Council  of  American-Soviet  Friendship,  i 
was  never  a  member  of  this  organization,  but  I  became  a  sponsor  ot 
it_alon(r  with  many  distinguished  people— at  the  height  of  the  war 
effort— in  1943, 1  think  it  was— when  the  Russians  were  making  their 
stand  before  Stalingrad  and  many  of  us  believed  that  friendship  with 
the  people  of  Russia  was  both  possible  and  good.  I  withdrew  my 
sponsorship  some  3  years  later,  when  I  had  become  convinced  that  the 
ortranization  was  no  longer  being  used  for  the  purposes  stated  m  its 
title  Not  long  ago  a  friend  told  me  that  my  name  had  not  been  re- 
moved from  the  sponsor's  list  as  I  had  requested,  and  I  wrote  demand- 
ing its  removal.    I  quote  that  letter : 

Gentlemen  :  I  am  advised  that  you  are  still  carrying  my  name  on  your  letter- 
head as  a  sponsor  of  your  organization.  .  f 
I  became  a  sponsor  in  194:?  or  1!>44  when  the  Germans  were  at  the  gates  ot 
Stalingrad  and  the  United  States  was  de-.-p  in  admiration  of  the  great  courage 
of  the  Russian  people.  Anything  which  looked  toward  genuine  friendship 
between  the  peop'es  of  our  two  countries  was  highly  desirable.  Since  then, 
aiowever  vour  policv,  as  I  have  had  occasion  to  observe  it  in  the  press,  has 
had  less  and  less  to  do  wirh  developmeut  of  genuine  friendship  between  the  peoples 
of  our  two  countries  and  more  and  more  to  do  with  mere  apologetics  for  the 
Russian  Government,  which  you  have  supported  no  less  consistently  than  you 
have  attacked  the  United  States.  This  is  no  way  to  build  friendship  and  it 
makes  a  mockerv  of  vour  name  and  alleged  purposes.  My  sponsorship  ot  the 
council  as  a  genuine  organ  of  friend^^hip  between  the  peoples  has  therefore  long 

since  lapsed.  „  ,    .,.    *        „c^,.c 

I  have  previously  requested  you  to  remove  my  name  from  your  list  ot  sponsois 

and  I  must  now  insist  that  you  do  so. 
Sincerely  yours. 


Senator  IIickknloopkr.  Mr.  Chairiiian,  J  wonder  what  the  date 
of  tliis  let(er  is. 

Miss  Kkxyox.  I  have  it  here. 

Senator  Tydixos.  ,Iune  IT),  ll)4i). 

Miss  Kenyox.  I  assnnie  tliat  my  name  has  been  removed  by  now, 
althonji-h  I  have  no  way  of  bein<>-  sure.  I  have  no  a[)ohjoie.s  wliatever 
for  s})ons(>rin<i"  tliis  orii-ani/.ation  at  tlie  time  I  did  and  under  those 

As  indicative  of  the  standin<r:  it  liad,  it  is  sig-niticant  that  President 
Rooseveh  himself  sent  a  message  of  greeting  to  the  council  at  its 
meeting  on  November  IG,  11)44,  reading  as  follows : 

1  am  grateful  to  you  and  all  those  who  are  celebrating  American-Soviet 
I'riendship  Day  for  the  words  of  support  and  confidence  I  have  received.  There 
is  no  heiter  tribute  we  can  hold  out  to  our  Allies  than  to  continue  working  in 
ever-growing  accord  to  establish  a  peace  that  will  endure.  The  Dumbarton 
Oaks  Conference  wjiis  a  step  in  this  direction.  Other  steps  will  be  taken.  In 
line  with  this  objective  such  meetings  as  you  are  holding  in  Madison  Square 
(rarden  and  in  i^ither  great  centers  throughout  the  United  States  are  of  tremen- 
dous as.sistance  and  value. 

It  is  also  significant  that  President  Truman  followed  it  np  by  another 
greeting  on  November  14, 1045,  reading  as  follows  : 

The  President  has  asked  me  to  extend  to  you  every  good  wish  for  tlie  success 
of  the  meeting  and  to  assure  you  of  his  interest  in  all  efforts  to  continue  the  good 
relations  between  this  country  and  the  Soviet  Uni<ni. 

As  for  the  Red  Dean  of  Canterbury,  I  certairdy  never  welcomed 
him  at  Madison  Square  Garden  or  anywhere  else. 

I  never  met  him.  I  surmise  that  the  fact  that  my  name  remained 
on  the  sponsor  list  longer  than  it  should  have  is  the  explanation  of 
this  incident. 

I  have  no  recollection  of  sponsoring  the  dinner  in  question  but,  since 
it  was  given  in  honor  of  President  Roosevelt,  it  would  not  seem  in- 
appropriate had  I  done  so. 

American  Lawyers"  Committee  on  American  Relations  with  Spain: 
Now  for  the  group  connected  with  Spain,  This  committee  was  appar- 
ently working  early  in  1939  to  lift  the  embargo  on  Spain,  which  was 
defeated  by  the  combined  efforts  of  revolutionary  forces  within  that 
country  plus  Hitler  and  Mussolini.  This  organization  is  not  on  any 
subversive  list  that  I  can  find,  and  I  was  on  it. 

Washington  Committee  To  Lift  the  Spanish  Embargo :  As  for  the 
Washington  committee  I  can  find  nothing  on  this  in  my  files  and  I 
have  no  4"ecollection  whatsoever. 

The  Abraham  Lincoln  Brigade  probably  belongs  in  here  too.  I 
have  no  recollection  or  documentation  for  this  whatever.  Further- 
more, if  the  petition  which  they  say  I  signed  really  contained  a  charge 
that  war  hysteria  was  being  whipped  up  by  the  Roosevelt  adminis- 
tration, it  is  inconceivable  that  I  could  have  signed  it,  since  I  myself 
was  then  passionately  pro-ally  and  in  process  of  trying  to  force  our 
Government  into  greater  and  greater  activity  in  their  behalf  rather 
than  less.    I  refer  to  that  matter  later. 

xVmerican  Committee  for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom : 
I  have  no  recollection  or  documentation  in  respect  to  signing  a  peti- 
tion in  my  files.  I  do  have  correspondence,  however,  showing  that 
in  1940  I  accepted  membership  on  a  citizens'  committee  to  promote 
free  public  education.     The  letterhead  lists  many  distinguished  col- 


lege  presidents  and  professors,  including-  Miss  Park,  the  former  presi- 
dent of  Bryn  Mawr,  and  Prof.  Harold  Urey.  This  organization  is 
not  on  the  Attorney  General's  list. 

Greater  New  York  Emergency  Conference  on  Inalienable  Rights : 
I  can  find  nothing  on  this  in  my  files,  and  I  have  no  recollection  of  it, 
but  I  find  a  press  clipping  reporting  a  meeting  held  in  New  York 
February  15,  1940,  at  which  Newbold  Morris  and  Mary  Woolley,  for- 
mer president  of  Mount  Holyoke  College,  were  listed  as  speakers. 

Advisory  Board  of  Film  Audiences  for  Democracy,  and  Advisory 
Board  of  Films  for  Democracy :  I  can  find  nothing  on  either  of  these 
organizations  in  my  files,  and  there  is  nothing  in  my  memory.  I  may 
possibly  have  made  a  speech  before  them.  Neither  of  them  are  on 
any  subversive  list  that  I  can  find. 

Schappes  Defense  Committee;  Daily  Worker  Letter  on  Simon  W. 
Gerson;  American  Committee  for  Anti-Nazi  Literature;  Advisory 
Committee  of  the  Citizens'  Committee  To  Aid  Stril»ng  Seamen;  and 
Milk  Consumers'  Protective  Committee :  1  can  find  nothing  on  any 
of  these  matters  in  my  files  and  have  no  memory  of  them  except  a 
vague  recollection  of  the  Gerson  and  Schappes  controversies.  If  I 
pai'ticipated  in  either  of  them  in  any  way  I  have  completely  forgotten 
it  and  I  am  certain  that  I  never  approved  or  endorsed  Communist 
activities  in  those  or  any  other  matters. 

Congress  of  American  Women:  This  is  one  organization  T  know 
something  about.  It  is  the  American  affiliate  of  the  Women's  Inter- 
national Democratic  Federation,  a  wholly  Moscow  controlled  body 
over  which  I  have  been  battling  with  Mme.  Popova  of  the  USSR  at 
the  United  Nations  for  all  the  years  since  the  creation  of  the  Com- 
mission on  the  Status  of  Women.  To  charge  me  with  membership  in 
this  organization  is  nothing  short  of  fantastic. 

This  completes  the  roster  of  specific  charges. 

One  general  charge  remains,  my  "constant  adherence  to  the  *  *  * 
part}^  line,"  as  evidenced  by  this  alleged  multiplicity  of  associations, 
actually  boiled  down  to  a  handful  and  most  of  them  before  1940. 
Well,  how  about  it  ?  Is  this  all  I  have  done  ?  Is  this  the  whole  of  my 
life?  Em])hatically,  no.  I  have  done  many  other  things,  some  of 
them  strangely  inconsistent  with  the  party  line,  some  of  them  in  flat 
contradiction  to  it.  Let's  look  at  the  record  in  the  round  and  not  just 
a  distorted  fragment. 

In  the  early  years  of  my  life  I  Iniew  very  little  and  cared  less  about 
Communists.  They  were  an  utterly  negligible  factor  in  my  life.  Dur- 
ing the  thirties,  however,  as  world  tension  increased,  they  began  show- 
ing their  hand,  and  by  the  end  of  that  period,  I,  like  others,  had  come 
to  know  and  loathe  their  philosophy.  The  signing  of  the  Hitler-Stalin 
pact  in  October  1939  suddenly  made  the  issues  startlingly  clear.  I 
voiced  those  issues  in  a  letter  I  wrote  to  Alex  Rose,  secretary  of  the 
American  Labor  Party,  under  date  of  October  10,  1939,  as  a  state- 
ment for  him  to  use  in  conjunction  with  my  candidacy  as  judge  of 
the  municipal  court: 

Senator  Ttdings.  One  minute.  Judge  Kenyon,  please. 

Miss  Kenyox.  May  I  proceed,  Mr.  Chairman  ? 

Senator  Ttdings.  Just  a  second,  please. 

Miss  Kenton.  There  are  three  particularly  important  paragraphs. 

Senator  Ttdings.  Do  you  want  to  put  the  whole  thing  in  the  record? 


Miss  Kexyox.  Yes;  but  I  would  like  to  read  now  the  significant 

Senator  Tydings.  Go  right  ahead.    This  will  be  exhibit  50. 
]\[iss  Ken  YON  (reading)  : 

First,  I  regard  witli  lionor  mihI  loathing  the  Hitler-Stalin  pact. 

Se<()iul.  1  ;ii;i-ec  with  you  tliiit  any  fnsinji'  of  the  hrown  and  red  dictatorships 
is  a  treaclierons  hlow  to  worhl  civilization. 

Tliird.  1  also  aiiree,  insofar  as  I  understand  them,  with  the  President's  pro- 
posed clianges  in  our  present  neutrality  law.  But  frankly  I  have  been  far  too 
liusy  lately  ti-yiuf;-  to  he  as  g:ood  a  .iudjje  as  possible  to  have  given  such  legislation 
the  careful  study  it  reijuii-es. 

Fourth,  it  is  not  easy  for  nie  to  he  neutral  when  I  think  of  either  Hitler  or 
Stalin  but  I  try  not  to  lose  my  head  and  I  continue  to  believe  in  the  traditional 
American  civil  liberties.  Above  all  1  hope  that  we  may  keep  at  peace  and  still 
preserve  American  democracy. 

Fifth,  it  goes  witlunit  saying  for  I  should  have  thought  it  did)  that  I  am 
not  a  Communist  or  anything  even  remotely  resembling  one.  I  am  just  an  old- 
fashioned  believer  in  democracy  who  gets  awfully  weary  sometimes  of  all  its 
ructions  but  would  never,  never  give  it  up. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  dated  October  10,  1939  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes ;  that  is  right. 

Events  moved  so  quickly  after  that,  by  February  1940,  we  had  been 
forced  to  form  a  liberal  and  labor  committee,  of  which  I  was  a  mem- 
ber, vice  president,  to  safeguard  the  American  Labor  Party  and  to 
fight  the  Ccmmunist  attempt  to  capture  it. 

I  have  already  presented  you  with  thiit  document,  Mr.  Chairman. 

At  the  same  time  the  American  Civil  Liberties  Union  found  it  neces- 
sar}'  to  purge  from  its  own  board  all  nonbelievers  in  civil  liberties. 
This  action  barred  from  its  governing  councils  anyone  ''who  is  a 
member  of  any  political  organization  which  support^  totalitarian 
dictatorshi]^  in  any  country,  or  who  by  his  public  declarations  indi- 
cates his  sup])ort  of  such  a  principle."  Within  this  category  we  in- 
clude organizations  in  the  United  States  supporting  the  totalitarian 
governments  of  the  Soviet  Union  and  of  the  Fascist  and  Nazi  coun- 
tries— such  as  the  Communist  Party  and  the  German-American  Bund 
and  others;  as  well  as  native  organizations  with  obvious  antidemo- 
cratic objectives  and  practises.  Needless  to  say,  I  was  not  one  of  those 
purged,  and  I  am  still  a  member  of  that  board. 

The  Communist  party  line  in  1040— tl  was  antiwar,  anti-French  and 
anti-British.'  But  that  was  not  my  line.  Being,  on  the  contrary, 
passionately  i)ro-French  and  pro-British  I  became  increasing!}' 
anxious  to  aid  them  as  the  months  passed  by,  first  by  all  means  short 
of  war  and  later  by  wai*  itself  if  need  be. 

I  was  one  of  the  original  members  of  the  so-called  William  Allen 
White  Committee  to  Defend  America  by  Aiding  the  Allies.  William 
Allen  White  in  a  telegram  iuYited  me  to  join,  saying: 

Here  is  a  life  and  death  struggle  for  every  jirinciple  we  cherish  in  America, 
for  freedom  of  speech,  of  religion,  of  the  ballot,  and  of  every  freedom  that  up- 
holds the  dignity  of  the  human  spirit.  Here  all  the  rights  that  the  common  man 
has  fought  for  during  a  thousand  yeai's  are  menaced.  Terrible  as  it  may  seem, 
the  people  of  our  counti\v  cannot  avoid  the  consequences  of  Hitler's  victory  or 
of  those  who  are  or  may  be  allied  with  him.  A  totalitarian  victory  would  wipe 
out  hope  for  a  just  and  lasting  peace. 

I  submit  a  copy  of  the  complete  telegram  of  William  Allen  White. 
vSenator  Tydings.  And  the  date  of  that  is  June  19, 1940  i 
Miss  Kenyon.  June  19, 1940. 

6S970 — 50 — pt.  1 13 


I  think  the  telegram  was  sent  a  bit  before  that,  but  that  was  after 
the  connnittee  was  organized. 

I  favored  giving  Great  Britain  overage  destroyers,  I  favored  lend- 
lease,  selective  service,  et  cetera,  et  cetera.  I  made  many  speeches 
during  that  period  extolling  freedom,  urging  aid  to  the  Allies  and 
criticizing  the  isolationists  and  the  Communists  alike  for  their  opposi- 

On  May  26,  1941 — a  month  before  Hitler  attacked  Kussia — I  joined 
with  other  members  of  that  committee  in  an  open  letter  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  in  effect  inviting  him  to  declare  war  on  the  dic- 
tators.   It  read  in  part : 

We  cannot  close  our  eyes  to  the  wholesale  murder  of  liberty  *  *  *  The 
dictators  have  extended  their  world  war  and  world  revolution  from  continent 
to  continent  *  *  *  The  challenge  is  inescapable.  We  know  that  strong 
action,  even  armed  action,  will  be  required  of  us. 

This  was  signed,  among  many  others,  by  Mrs.  J.  Borden  Harriman 
and  Ambassador  Lewis  W.  Douglas. 

I  am  attaching  a  photostat  of  that  letter. 

Shall  I  i^roceed,  Mr.  Chairman  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  You  may  proceed.     That  will  be  exhibit  51. 

]\Iiss  Kenyon.  All  right,  thank  you. 

This  history  of  my  efforts  during  the  crucial  years  1940-41  hardly 
needs  any  gloss  but  it  should  give  pause  to  those  who  dare  to  call  me  a 

After  Russia  had  been  attacked  we  all  changed  our  viewpoint 
slightly  and  many  of  us  made  earnest  efforts  to  be  friends  with  our 
new  allies.  I  do  not  apologize  for  that  impulse  or  effort.  I  think 
it  was  right  and  good. 

However,  we  failed.  AAHien  the  war  ended  the  cold  war  began  and 
it  is  intensifying.  I  have  been  in  the  thick  of  it.  Confronted  with 
Madame  Popova  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  at  the  United  Nations  I  have  had  a 
fidit  on  my  hands  from  the  outset.  At  the  first  meeting  of  our 
Commission  on  the  Status  of  Women  held  in  February  1947,  she 
sought  preferential  treatment  for  her  particular  pet  organization, 
the  "Women's  International  Democratic  Federation — of  wijtiich  the 
Congress  of  American  Women  is  the  United  States  affiliate.  I  battled 
her  on  eight  different  occasions  during  that  first  meeting  on  that  one 
issue  alone,  practically  single-handed  since  most  of  the  other  delegates 
did  not  yet  know  what  it  was  all  about.  They  know  now,  however. 
The  re])orts  and  summary  records  of  the  Commission's  proceedings 
tell  the  tale. 

The  struggle  went  on  at  subsequent  commission  meetings.  It 
reached  its  peak  at  Beirut,  Lebanon,  last  spring — see  New  York  Times 
clipping  of  March  26,  1949,  which  I  have  here  to  present  to  you. 

Senator  Tydixos.  Do  you  want  to  put  that  in  the  record  at  this 
point  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  We  only  have  the  one  copy. 

Senator  Tydings.  Put 'that  in  the  record  at  this  point,  if  you  have 
the  original  copy. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes. 

Senator  McMahon.  Are  you  mentioned  in  that  clipping? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Certainly.'    Madame  Popova  and  I  are  it. 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  hold  up  for  a  moment,  please. 

Senator  Green.  I  request  that  it  be  put  in. 


Senator  Ttdings.  It  has  been  requested,  Judge  Kenyon,  if  you  do 
not  mind,  if  you  identify  the  article  by  the  paper  in  which  it  appeared, 
and  tlie  date  under  which  it  appeared,  and  read  the  article  into  the 

Miss  Kenyox.  You  want  me  to  read  it  now  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  If  you  please. 

Miss  Kknyon.  There  are  two  of  them. 

Senator  Tyuings.  Two? 

Miss  Kenyon.  One  is  dated  March  2G.  1949,  and  the  other  is  dated 
December  16,  1948. 

Shall  I  read  the  first  one  first? 

Senator  Tydings.  I  think  it  would  be  wiser  if  you  were  to  read 
the  first  one  first. 

Do  you  have  a  copy  of  the  first  one  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  have,  but  not  of  the  second  one. 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  appeared  in  the  New  York  Times  under  date 
of  Thursday,  December  16,  1948,  and  this  is  a  speech  I  made  in  New 
York  City. 

The  headline  says:  "Dorothy  Kenyon  says  women's  equality  with 
men  in  Russia  is  one  of  slavery." 

"Women  in  Russia  undoubtedly  have  more  equality  in  a  greater  variety  of 
j(/bs  than  do  American  women,  but  it  is  an  equality  of  sslavery,"  Dorotliy  Kenyon, 
United  States  delegate  to  the  United  Nations  Commission  on  the  Status  of  Women, 
declared  here  yesterday. 

At  a  luncheon  of  the  Women's  City  Club  of  New  York  at  the  New  Weston 
Hotel,  Miss  Kenyon  charged  that  statements  by  Prof.  A.  P.  Pavlov  and  other 
Soviet  Union  delegates  at  recent  United  Nations  sessions  that  women  in  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain  were  living  in  slavery  were  for  political  con- 
sumption abroad.  .She  said  non-Russian  delegates  were  placed  on  the  defensive, 
and  she  intended  to  take  the  offensive  at  the  next  commission  meeting. 

"The  Rus.sians  have  made  a  lot  of  noise  aI)out  equality,  but  I  wonder  whether 
women  there  are  any  more  in  the  driver's  seat  than  they  are  in  this  country," 
she  said.  "I  have  never  been  able  to  discover  any  Soviet  woman,  except  for 
Alexandra  Kollontay,  for  many  years  their  Minister  to  Sweden,  in  a  position  of 
real  power." 

Pointing  out  there  never  had  been  a  woman  member  of  the  Politburo  and  that 
there  was  now  none  either  on  the  central  committee  of  the  Communist  Party,  she 
said  the  Russians  made  much  propaganda  of  the  fact  that  21  percent  of  the 
Supreme  Soviet  is  made  up  of  women.  But  she  contended  that  this  was  of  no 
significance,  as  the  body  sits  only  a  few  days  a  year  for  unanimous  approval  of 
Goveriunent  proposals.  In  newspaper  pictures  of  Moscow  celebrations,  she 
declaicd,  "there  are  not  even  women  used  as  window-dressing." 

Alrhough  she  said  the  United  States  should  place  more  women  in  the  Cabinet 
and  have  more  Representatives  in  Congress,  Miss  Kenyon  pointed  out  that  at 
least  liere  they  were  not  prevented  from  running  for  office.  But  in  Russia,  she 
declared,  "not  one  of  our  Russian  sisters  has  run  for  election  as  we  know  it," 
but  are  merely  handpicked  if  the  Connnunist  Party  cliooses  them  to  run. 

"If  women  are  to  achieve  recognition  as  equal  citizens  the  world  over,  we  had 
better  admit  our  diftieulties  and  team  up  to  help  each  other  meet  them."  she 
declared.  "Paper  participation  in  government  is  too  flimsy  a  foundation  to 
advance  the  principles  of  democracy  or  of  women's  rights." 

Shall  I  read  the  next  one  now,  Mr.  Chairman? 
Senator  Tydings.  What  is  the  committee's  pleasure? 
Senator  IMcMahon,  Yes. 
Senator  Tit)ings.  Yes,  read  the  next  one. 
Miss  Kenyon.  This  is  a  little  long. 
It  was  before  I  went  to  Lebanon. 
Senator  Tydings.  Identify  the  article,  please. 

Miss  Kenyon.  This  appeared  in  the  New  York  Times  under  date 
of  Saturday,  March  26,  1949. 


The  lieadlines  are  '"United  States,  Soviety  women  clash  on  rig^hts  of 
wives  of  foreigners  nnder  Russian  restrictions." 
Then,  it  says : 

Beirut,  Lebanon,  March  25. — ^A  long  and  bitter  attack  on  the  United  States  by 
Soviet  delegate  Elizavieta  A.  Popova  was  strongly  opposed  here  today  by  other 
delegates  of  the  United  Nations  Coniniission  on  the  Status  of  Women.  These 
delegates  included  Judge  Dorothy  Kenyon  of  the  United  States  who  pleaded 
that  the  commission  be  permitted  to  get  on  with  its  work. 

The  Soviet  representative's  criticism  of  alleged  racial  discrimination  and  other 
faults  of  United  States  society  followed  Judge  Kenyon's  presentation  of  a  pro- 
posal for  the  convention  to  guarantee  women's  freedom  to  <'hoose  their  nationality. 
The  aim  of  the  projiosal  is  to  adjust  the  tangle  of  legislation  that  endangers 
women's  status  through  international  marriage,  she  said. 

Judge  Kenyon  again  brought  into  the  foreground  the  reason  for  the  Soviet 
opposition,  which  had  caused  a  crisis  previously  in  the  commission's  transac- 
tions— the  Russian  refusal  to  permit  Soviet  citizens  married  to  foreigners  to 
reside  abroad  with  their  husbands. 

Describing  this  policy  as  an  outrageous  ]inutati<in  on  the  rights  of  women, 
Judge  Kenyon  said  that  in  addition  to  the  Russian  wives  of  British  subjects 
there  were  now  350  Russian  wives  of  United  States  citizens  who  could  not  leave 
Russia  with  their  husl»ands  and  65  Russian  husbands  of  American  girls  who  were 
equally  restricted. 

The  principal  business  of  the  present  meeting  has  been  to  lay  the  ground- 
work for  a  convention  and  the  implementation  of  treaties  to  disentangle  the 
maze  of  conflicting  regulations  of  various  countries  on  the  subject  of  a  woman's 
nationality  after  marriage  to  a  man  of  another  nationality. 

The  United  Nations  Secretariat  has  prepared  elaborate  studies  of  the  law  and 
treaties.  However,  the  Soviet  delegate  i-ejected  tlie  whole  project  before  dis- 
cussion of  any  data  had  begun.     She  said  : 

"This  is  not  a  matter  for  the  Commission  on  the  Status  of  Women  to  study. 
Our  problem  is  discrimination  against  women.  Why  was  this  problem  brought 
to  our  attention  at  all?" 

She  then  charged  discrimination  in  the  United  States  and  gave  no  further 
attention  to  the  nationality  issue.  She  said  that  15  States  of  the  United  States 
prohibited  mixed  marriages  between  Negroes  and  whites,  that  5  prohibited  mar- 
riages with  Malays  and  5  with  Indians,  and  demanded  to  know  where  the  prin- 
ciple of  women's  fi'eedom  of  choice  existed  in  the  United  States. 

Slie  added  that  in  some  States  officials  were  punished  for  issuing  licenses  for 
mixed  marriages  and  that  in  Mississippi  any  propaganda  for  mixed  marriages 
or  even  equality  was  prohibited. 

Judge  Kenyon  indicated  that  only  recognition  of  a  woman's  right  to  choose 
her  own  nationality  as  freely  as  man  would  be  the  solution.  This  view  was  op- 
posed later  by  a  spokesman  for  the  Catholic  Feminine  League  who  pleaded  for 
the  principle  of  unity  of  the  family.  She  said  that  a  man  and  a  woman  were 
not  equal  in  all  things,  though  equal  in  dignity,  and  that  they  had  different 
functions  in  society. 

The  commission  adopted  a  resolution  calling  for  investigation  by  the  United 
Nations  of  the  application  to  women  throughoiit  the  world  (jf  penal  and  police 
procedure.  This  is  expected  to  be  opposed  by  Russia  since  it  would  involve  an 
investigation  of  penal  labor  camps. 

That  is  the  conclusion  of  that,  Mr.  Chairman. 

May  I  proceed  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  You  may  proceed. 

Miss  Kenyon.  The  culmination  of  it  was  when,  after  bitter  debate 
over  many  things,  including  equal  pay  for  equal  work,  I  finally  de- 
manded of  Mme.  Popova  whether  women  received  equal  pay  for  equal 
work  in  the  Soviet  slave  labor  camps. 

The  issue  was  always  slavery  versus  freedom.  I  raised  the  point 
over  and  over  again  in  writing,  speeches,  at  meetings,  even  over 
the  Voice  of  America. 


Eventuall}'  Moscow  answered  back.  Maria  Sharikova,  assistant 
chairnian  of  the  Moscow  Soviet  on  the  rights  of  women  is  reported 
on  January  5,  1949,  to  have  said: 

I>oi-orliy  Keiiyoii,  in  endeavoring  to  conceal  her  reactionary  stand  has  engaged 
in  slandering  tlie  Soviet  people,  in  particular  Soviet  women.  In  a  radio  broad- 
cast over  the  Voice  of  Amei-ica,  she  talks  a  lot  of  irresponsible  drivel  attempting 
to  deny  tiie  political,  economic,  and  social  equality  enjoyed  by  the  women  of  the 
U.  S.  S.  K..  at  the  same  time  painting  a  glowing  picture  of  the  position  of  women 
in  Britain  and  the  United  States,  when  she  knows  full  well  what  their  position 
really  is.  "I  am  shocked  at  this  shameful  downright  lie,  completely  unsupported 
by  the  tiniest  fact."  As  it  happens,  Di»rothy  Kenyon  could  not  quote  facts  for 
that  would  at  once  disprove  her  assertions. 

Dorothy  Kenyon  had  engaged  in  slandering  the  "freest  women  on  earth,  the 
women  of  the  U.  S.  S.  R."  However,  as  any  of  the  thousands  of  visitors  to  the 
r.  S.  S.  K.  can  witness,  "the  slander  indulged  in  by  Doorthy  Kenyon  can  hood- 
wink no  one." 

Mr.  Charintan,  I  offer  that  entire  gem  in  evidence  as  exhibit  52. 
That  is  a  State  Department  release  quoting  that  release  from  Moscow 
in  toto. 

This  is  my  defense.  "\Miat  does  it  add  up  to?  With  all  the  mis- 
takes and  errors  of  judgment  which  the  best  of  us  can  and  do  commit 
only  too  frequently,  I  submit  that  the  record  proves  without  question 
that  I  am  a  lover  of  democracy,  of  individual  freedom  and  of  human 
riglits  for  eveiybod}',  a  battler,  perhaps  a  little  bit  too  much  of  a 
battler  sometimes,  for  the  rights  of  the  little  fellow,  the  under  dog, 
the  fellow  who  gets  forgotten  or  frightened  or  shunned  because  of 
unpopular  views:  but  who  is  a  human  being  just  the  same  and  entitled 
to  be  treated  like  one.  The  converse  of  these  things;  dictatorship, 
cruelty,  oppression,  and  slavery  are  to  me  intolerable.  I  cannot  live 
in  their  air,  I  must  fight  back.  This  is  not  perhaps  a  very  wise  or 
prudent  way  to  live  but  it  is  my  way.  It  has  got  me  into  hot  water 
before  and  probably  will  again.  But  my  faith  in  people  and  my 
impulse  to  fight  for  them  is  my  religion  and  it  is  the  light  by  which 
I  live.  I  also  believe  that  it  is  America.  There  is  not  a  Communist 
bone  in  my  body. 

This  is  a  matter  of  grave  consequence  to  me.  Literally  overnight, 
whatever  personal  and  professional  reputation  and  standing  I  may 
have  acquired  after  many  years  in  private  practice  and  some  in  public 
oiRce.  they  have  been  serioush'  jeopardized,  if  not  destroyed  by  the 
widespread  disseminaiton  of  charges  of  Communistic  leanings  or 
proclivities  that  are  utterly  false.  The  truth  may  never  catch  up 
witli  the  lie,  but  insofar  as  I  can.  I  desire  to  regain  as  much  of  what 
I  have  lost  as  possible  and  I  have  faith  that  this  subconunittee  will 
see  that  justice  is  done.  Of  course,  I  am  more  than  willing  to  attempt 
to  answer  any  questions  the  members  of  this  subcommittee,  or  anyone 
permitted  by  the  subcommittee,  may  care  to  ask.  I  conclude  with  an 
expression  of  my  appreciation  of  the  opportunity  and  privilege  af- 
forded me  so  promptb',  to  answer  these  charges  at  this  public  hearing. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  will  ask  our  guests,  no  matter  wdiat  the  testi- 
mony may  be,  whether  it  pleases  them  or  displeases  them,  to  kindly 
refrain  from  any  applause  or  any  other  demonstration,  because  if 
we  permit  it  in  one  case,  we  will  have  to  permit  it  in  another,  and  we 
are  trying  to  conduct  a  very  careful  investigation  and  we  would 
appreciate  if  those  who  come,  no  matter  what  your  impulses  may  be, 
would  not  give  us  any  demonstration. 


Senatoi'  Hickenlooper,  would  you  like  to  ask  the  witness  any  ques- 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Yes,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  would  like  to  canvass 
the  situation  a  little  bit  with  Judge  Kenyon. 

I  want  to  say,  al  the  outset,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  I  told  the  com- 
mittee that  while  I  thought  it  was  perfectly  proper  to  have  Judge 
Kenyon  come  here  and  make  such  a  statement  as  she  cared  to  make, 
that  I  felt  that  no  adequate  or  satisfactory  canvass  of  the  situation 
surrounding  the  accusations  of  Judge  Kenyon's  membership  in  these 
organizations  which  have  been  declared  subversive  by  various  public 
bodies,  could  be  had  without  full  and  complete  access,  prior  access  to 
the  investigative  files  in  connection  with  Judge  Kenyon. 

The  committee  has  not  seen  fit  to  produce  those  investigating  files 
for  my  perusal  at  this  point,  so  that  I  feel  that  any  examination  at 
this  time,  while  perhaps  eventually  adequate,  I  cannot  be  certain  that 
it  has  a  sufficient  background  of  all  the  facts  upon  which  to  base  ques- 
tions, but  I  do  have  some  questions  I  would  like  to  ask  Judge  Kenyon 
if  I  may. 

In  the  first  place,  I  would  like  to  canvass  some  of  these  organiza- 
tions, and  I  may  say,  Mr.  Chairman,  that  my  questions  are  based  en- 
tirely upon  my  understanding  that  Senator  McCarthy  did  not  charge 
Judge  Kenyon  with  being  personally  subversive  or  with  being  a 
Conununist.  I  believe  the  charges  went  to  the  point  of  charging  her 
Avith  membership  in  a  substantial  number  of  organizations  which  have 
been  declared  subversive  by  various  public  bodies. 

Senator  Tydings.  May  I  interrupt  ? 

Senator  Green.  May  I  reply  to  that? 

Senator  Tydings.  Let  me  read  the  resolution. 

Senator  Green.  May  I  reply  to  that  point  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  All  right.  , 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  May  you  reply?  I  am  stating  my  under- 

Senator  Green.  I  think  you  have  misunderstood  the  purpose  of  the 
resolution,  which  was  read  at  the  beginning  of  this  hearing. 

The  purpose  of  the  resolution  is  to  authorize  and  direct  us  to  in- 
vestigate charges  of  disloyalty,  so  the  charges  that  were  made  against 
Miss  Kenyon  were  charges  of  disloyalty.  That  is  what  she  directed 
her  answers  to,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  further  questions  ought  to  be 
directed  to  that  point. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  I  understand  that  the  Senator 

Senator  Tydings.  Just  a  minute.  There  is  evidently  a  dispute 
here.  Let  the  chairman  read  the  resolution  himself,  and  he  will  take 
no  further  part  in  it : 

That  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations,  or  any  duly  authorized  sub- 
committee thereof,  is  authorized  and  directed  to  conduct  a  full  and  complete 
study  and  investigation  as  to  whether  persons  who  ai-e  disloyal  to  the  United 
States  are  or  have  been  employed  by  the  Department  of  State. 


Senator  Hickenlooper.  If  the  subcommittee  is  to  be  limited  to  the 
very  artful  interpretation  that  is  now  apparently  put  on  the  resolution, 
then  I  certainly  should  be  handicapped  and  completely  limited  in  the 
questions  I  think  should  be  asked  in  the  general  public  interest  of 
examining  this  matter. 


Senator  Tydixgs.  Go  ahead  with  your  question. 

Senator  Hickexloopeh.  Judge,  I  believe  that  you  were  alleged  to 
have  been  a  member  of  the  Consumers  National  Federation  Conference 
Connnittee,  or  the  Consumers  National  Federation,  which  was  cited 
as  a  Communist  front  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities,  in  its  report  of  March  29,  1944,  and  in  1943,  by  the  Cali- 
fornia Committee  on  Un-American  Activities;  and  by  the  New  York 
City  Council  Committee  on  Investigating  the  Municipal  Civil  Service 

I  have  a  photostat,  alleging  that  it  is  copied 

i\Iiss  Kenyon.  Give  me  the  name  again,  Senator,  because  I  have  not 
heard  that  name  before. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Consumers  National  Federation.  I  have  a 
photostat  of  your  name  among  the  list  of  individual  sj)onsors  of  that 

Sliss  K.EXYOX.  And  the  date  ? 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  December  11  and  12,  1937,  apparently  this 
document  was  published.    You  may  see  it  if  you  like. 

Miss  Kex-^yox.  I  would  be  very  happy  to,  yes. 

This,  Mr.  Chairman,  is  not  one  of  the  organizations  which  was  in 
the  public  print  that  I  had,  that  was  released  last  week.  I  remember 
nothing  about  it. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  The  list  of  names  is  on  the  second  page. 

MissIvEx^YOx.  Yes. 

I  will  tell  you.  Senator,  what  I  remember,  if  I  have  got  the  name 
correct,  because  there  are  an  awful  lot  of  names  that  are  very  con- 
fusing, and  it  is  difficult  to  tell. 

I  have  a  recollection  of  a  group  concerned  with  consumers'  problems 
that  was  formed  around  the  middle  of  the  thirties,  about  this  date, 
probably,  and  that  I  went  and  made  a  speech  at  one  of  their  meetings, 
and  that  I  was  probably  perhaps  connected  with  for  a  little  while  and 
later  I  decided  that  I  did  not  like  the  tone  or  complexion  or  company 
that  I  was  keeping,  and  I  got  out  very  early  and  washed  my  hands 
of  it  and  never  had  anything  to  do  with  it  for  many,  many  years. 

I  do  not  know  what  my  files  may  show,  but  that  is  my  recollection. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Do  you  have  any  recollection  of  that  par- 
ticular organization,  or  your  sponsorship  ? 

Miss  Kexyox.  That  is  what  I  say  I  think  I  am  talking  about — that 
organization.  That  is  my  recollection — of  one  where  I  did  not  like 
the  company.  I  w^ent  and  made  a  speech  and  did  not  like  the  company 
I  was  keeping  and  after  a  very  few  months,  I  got  out  and  had  nothing 
further  to  do  with  it. 

Senator  Hickex-^looper.  Do  you  recall  whether  you  got  out  by 
writing  a  letter  of  resignation,  or  just  not  going? 

]\Iiss  IVEXYOX.  I  cannot  recall  anything  about  that.  I  only  know, 
Senator,  my  recollection  is  I  washed  my  hands  of  it  long  ago,  because 
I  suspected  the  people.  I  will  be  very  glad  to  look  it  up  in  my  files 
und  see  if  I  can  find  anything  further. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  As  far  as  you  recall,  you  attended  just  one 
meeting  of  the  organization? 

Miss  Kex'yox.  That  is  right.  That  is  what  I  remember — making 
a  speech  on  consumers'  problems,  a  very  good  speech  and  they  liked 
it,  and  I  think  they  asked  me  to  be  a  sponsor.  That  was  my 


Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  you  recall  the  American  Committee  for 
Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom,  in  New  York  City  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  think  I  made  a  speech  there.  That  was  not  one 
of  the  names  given  by  Senator  McCarthy  last  week,  this  is  a  new  one 

^"s^nator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  a  photostat,  alleged  to  be  a  copy  of 
the  list  of  sponsoring  people,  and  you  are  listed  as  Dorothy  Kenyon, 
former  instice,  New  York  City.  This  organization  was  cited  as  a 
Communist  front  bv  the  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  m 
1942  and  1044;  by  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Ac- 
tivities, in  their  report  in  1948 ;  cited  as  subversive  and  un-American 
by  the  special  committee  of  the  House  Committee  on  Appropriations, 

xYpril  -21,  1948.  -,        t   i         .  4- 

Miss  Kenyon.  What  is  that  ?     I  beg  your  pardon,  I  do  not  want 

to  interrupt.  „        „       ,.  ^-  •      ^-      <) 

What  did  you  say ;  what  was  the  date  allegedly  ot  my  participation j 

Senator   Hickenlooper.  You    understand,    I    have   no    hrst-hand 

knowledge,  and  these  are  alleged  to  be  photostatic  copies  ot  tlie 


Miss  Kenyon.  I  understand.  i    .     .  ^ 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  This  is  dated,  according  to  the  photostat, 

January  17,  1940.     Your  name  appears  on  the  second  page  of  the 

photostat,  if  you  care  to  see  it— you  may.  i     u     ^ 

Miss  Kenyon.  Wait  a  minute.     I  am  afraid  I  am  contused  about 

this.     Whatisthenameof  that  organization? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  American  Committee  for  Democracy  and 
Intellectual  Freedom.  , 

Miss  Kenyon.  Oh,  I  beg  your  pardon.  It  is  one  of  the  ones  1 
mentioned.  Senator,  and  I  have  a  statement  m  my  file  I  ]ust  read 
my  statement  in  respect  to  that.  I  said  that  what  I  did,  according 
to  mv  record,  was  to  accept  membership  on  a  citizens  committee  to 
promote  free  public  education.  The  letterhead  lists  many  distin- 
guished college  presidents,  including  INIiss  Park,  former  president  ot 
Bryii  Mawr,  and  Professor  Urey.  .       •       •         . 

1  also  believe  I  am  correct  in  saying  that  the  organization  is  not 
on  the  Attorney  General's  list.  It  had  an  astounding  number  ot 
presidents  of  colleges  on  it— most  impressive.  ^     ,    ^    ^  ^ 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Would  you  look  at  this  alleged  photostat 
and  see  if  you  are  referrintr  specifically  to  that  organization  whose 
name  appears  at  the  top  ?     there  are  some  of  these  organizations  hav- 
ing similar  names.  ^,T^         1VT  r^  ^^  T)-f 
Miss  Kenyon.  "President  Marion  Park,  Brvn  Mawr  College;  rrot. 
Harold  Urey."     This  is  the  same  one,  yes.     There  are  lots  of  other 
college  presidents  there  too— very  fine  gentlemen.                       •     ^.      , 
Senator  Hickenlooper.  Did  von  withdraw  from  this  organization  ? 
Miss  Kenyon.  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  sir,  according  to  my 
records    except   to  serve  for  a  short  period  on  this  Committee  to 
Promote  Free  Public  Education— just  one  single  ad  hoc  committee 
for  one  specific  job.     I  don't  know  what  we  did. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  You  are  not  connected  with  it  now,  then  ? 
Miss  Kenyon.  I  never  have  been  since  1940,  if  that  is  the  date  on 
it      I  was  only  connected  with  it  then  to  that  extent. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.     I  have  another  photostat  of  an  alleged 
pro<^rani  of  the  Greater  New  York  Emergency  Conference  on  Inalien- 

state:  departme^s't  employee  loyalty  investigation       191 

nblc  Rifilits,  'J1iis  is  Monday,  February  12,  1940.  I1ie  ]^hotostat  is 
alleged  to  be  of  a  list  of  members  of  the  general  conmiittee.  This 
ora-anization  is  cited  as  a  Conmuniist  front,  which  was  succeeded  by 
the  National  Federation  for  Constitutional  Liberties.  That  citation 
Avas  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  in  their 
report  March  '2d,  IJU-i;  also  cited  by  the  Congressional  Conmiittee  on 
Un-Aniei-ican  Activities,  report  Xo.  115,  September  2,  11J47;  cited  as 
a  Connnunist  front  by  the  California  Connnittee  on  Un-x\merican 
Activities,  report.  1948. 

Do  you  recall  that  organization? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes.  I  have  mentioned  that  ali-eady,  to  say  that 
all  my  records  showed,  and  it  nnist  be  ihe  same  meeting  that  wou  are 
talking  about — was  a  meeting  held  in  New  York.  I  thought  it  was 
February  15,  1940,  and  Newbold  Morris,  who  is  not  mayor  of  New 
York,  aiid  Mary  Woolley,  former  president  of  Mount  Holyoke  College, 
were  listed  as  the  speakers  in  this  clip}Mng  that  I  had. 

Senator  Tydings.  Who  is  Newbolcl  Morris,  so  we  will  know  who 
he  is. 

Miss  Kexyon.  He  was  president  of  the  city  council  for  12  years 
when  Mayor  LaGuardia  was  president.  He  ran  last  fall  for  mayor 
against  jSIayor  O'Dwyer.     He  is  a  liberal  too. 

Senator  (Ireen.  In  order  that  the  record  may  be  complete,  on  what 
ticket  did  Mr.  Morris  run  for  mayor? 

Miss  Kexyon.  Well,  Senator,  1  think  he  ran  on  the  Republican 
ticket.     That  is  probably  why  I  voted  for  O'Dwyer. 

Excuse  me.  Senator  Hickenlooper. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  notice  it  is  the  occasional  Republican  who 
belongs  to  one  of  these  organizations  that  can  be  pointed  to. 

Mr.  KiEKDL.  I  am  on  your  side  on  that.  Senator. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Guilty  by  association. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Is  this  organization  still  in  existence  that 
3'ou  know  of  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Wliat,  this  Inalienable  Rights? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  This  (xreater  New  York  Emergency  Con- 
ference on  Inalienable  Rights. 

Miss  IvENYON.  I  haven't  the  faintest  idea.  I  can't  even  remember 
it.     All  I  can  find  Avas  this  clipping  in  my  files,  1940. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Now  the  testimonial  dinner  in  honor  of 
Ferdinand  C.  Smith,  on  /6'eptember  20,  1944,  at  the  Hotel  Commodore, 
in  New^  York.  I  have  a  photostat  alleging  to  be  a  copy  of  the  list  of 
sponsors  containing  your  name.  Were  you  a  sponsor  of  that  or- 
ganization ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  haven't  any  recollection.  That  is  also  a  new  one 
on  me.  It  wasn't  included  in  the  list  that  Senator  McCarthy  gave  last 
year.     When  was  that,  and  what  was  the  man's  name? 

Sen.ator  Hickenlooper.  September  20,  1944,  testimonial  dinner  in 
honor  of  Ferdinand  C.  Smith  at  the  Hotel  Commodore  in  New  York. 
You  may  see  this,  if  it  will  refresh  your  memory. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Thank  you  very  much.     Was  he  a  Negro? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  don't  know.  The  allegation  was  made, 
I  believe,  that  he  is  a  prominent  Communist. 

Miss  Keny^on.  Do  you  mean  at  the  dinner  ? 

Senator  Hickenloopzil  I  don't  know  about  at  the  dinner. 


Miss  Kenyon.  Excuse  me  a  moment.  I  don't  remember  anything- 
about  this.     I  haven't  any  recollection  of  it. 

Senator  Hickenloopek.  Your  name  is  on  the  second  page. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  "in  recognition  of  his  outstanding  service  to- 
labor,  the  Negro  people,  and  the  Nation." 

I  may  have  fallen  for  the  fact  that  he  is  a  member  of  the  Negro  race. 
That  was  a  mistake  like  LaGuardia's  occasional  mistakes.  It  was  a 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  you  recall  attending  the  dinner  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  don't  know  the  individual.  I  don't  recall  having- 
att ended  the  dinner.     I  don't  go  to  dinners  if  I  can  lielp  myself. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  American  Connnittee  for  Anti-Nazi 
Literature,  suite  302,  20  Vesey  Street,  New  York  City.  The  photo- 
stat is  alleged  to  be  a  copy  of  a  letter,  or  photostat  of  the  letterhead 
of  that  organization,  upon  which  your  name  appears  as  a  sponsor. 

Miss  Kenyon.  What  is  the  date  ?  May  I  see  it '? 

Senator  Hickenixioper.  March  24,  1939.  You  may  see  it,  of  course. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  reported  on  this  in  my  statement.  I  said  I  could 
find  absoliitely  nothing  in  my  files  in  regard  to  it,  sir.  I  see  a  num- 
ber of  friends  of  mine  along  here  on  this  sponsor  list,  including- 
Prof.  John  Dewey.  I  just  sponsored  a  dinner  for  him  this  fall.  And 
Lillian  Wakh  who  is  also  on  the  board  of  the  American  Civil  Liberties 
LTnion,  and  Professor  Maclver. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  you  have  any  recollection  of  it? 

Miss  Kenyon.  No. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  And  you  are  not  now  a  member  of  it,  nor 
a  sponsor? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Certainly  not. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  an  alleged  photostatic  copy  of  a 
clipping  of  the  Daily  Worker  of  February  10, 1944,  containing  a  story 
which  I  shall  show  you,  headed  as  follows:  "Leading  citizens  laud' 
Isaacs'  on  Gerson,"  and  it  is  alleged  to  be  a  letter  of  which  they 
claim  you  w^ere  one  of  the  signers,  in  this  news  story,  a  letter  to  Mr. 
Isaacs  lauding  the  appointment  of  S.  W.  Gerson,  former  Daily  Worker 
reporter,  as  an  assistant  on  Mr.  Isaacs'  staff. 

They  print  your  name  as  one  of  the  signers  of  that  letter. 

Miss  Kenton.  A  Daily  Worker  clipping,  you  say  ?  I  never  see  that 

Mr.  Chairman,  I  have  said  that  I  could  find  nothing  in  my  record 
in  respect  to  Gerson,  or  any  letter  or  any  action  of  mine  iii  respect 
to  it,  and  I  have  no  recollection  of  anything  except  the  Gerson  con- 
troversy itself,  which  I  remember,  but  the  thing  that  seems  to  me 
extrao7-dinary  is  that  if  my  memory  is  right,  that  Gerson  incident  was 
in  1937  and  this  is  dated  1944.  It  may  not  be  a  very  good  paper,  but 
news  7  years  old  seems  a  little  stale.  I  would  suspect  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  don't  know.  Judge.  You  are  the  one 
who  either  has  the  recollection  or  does  not  have  the  recollection,  and 
I  am  merely  asking  whether  you  have  any  recollection  or  whether 
you  did  sign  such  a  letter  or  not. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  have  no  recollection,  and  this  seems  to  me  in- 

Senator  Hicklenlooper.  I  have  heard  that  term  before. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  did  not  mean  to  plagiarize. 


Senator  Hickenlooper.  In  spite  of  the  general  sentiment,  there  is 
no  monopoly  on  the  term. 

Miss  Kexyox.  It  is  like  "warmonn:erino;.-' 

Senator  Hiokeni.oopek.  Now  I  have  a  photostat  of  an  alleged  news 
story  in  the  Daily  Worker  of  February  21,  1940,  in  which  your  name 
appears  as  the  signer  of  a  ])rotest  to  President  Roosevelt  and  Attorney 
(teneral  Jackson,  protesting  the  attacks  upon  the  Veterans  of  the 
Abraliam  Lincoln  Brigade  and  condemning  the  war  hysteria  now 
being  whipped  up  by  the  Koosevelt  administration.  I  show  you  the 
photostat.  I  have  no  knowledge  of  it  whatsoever. 

Miss  Kexyon.  Thank  you  ver}^  much.  I  have  already  commented 
on  that.  I  will  just  take  a  look  at  it  now. 

So  far  as  I  know,  I  have  already  referred  to  this,  to  say  that  I 
have  absolutely  no  recollection  of  having  done  anything  of  the  sort, 
and  I  will  say  this  time  it  is  simply  preposterous  in  relation  to  my 
record,  which  was  almost  that  of  warmongering  at  that  time.  It  is 
undoubtedly  a  complete  and  absolute  falsehood. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  take  it  that  you  are  quite  positive  that 
you  did  not  sign  such  a  protest  ? 

Miss  IvEXYON.  I  am  as  positive  as  I  can  be. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  The  National  Citizens  Political  Action 
Committee.     Do  you  recall  that  organization? 

]\Iiss  Kenyon.  I  believe  that  that  was  the  organization  of  which 
Sidney  Ilillman  was  the  head,  and  I  was  very  happy  to  be  a  member 
of  the  PAC.  I  regarded  him  as  a  great  labor  leader  and  a  great  citi- 
zen and  American.  I  don't  need  to  look  at  the  documentation  on  that, 
Mr.  Chairman. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  You  well  remember  that  organization? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Quite. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  a  photostat  here  of  a  page  of  the 
Daily  Worker  of  February  10,  1944,  headed  "American  women  leaders 
greet  colleagues  in  U.  S.  S.  R." 

INIiss  Kenyon.  Has  that  a  picture  of  Dorothy  Thompson  in  the 
middle  of  the  page  ^ 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  It  has  a  picture  of  Miss  Thompson. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  remember  that  very  well  indeed.  I  am  proud  to 
say  I  did  send  greetings  along  with  Dorothy  Thompson  and  a  lot  of 
other  fine  women  to  the  brave  women  of  Russia,  who  at  that  time  were 
our  allies  and  were  putting  up  a  wonderful  fight.  Dorothy  Thomp- 
son and  I  both  remember  it  very  well,  and  we  are  very  proud  of  the 
fact  that  we  did  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  That  was  at  the  National  Council  of  So- 
viet-American Friendship;  is  that  true? 

Miss  Kenyon.  L  don't  know  anything  about  that.  We  just  sent 
greetings  as  individuals.     I  did  not  belong  to  that  organization. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  You  did  not? 

Miss  Kenyon.  No.  I  understood  we  Avere  invited  as  individuals  to 
join  in  a  Christmas  greeting  and  we  did — a  lot  of  us.  I  think  Mrs. 
Ogden  Reid,  of  the  Herald  Tribune,  was  on  it  too. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  believe  j^ou  recall  the  Political  Prisoners 
Bail  Fund  Committee  in  your  State ;  do  you  not? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  Senator.  I  have  very  little  recollection  of  it 
myself.     I  mostly  got  it  from  Mr.  Baldwin. 


Senator  Hickenlocper.  I  have  here  an  alleged  photostatic  copy  of 
a  letterhead  dated  January  18,  1935,  of  the  Political  Prisoners  Bail 
Fund  Committee,  154  Nassau  Street,  room  l!^00.  New  York  City,  and 
your  name  is  printed  on  the  side  of  this  alleged  photostat  as  one  of 
the  sponsors.     Is  that  correct  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  believe  so;  yes,  Mr.  Baldwin's  name  appears 
there  as  trustee;  is  that  correct  ? 

Senator  Htckenlcoper.  Mr.  Baldwin  is  the  first  named  as  trustee. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Perha])S  I  had  better  look  at  it. 

Yes,  that  is  the  one.    I  see  Hej^wood  Broun's  name  there  too. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  How  long  were  you  a  member  of  that  or- 

Miss  Keistyon.  It  died  in  lOol  or  1935.  This  must  have  been  its 
death  agony,  I  guess.  That  is  vrhat  Mr.  Baldwin  told  me.  I  have 
no  recollection  of  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  You  are  not  a  member  of  it  at  this  time? 

Miss  Kenyon.  It  liquidated  15  years  ago.  Senator. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  It  was  cited  as  subversive  and  Communist 
June  1,  1948,  and  September  21,  1948.  It  was  called  a  legal  arm  of 
the  Connnunist  Party  by  Attorney  General  Francis  Biddle,  accord- 
ing to  the  Congressional  Eecord  of  September  24,  1942.  It  was  cited 
as  'Tt  is  essentially  the  legal  defense  arm  of  the  Communist  Party  of 
the  United  States''  by  the  Special  Connnittee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties, reports,  January  3,  1939;  also  cited  in  reports,  January  3,  1910, 
and  March  29,  1944,  and  again  by  the  Congressional  Committee  on 
Un-American  Activities  in  1947.  I  have  no  knowledge  as  to  whether 
or  not  it  is  still  in  existence,  Init  those  are  the  citations. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Senator,  I  believe  you  have  confused  it  with  the 
International  Labor  Defense.  I  think  what  you  have  been  reading 
about  is  the  record  of  the  International  Labor  Defense,  with  which 
I  never  had  anything  to  do,  and  it  was,  so  far  as  1  know,  the  arm  of 
the  Connnunist  Part3\ 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  Political  Prisoners  Bail  Fund  Com- 
mittee is  alleged  to  be  a  subsidiary  of  the  International  Labor  Defense, 
which  has  been  characterized  as  I  have  just  given  you  by  those  reports. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  but  I  gave  you  Roger  Baldwin's  report,  which 
is  to  the  contrary,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  is  a  subsidiary  that 
I  know  of,  and  I  have  Mr.  Baldwin's  statement  to  the  contrary.  That 
is  the  best  I  can  do  in  respect  to  that.  Senator. 

So  far  as  I  am  concerned,  I  have  forgotten  every  single  thing 
about  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  a  photostat  of  a  letter  headed 
"Lawyers  Committee  on  American  Relations  With  Spain."  This  is 
dated  March  5,  1938.  Your  name  is  carried  on  th-e  photostat,  appar- 
ently in  a  list  of  members.  At  the  bottom  of  the  list  it  says  "  (partial 

Miss  Kenyon.  Will  you  give  me  the  name  again?  I  think  I  have 
covered  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Lawyers  Committee  on  American  Rela- 
tions With  Spain. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  I  covered  that  and  said  that  I  belonged  to  that. 
That  was  in  1938-39,  and  the  purpose  of  that  was,  we  were  working 
to  get  the  embargo  against  the  Government  of  Spain  lifted.     If  you  re- 


call  tlie  situation  at  that  time,  the  policy  of  nonintervention  1  believe 
was  in  effect,  and  was  })racticed  by  everybody  except  Hitler  and 
Mussolini,  and  I  have  a  oood  deal  of  goocl  conipany  in  that  list.  I 
also  could  not  fiiul  that  orounization  on  any  subversive  list.  It  must 
have  <»one  out  of  existence. 

Senator  Hickexlooi'kk.  I  believe  you  will  find  that  it  was  cited  by 
the  Sj^ecial  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  report.  March  lO, 
l'.)44.  i)a<res  l(iS-109.  as  "When  it  was  the  policy  of  the  Connnunist: 
Pai'ty  to  or<;anize  much  of  its  main  pro]ia<::anda  around  the  civil  war 
in  Spain"  the  above  "Connnunist  lawyers"  front  or<^anization"  sup- 
ported this  movement. 

It  was  cited  as  a  Communist  front.  I  believe,  by  the  California 
Connnittee  on  Un-American  Activities,  in  their  report,  1948,  page  835. 

Cited,  I  believe,  also  by  the  Xew  York  City  Council  connnittee  in- 
vestigating the  municipal  civil  service  commission. 

Miss  Kenyox.  I  have  told  you  that  I  was  a  member  of  it  in  1939, 
for  that  one  specific  purj)ose.  There  are  a  great  many  very  fine  Amer- 
ican citizens  also  included  on  that  list.  I  had  no  knowledge  Avhat- 
soever  that  it  was  Connnunist  at  the  time,  and  I  am  not  sure  of  it  yet.. 

I  have  had  nothing  to  do  with  it  since  1939. 

Senator  HicKEXLoorER.  It  is  not  in  existence,  so  far  as  you  know, 
at  this  time^ 

Miss  Kexyox.  I  understood  it  was  formed  for  that  one  purpose,  and 
then  it  went  out  of  existence. 

Senator  Hk'kexi.ooper.  I  have  a  photostatic  copy  of  an  alleged 
political  advertisement  in  the  New  York  Times  of  October  9,  1944,. 
entitled  "An  Open  Letter  to  Gov.  Thomas  E.  Dewey"'  in  connection 
with  the  Morris  U.  Schappes"  conviction  and  asking  the  Governor  to 
pardon  Mr.  Schappes.  Your  name  is  listed  in  this  alleged  photostat 
of  the  advertisement  as  one  of  the  signers  of  the  open  letter. 

Miss  Kexyox.  I  covered  that  in  my  statement.  I  will  be  very  glad 
to  look  at  it. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  think  there  is  a  pencil  mark  right  there 
at  your  name. 

Aliss  Kexyox.  I  have  absolutely  no  recollection  of  that  whatever, 
Senator.  That  is  one  of  the  matters  which  I  tried  to  see  if  I  could 
find  something  on  to  refresh  my  recollection.  I  found  absolutely 
nothing.  I  remember  a  long  debate  in  regard  to  this  Schappes  case, 
and  I  think  the  American  Civil  Liberties  Union  had  the  matter 
under  advisement  in  respect  to  a  number  of  possible  aspects  of  civil 
liberties  in  connection  with  the  matter.  Of  course,  in  connection 
with  civil  liberties,  as  you  know,  we  are  always  having  cases  come 
befoi-e  us  where  it  is  charged  that  there  has  been  some  violation  of" 
civil  liberties,  and  it  is  one  of  the  basic  tenets  of  the  American  Civil 
Liberties  Union  that  every  person  is  entitled  to  civil  liberties,  even 
if  we  hate  his  ideas. 

I  have  no  recollection  of  this  or  or  myself  having  taken  any  action: 
whatsoever.  If  I  did  take  any  action,'  it  would  have  been  entirely 
because  of  some  civil  liberties  question  which  I  believed  was  involved. 
Frankly.  I  don't  think  I  took  any  action  at  all.  I  think  I  just  chewedi 
the  i-ag  the  way  a  lot  of  others  dicl. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Then,  the  inclusion  of  your  name  in  that 
advertisement  as  one  of  the  sponsoi-s  was  entirely  without  youi- consent 
or  a])i)roval ;  would  you  say? 


Miss  Kenyon.  No,  I  can't  be  sure  of  that.  I  simply  say  I  cannot 
remember.  If  it  was  included,  it  was  only  included  because  of  some 
civil  liberties  aspect  of  the  matter  so  far  as  I  was  concerned,  but  I 
have  no  recollection.  -^       i       u 

Senator  HiciiENLOOPER.  The  Schappes  Defense  Committee  has  been 
listed  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  m  its  re- 
port of  March  29,  1944,  as  a  front  organization  with  a  strictly  Com- 
munist objective,  namelv,  the  defense  of  a  self-admitted  Communist 
who  was  convicted  of  perjury  in  the  courts  of  New  York.  It  was 
listed  as  a  front  organization,  I  am  informed,  by  the  California  Com- 
mittee on  Un-American  Activities  in  its  report  in  1948,  page  55. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Mr.  Senator,  I  take  it  that  you  are  not  charging 
that  I  was  a  member  of  that  committee,  but  simply  that  I  signed  the 
letter.     Is  that  correct? 

Senator  Hickenlouper.  Miss  Kenyon,  I  am  charging  nothing. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  beg  your  pardon. 

Senator  Higkenlooper.  I  am  asking  for  information. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  yes.  To  clarify,  let  me  say  I  know  I  never 
was  a  member  of  the  committee.  ,    .    .  .    i 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  do  not  allege  that  this  photostat  shows 
any  membership  on  anything,  except  it  is  alleged  that  yoii  were  a 
signer  of  the  so-called  open  letter  to  Gov.  Thomas  E.  Dewey  as 
co'iitained  in  a  political  advertisement  of  that  date. 

Miss  Kenyon.  And  that  I  may  have  done,  although  1  doubt  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  you  recall  the  Washington  Committee 

To  Lift  the  Spanish  Embargo  ?  .  -r      •  i  t         n  «    i     v. 

Miss  Kenyon.  No.  I  mentioned  that,  and  I  said  1  could  tincl  ab- 
solutely nothing  whatsoever  about  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  a  photostatic  copy  ot  an  allegecl  list 
of  s])onsors,  I  presume,  of  this  organization:  I  dont  know.  It  is 
l^eaded  "These  Americans  say  :  'Lift  the  Embargo  Against  Republican 
Spain  '  ".  It  is  a  booklet  of  the  Coordinating  Committee  to  Lift 
the  Embargo,  an  auxiliary  of  North  American  Committee  to  Aid 
Spanish  Democracy.  ,     ^_  „ 

Under  the  heading  "Lawyers"  is  listed  "Judge  Dorothy  Kenyon. 

I^Iiss  Kenyon.  Well,  I  was  fighting  for  that  cause.    I  wanted  the 

embargo  lifted.  „         ,  .  ,    -r   <•       ^  i.      t^ 

This  is  one  of  the  causes,  Senator,  for  which  I  fought  It  says, 
"These  Americans  say:  'Lift  the  Embargo  Against  Eepublican 
Spain.'  "    They  say  they  want  the  embargo  lifted.    I  did. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  You  signed  that  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.    That  was  1939,  was  it  not? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.    I  believe  it  so. 

Miss  Kenyon.     Yes.  ,   ,    <.         ^^       t      „ 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Then  I  have  a  photostat  ot  an  alleged  page 
in  the  New  York  Times  of  January  31,  1949,  entitled  "An  Open 
Letter  to  the  Government  and  the  People  of  the  United  States,  de- 
manding that  they  lift  the  embargo  now. 

Miss  Kenyon.    You  mean  1939,  not  1949 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Did  I  say  1949?  Im  sorry;  1939.  And 
at  the  bottom  of  this  is  a  list  of  names,  in  which  your  name  appears. 

I^Iiss  Kenyon.    I  suppose  that  is  the  same  thing,  Senator. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.    I  don't  know. 


Miss  Kenyox.  There  are  an  awful  lot  of  bishops  on  this.  This  is 
what  I  was  for.  I  see  some  very  respectable  hiwyers  of  New  York 
on  there.    Harold  Rieaehnan's  name  is  there. 

Senator  HicKKM,(H.ri.:K.  The  AVashin«rton  Committee  to  Lift  the 
fepanish  Embargo,  I  am  informed,  was  cited  as  one  of  a  number  of 
front  oro:anizations  set  up  during  the  Spanish  civil  war  by  the  Com- 
nnmist  Party  in  the  United  States  and  through  which  the  party 
carried  on  a  great  deal  of  agitation.  That  citation  is  by  the  Special 
1  ommittee  On  Un-American  Activities,  report  March  2!),  19^:4  padres 
lo(    and  138.  '  i    & 

Cited  as  a  Communist  front  bv  the  California  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities,  report,  11)47,  page  210.  according  to  the  informa- 
tion I  have. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  certainly  had  no  idea  it  was  Communist,  and  I 
am  sure  those  other  Republican  New  York  lawyers  did  not  know  it 

Senator  HiCKENLoorER.  Can't  you  find  any  Democratic  laywers 
on  that  list  ?  "^ 

Miss  Kexvox.  I  think  my  counsel  will  be  glad  to. 

Senator  Hickf^^looper.  Here  is  a  photostatic  copy,  allegedly,  of 
a  letterhead  of  Films  For  Democracy,  342  Madison  Avenue,  New 
1  ork-.  Uisted  on  the  side  as  a  member  of  the  advisory  board  is  the 
name  of  Dorothy  Kenyon. 

Miss  Kexyox.'  I  haVe  reported  on  that  already.  I  will  be  o-lad 
to  see  the  exhibit.  ^ 

I  have  absolutely  no  recollection.    I  see  Stanley  laacs'  name  here 
I  thought  perhaps  I  might  have  made  a  speech  before  it,  but  I  don't 
know.  ' 

Senator  HicKEXLooPER.  Would  you  sav  the  inclusion  of  your 
name  on  the  list  of  advisers  was  without  ymir  consent  or  authoriza- 
tion ^ 

Miss  Kexyox.  Xo.  I  wouldn't  know.  I  wouldn't  have  any  idea 
about  It.  This  was  m  1938,  and  I  couldn't  tell  vou  about  th'at.  I 
Have  no  recollection  whatever.  I  should  have  thought  that  I  had 
perha])s  made  a  speech  before  the  group. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  And  from  that  they  put  your  name  on 
the  list  {  ^    1.       ./ 

Miss  Kexyox.  They  might  very  well  have.  I  am  inclined  to  think 
tliat  they  did  m  a  number  of  cases. 

I  see  Senatoi-  Capper  here.  I  think  I  had  some  good  company, 
and  it  It  was  Communist  then.  I  certainly  did  not  know^  it 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  might  suggest  that  on  some  of  these  lists 
you  nad  some  very  bad  company  as  well  as  good  company 

Miss  Kenyox.  You  are  quite  correct.  We  know  that  now.  We 
dul  not  all  knoAv  as  much  then. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  am  not  reading  any  other  names  on 
^r-      T^  -^^^  ^^  '^  matter  th.-it  concerns  you.  Judge  Kenyon 

Miss  Kexyox.    Yes,  I  understand.  Senator. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Films  for  Democracy  was  cited  as  a 
Communist-front  organization  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un- 
American  Activities,  report  INIarch  2!),  1944,  and  as  a  Communist  Front 
organization  which  merged  with  another  front.  Film  Audiences  to 
become  Film  Audiences  for  Democracy.     It  w^s  cited  in  the  year 


1939  by  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities,  report 
of  1948,  according  to  the  information  I  have. 

Miss  Kexyox.  I  also  referred  to  that  in  my  statement,  saying  that 
1  had  absolutely  no  record  of  it  or  memory  of  it.  I  take  it  from 
wliat  you  say  that  one  was  merged  with  the  other. 

Senator  Hickenloopek.  I  doivt  know.    I  am  merely  quoting  from 

the  report.  ^  .  , 

Miss  Kenyon.  And  the  letterhead  on  which  my  name  appears  was 
dated,  as  you  say,  January  5, 1938  ?  r   ^aoo 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  There  is  a  date,  January  o,  1-J6b. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes.  ,     .    <•  ^-      xi 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Later,  according  to  the  information  1  have, 
it  was  merged  with  another  organization  to  become  an  organization 
known  as  Film  Audiences  for  Democracy,  m  1939. 

Miss  Kenyon.  That  I  know  nothing  about.  .      ..^        -p 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  have  an  alleged  photostat  of  a  letter  ot 
Film  \udiences  for  Democracy,  342  Madison  Avenue,  iSew  York,  i 
do  not  have  the  date  on  this  one,  but  on  the  advisory  board,  on  the 
side  of  this  letterhead,  is  the  name  of  Dorothy  Kenyon.  Ihat  is  the 
merged  organization. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  know  nothing  whatever  about  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  take  it,  then,  that  your  name  was  put  on 
there  without  your  consent  or  approval.  ,     ,       •,  ^ 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  have  no  recollection,  Senator,  whether  it  was  or  not. 
I  doubt  that  I  ever  had  anything  to  do  with  it,  but  I  cannot  be  sure. 
I  have  led  a  reasonably  full  life,  and  this  was  a  long  time  ago. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Then  you  might  have  been  a  member  ot 

this  ^ 

Miss  Kenyon.  It  is  possible  I  might  have,  but  if  I  did  I  will  repeat 
again  that  I  had  no  ideas  that  it  was  Communist  then,  and  1  haven  t 
anv  idea  what  it  is  now.  ,  ^^      ,         . 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
-ictivities,  in  their  report  of  INIarch  29,  1944,  cited  it  as  a  Communist 
front  I  have  the  citation  book  here  if  there  is  any  question  about 
the  citation.  And  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American  Activ- 
ities, in  its  report  in  1948,  said  ^'The  (^ommunist  fronts,  Film  Audi- 
ences and  Films  for  Democracy,  merged  in  1939  to  form  a  new  front, 
Film  Audiences  for  Democracy.'' 

I  am  told  the  New  York  City  Council  Committee  Investigating  tlie 
Municipal  Civil  Service  Commission  cited  it  as  "an  organization  ot 

Communist  complexion."  -,.-,,         -         r^  v^- 

Do  you  remember  whether  you  canvassed  the  American  Committee 
for  Democracy  and  Intellectual  Freedom  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  think  we  discussed  that  previously,  did  we  noU 
Yes,  that's  right.  I  have  mentioned  it,  you  have  it,  I  mentioned  it, 
and' nov,'  von  mention  it  again.  .  ,,    ^  •     +•      » 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Were  you  a  member  of  that  organization  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  told  vou  that  I,  in  1940,  accepted  membership  in 
an  ad  hoc  Citizens  Committee  to  Promote  Free  Public  Education.  1 
have  never  heard  of  it  since. 

That  is  the  one  which  had  all  of  the  college  presidents  on  it,  it 

you  will  recall. 


Senator  Hickenlooper.  There  was  a  meetino-,  I  am  told,  according 
(o  this  photostat  which  1  have  here  and  which  1  will  hand  you, 
>|H)nsoro(l,  I  believe,  by  that  organization  on  April  lo,  11)40,  and  under 
the  heading  "Tliese  people  sponsored  this  meeting''  is  the  name  of 
Dorothy  Kenyon. 

Miss  Kf.xyon.  1  have  no  recollection,  but  I  may  have. 

Senator  IIickexloopeh.  Vou  would  not  say  that  you  did  not  ?  You 
would  not  positively  state  that  you  did  not  sponsor  it  i 

JNIiss  Kenyon.  That  meeting^ 

Senator  Hickenloopeu.  That  particidar  meeting. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  may  have.  It  was,  1  believe,  in  that  same  year 
that  1  was  accepting  membership  on  this  committee.  It  would  not  be 
inconsistent  if  I  did.  I  repeat  that  I  had  no  idea  at  that  time  that  it 
was  Connnunist.  1  saw  Alvin  Johnson's  name  there,  and  I  am  sure 
he  did  not  think  it  was  Connnunist  either. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  It  was  cited  by  the  Special  Committee 
on  Un-American  Activities  in  its  report  for  June  15,  1942,  and  also 
on  ^larch  '29.  1944.  as  a  C\)mnuniist  front  which  defended  Commu- 
nist teachers.  The  California  Conunittee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties, in  its  report  in  1948,  says : 

This  Communist  front  was  establislied  on  Lincoln's  birthday  in  1939.  The 
activities  of  this  group  were  always  in  l)ehalt  of  comnmnisni.  It  has  followed 
the  Communist  Party  line  as  it  switclied  and  squirmed  in  support  of  tlie  foreign 
policy  of  Soviet  Russia. 

It  was  cited  as  subversive  and  un-American  b}^  the  Special  Sub- 
connnittee  of  the  House  Committee  on  Appropriations  report,  April 
2i,  1943. 

1  ha^e  a  photostat,  allegedly,  of  the  letterhead  of  the  Citizens' 
C{jnnnittee  to  Aid  Striking  Seamen,  277  West  Twenty-second  Street, 
Xew  York  City,  with  a  letter  Avhich  is  apparently  a  form  letter  photo- 
graphed on  this  letterhead.  On  the  side,  under  the  heading  "Ad- 
visory Conunittee",  among  others,  appears  the  name  of  Dorothy  Ken- 
yon. This  letter  is  dated  January  28,  1937.  Were  you  a  member  of 
that  organization? 

Miss  Keny'on.  I  have  already  reported  on  that.  I  could  find 
absolutel}'  nothing  in  my  files,  and  I  have  absolutely  no  recollection. 
I  have  been  sympathetic  in  a  number  of  strikes,  and  it  is  perfectly 
possible  that  I  may  have  sympathized  with  this.  I  know  nothing 
about  it  whatsoever. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  Special  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  in  December  1944,  in  a  report  in  appendix  IX,  I  believe — 
there  is  a  typographical  bobble  here — cited  it  as  a  Communist  front. 

Miss  Kenyon.  At  that  time? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  report  was  made  in  December  1944. 
The  date  of  the  letter  that  I  have  is  1937. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  certainly  did  not  know  that  it  was  Comnuniist  if 
it  was  Connnunist,  nor  am  I  snre  that  I  was  on  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  do  not  know  whether  you  were  or  not, 
Judge.  I  merely  showed  yon  the  ])hotostat  with  the  name  "Dorothy 
Kenyon"'  on  the  side  as  a  member  of  the  advisory  committee. 

I  have  a  photostat  of  a  letterhead  of  the  Conference  on  Pan  Am- 
erican Democracy,  with  oflices  at  156  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York.     It 

68970 — 50 — pt.  1 —14 


is  dated  November  16,  1938,  and  in  the  list  of  sponsors  printed  on 
the  left-hand  side  of  the  letterhead  is  the  name  of  Dorothy  Kenyon. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  have  covered  that  already  in  my  statement. 

Senator  Hickexloopeb.  Just  to  refresh  my  recollection,  were  you 
one  of  the  sponsors  of  the  organization  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes.  I  said  that.  I  found  the  letterhead  in  my 
file  dated  March  4,  1939,  and  I  remember  making  a  speech  before  that 
organization,  I  think  in  1938.  On  the  letterhead  was  the  name  of 
Senator  Paul  H.  Douglas,  Quincy  Howe,  Stanley  Isaacs,  and  Dr. 
Ralph  W.  Sockman,  all  good  friends  of  mine.  I  didn't  know  the 
Communists  on  it,  if  there  were  some. 

Senator  Hickenloopkr.  I  believe  it  is  alleged  there  were  some  on  it. 

Miss  KoNYON.  I  believe  those  gentlemen  that  I  named  were  not 
Conimunists  or  even  considered  so  by  this  committee. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Are  you  still  a  member  of  that  organiza- 
tion ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  have  never  heard  of  it  in  10  or  more  years. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Did  you  ever  withdraw  from  it? 

Miss  I^nyon.  Acording  to  this  letterhead,  I  was  a  sponsor  in  1939. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  1938  is  the  date  of  this  letter. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  m  sorry.  The  letter  I  have  in  my  files  is  1939. 
I'm  sorry. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Then  if  this  photostat  is  an  accurate  re- 
production, you  wei'e  a  sponsor  in  1938,  and  also  according  to  your 
own  letterhead  in  1939  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  That's  right.  I  told  you  it  was  in  my  file,  which 
brought  me  up  a  whole  year  longer  than  what  you  have. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  When  was  the  last  time  you  had  any  con- 
nection at  all  with  this  organization  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  So  far  as  I  know,  March  4,  1939.  I  have  never 
heard  of  it  since.  I  have  difficulty  remembering  even  this  connec- 
tion with  it. 

Senator  Hickenloopeh.  Attorney  General  Tom  Clark's  letters 
to  the  Loyalty  Review  Board,  released  June  1,  1948,  and  September 
21,  1948,  cited  it  as  subversive  and  Communist.  It  was  cited  as  Com- 
munist front  by  the  Special  Committee  on  un-American  Activities 
in  its  report  March  29,  1944 ;  also  cited  in  the  report  of  June  25,  1942. 

The  California  Committee  on  un-American  Activities,  in  its  report, 
1947,  cited  it  as  a  Communist  front,  and  it  was  cited  as  subversive  and 
un-American  by  the  Special  Committee  of  the  House  Committee  on 
Appropriations  in  its  report  of  April  21,  1943. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  do  not  think  I  need  repeat  my  position. 

Senator  Tydings.  We  want  to  go  along,  if  you  will  permit  us,  to, 
for  quite  some  time  yet,  but  obviously  there  will  be  other  members  of 
the  committee  who  will  want  to  ask  you  some  questions,  and  I  am  won- 
dering whether  it  would  be  convenient  for  you  to  stay  over  tonight 
and  come  tomorrow  to  finish  up. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Could  we  possible  finish  tonight,  Senator?  I  do 
earn  my  bread  and  butter  practicing  law,  and  I  have  had  several  days 
just  knocked  right  out. 

Senator  Tydings.  We  will  proceed,  then. 

Senator  Hickenlooper,  I  believe  you  discussed  the  Neiw  York 
League  of  Women  Shoppers,  and  your  association  with  that.     I  have 


uhat  is  alleged  to  be  a  photostatic  copy  of  their  letterhead  of  January 
25.  11)40,  in  which  you  are  listed,  among  others,  as  one  of  the  sponsors. 
Is  that  correct? 

Miss  Kexyon.  No,  that  is  absolutely  not  so,  because  I  disagreed 
violeniiv  ^Yith  them  in  about  lUoO  or  1937  and  withdrew  with  a  bang. 
I  remen'iber  that  very  well  indeed,  so  they  probably  just  continued  to 
carry  my  name  on  the  letterhead,  which  I  am  sorry  to  say  many  organ- 
izations apj^ear  to  have  done. 

Senator  HiCKEXLooPEr..  Did  you  withdraw  in  writing? 

Miss  Kexyon.  I  think  I  prcbably  did.  1  know  I  had  a  great  row 
with  them.  I  could  find  nothing  in  my  files,  but  I  don't  keep  files 
forever  and  ever. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  At  about  what  time  did  you  withdraw  from 
that  organization? 

Miss  Kenyox.  That  was  1937,  I  think — maybe  it  was  earlier  than 
that.  No.  I  think  it  was  founded  about  1935,  and  I  think  it  was  1936 
or  li»37  when  1  withdrew  as  a  sponsor.     I  Avas  never  a  member. 

I  didn't  approve  of  the  way  they  handled  things,  and  I  told  them  so. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  1  lien  their  use  of  your  name  on  their  letter- 
head as  late  as  January  25,  1940,  was  completely  without  your  consent 
and  unauthorized? 

Miss  Kenyon.  That's  right. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  This  organization  was  listed  in  1944  by  the 
Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  as  a  Communist-con- 
trolled front  by  indisputable  documentary  evidence  obtained  from  the 
files  of  the  Communist  Party  in  Philadelphia,  according  to  the  cita- 
tion, and  it  was  cited  by  the  California  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities  in  1943  as  one  of  the  Communist-inspired  and  therefore 
Communist-dominated  and  controlled  consumer  organizations. 

Miss  Kexyon^.  That  was  my  undei-standing,  too,  and  that  is  one  of 
the  reasons  I  withdrew  from  it. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  merely  wanted  to  get  these  things  com- 
pletely cleared  up  for  the  record. 

I  have  a  photostat  of  a  letterhead  of  the  Milk  Consumers  Protective 
Committee,  215  Fourth  Avenue,  New  York,  New  York.  The  date  of 
this  is  snpposed  to  be  April  23,  1940,  according  to  the  photostat,  and 
under  the  heading  ''advisory  board''  is  the  name  Dorothy  Kenyon. 
Do  you  recall  the  Milk  Consumers  Protective  Committee? 

Miss  Kexyon.  I  covered  that  in  my  statement.  I  have  absolutely 
no  i-ecol lection  of  any  such  thing,  and  I  can  find  absolutely  nothing  in 
my  files. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  So  that  you  cannot  recall  now  whether  or 
not  you  ever  were  a  member  of  it,  or  a  member  of  the  advisory  board? 

Miss  Kexyox.  That's  right;  that's  right.  It  sounds  so  utterly 
foreign  to  me  that  I  would  say  I  could  not  possibly  have  been,  but 
you  do  sometimes  have  a  lapse  of  memory,  especially  about  unimpor- 
lant  things. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  think  it  is  very  apparent  that  a  number 
of  these  organizations  have  been  free  with  your  name.  Judge  Kenyon. 
They  have  taken  rather  unusual  liberties. 

Miss  Kexyon.  I  think  so  too.  Senator.  It  is  unfortunate  to  be  a 
liberal  and  a  fighter  for  causes.  It  is  probably  better  not  to  belong 
to  anvthing. 


Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  vou  recall  the  organization  called  the 
Associated  Blind,  Inc.? 

Miss  Kenyon.  This  is  conipletel}^  new. 

Senator  Hickenioopek.  Anion o;  the  list  of  sponsors  on  this  letter- 
head is  "Honorable  Dorothy  Ken3'on,  Justice."  I  am  merely  asking 
you  about  the  organization. 

Miss  Kenyon.  This,  of  course,  is  completely  new,  and  I  remember 
absolutely  nothing  about  it.     I  don't  know  anything  about  it  at  all. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  You  have  no  recollection  of  the  organiza- 
tion ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  No.     I  would  say  I  had  never  heard  of  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Is  that  the  fact,  that  you  have  never  heard 
of  it,  so  far  as  you  remember? 

Miss  Kenyon.  That  is  right,  yes.  I  haven't  any  recollection  what- 
soever of  such  a  name. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Therefore  the  inclusion  of  your  name  as  a 
sponsor  of  that  organization  would  have  been  without  your  authority 
or  consent  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  would  say  so  ;  I  would  say  so. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  This  organization  is  cited  as  a  Communist- 
front  organization  by  the  Special  C'ouDnittee  on  Un-American  Ac- 
tivities in  December  1944. 

I  have  a  photostat  of  an  alleged  program  of  the  American  Eussian 
Institute,  or  I  should  say  it  ap])ears  to  be  an  invitation  to  a  dinner 
given  by  tlie  American  laissian  Instiiute,  a  dinner  and  presentation 
of  its  first  annual  award  to  Franklin  D.  Eoosevelt  for  outstanding 
service  in  furthering  American-Soviet  relations,  given  on  Tuesday, 
May  7,  1946,  at  6 :  -)(>  o'clock  in  the  grand  ballroom  of  the  Hotel  Penn- 
sylvania, in  New  York.  On  the  list  of  sponsors — a  partial  list,  it 
says — appears  the  name  "Dorothy  Kenyon."  Do  you  recall  that 
dinner  of  that  organization? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  also  covered  that  in  my  remarks.  I  do  not  recall 
the  dinner,  but  I  did  say  that,  being  a  Rooseveltian,  a  devoted  Roose- 
veltian,  it  might  not  have  been  strange  if  I  had  sponsored  such  a 
dinner  in  his  honor. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  American  Russian  Institute  for  Cul- 
tural Relations  With  the  Soviet  Union  w^as  cited  by  the  California 
Committee  on  Un-American  Activities  in  its  report  in  1948. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Are  you  talking  about  the  same  organization.  Sen- 
ator, or  is  this  another  one  ? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  It  says  "American  Russian  Institute  for 
Cultural  Relations  With  the  Soviet  Union."  Perhaps  I  had  better 
look  it  up  in  the  citations. 

Senator  Tydings.  AVhile  Senator  Hickenlooper  is  looking  that  up, 
do  some  of  these  organizations  have  a  parent  body  wnth  branches  in 
the  various  States,  some  of  those  that  have  been  enumerated,  like  the 
Maryland  Division  or  the  California  Division,  or  is  there  one  organ- 
ization that  covers  the  country  with  a  mantle?  Do  they  have  State 

Miss  Kenyon.  Of  what  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Any  of  these  organizations. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Do  you  mean,  do  I  know  ? 

Senator  Tydings.  Do  you  know  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  No. 


Senator  Tydings.  The  reason  I  asked  yon  is  that  there  was  put 
in  evidence  yesterday  in  one  of  the  cases  an  exhibit  where  they  had 
a  Maryhmd  chapter,  and  I  was  woiuUn-inir  Avhether  or  not  tliey  had 
chapters  over  the  country  in  otlier  States,  because — and  I  don't  say 
this  is  a  fact,  but  I  think  it  is  a  U)<>ical  inference — one  of  the  chapters 
nii<rht  have  a  connotation  that  the  ])arent  body  might  not  have,  and 
vice  versa,  for  that  matter,  so  I  tliink  that  when  Ave  go  into  the  State 
fiiulinas  on  any  of  them  we  ought  to  know  whether  there  are  State 
chapters  there.     We  (h)n't  know  exactly  what  is  being  referred  to. 

Miss  Kenyox.  Unfortunately  1  know  so  little  about  these  organiza- 
tions that  have  been  mentioned  that  I  am  not  the  authority  to  tell  you 
what  their  organization  is. 

.^"enator  1Ii(!vt,xi.(  oper.  Of  course,  the  oidv  reason  these  orfjaniza- 
lions  ai-e  brought  up  is  that  your  name  appears  on  all  of  them  as  a 
sponsor  or  adviser  or  something  of  that  kind,  and  I  merely  wanted 
!o  })robe  that  situation  a  little. 

Aliss  Kexyox.  That's  right. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  1  think  perhaps  I  should  not  press  this  for 
tlie  moment,  because  this  program  says  "The  American  Russian  Insti- 
tute cordially  invites,"  et  cetera,  and  the  citation  refers  to  the  or- 
ganization "American  Russian  Institute  for  Cultural  Relations  With 
the  Soviet  Union.''  That  is  the  citation  of  its  Communist  activities. 
There  is  some  addition  to  the  name  as  contained  in  the  program.  It 
may  not  be  the  same,  and  I  shall  therefore  pass  it  up. 

The  organization  known  as  "Descendants  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion"— are  you  familiar  with  that? 

Miss  Kexyox.  Yes.  That  is  not  on  this  list.  I  have,  however,  a 
inemory  of  that  which  is  very  clear,  because  that,  again,  Avas  one  of 
the  organizations  that  I  neA-er  Avould  become  a  member  of.  I  Avas 
associated  Avith  them  at  the  start  and  I  didn't  like  them,  and  I  just 
droj^jied  them  as  fast  as  I  could. 

The  idea  Avas  a  A^ery  nice  idea,  and  I  think  it  Avas  Helen  Hall,  of 
XeAv  York,  Avho  told  me  that  some  Quaker  lady  Avliose  name  I  forgot 
liad  thought  up  the  idea  of  having  some  Descendants  of  the  American 
Revolution  avIio  might  have  a  slightly  diti'erent  program  from  that  of 
the  I).  A.  R.  It  sounded  to  me  like  an  interesting  idea.  Dr.  John 
Haynes  Holmes,  as  I  recall,  was  interested  and  Avas  an  adviser,  and 
also,  if  I  recall,  Mary  Simkhovitch,  the  very  fine  Avoman  in  NeAv  York 
Avho  Avas  for  long  the  head  of  Greenwich  House.  We  explored  the 
itlea.  and  I  may  haAe  been  on  that  advisory  committee  for  a  little 
while,  but  A^ery  soon  I  saAv  a  little  bit  of  some  other  people  Avho 
were  Avorking  in  it  and,  as  I  say,  I  didn't  like  them  at  all  and  I  got 
out  as  delicately  but  as  fast  as  I  could.  That  Avas  all  back  in  the 
early,  or  the  middle  of  the  lOoO's,  I  would  have  said.  I  remember 
the  idea  intrigued  me,  but  I  did  not  like  the  people  Avho  were  trying 
to  j)ut  it  into  effect.     They  struggled  to  get  me  to  join. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  The  photostat  AA'hich  I  liaA'e  lists  "Dorotliy 
Kenyon,  prominent  attorney"  as  a  member  of  the  advisory  board. 

Miss  Kexyox.  As  I  say,  I  may  have  been  on  the  advisory  board  for 
a  year,  along  Avith  John  Haynes  Holmes  and  Mary  Simkriovitch,  but 
1  got  out  very  fast.     What  is'the  date  on  that  'i 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  There  is  no  date  that  I  notice. 


Miss  Kenyon.  It  was  the  middle  1930's,  I  tliinlv.  Oh,  yes,  they 
are  both  on  there.     Isn't  that  wonderful !     My  memory  was  good. 

That  idea  did  interest  me. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  And  that  was  when,  did  you  sa}^  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  It  was  around  the  middle  1930's,  I  would  have  said. 
I  am  not  too  clear  about  that.  As  I  say,  I  haven't  had  a  chance  to 
look  it  up.     I  do  have  the  recollection. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Your  memory  is  good  about  that  organiza- 
tion in  the  1930's? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  I  i-emember  that  very  much,  because  1  was 
really  interested  in  that  idea.  Most  of  these  others  I  know  nothing 
about  because  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  them. 

Senator  Higkenloopicr.  The  Descendants  of  the  American  Revolu- 
tion are  described  by  the  Special  Committee  on  Un-American  Activi- 
ties in  its  report  of  June  1942,  as — 

A  Communist-front  organization  set  up  as  a  radical  imitation  of  the  Daughters 
of  tlie  American  Revolution.  The  Descendants  have  uniformly  adhered  to  the 
line  of  the  Communist  Party. 

It  was  cited  as  a  Communist  front  by  the  California  Committee  on 
ITn- American  Activities  in  its  report  in  1948 ;  cited  as  "subversive  and 
un-American"  by  the  Special  Subconnnittee  of  the  House  Committee 
on  Appropriations  in  its  report  of  April  21, 1943. 

Miss  Kenyon.  My  feeling  was  sound.  I  might  say  that  quite  a 
number  of  my  ancestors  fought  in  the  Revolutionary  War — on  the 
right  side. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  In  the  New  York  Journal-American  of 
Sunday,  March  12,  1950,  under  a  story  with  a  byline  by  Howard 
Rushmore,  you  are  quoted — and  I  shall  show  you  the  entire  story 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes;  thank  you  very  much. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  As  saying,  "Perhaps  I  was  a  sucker,"  when 
letterheads  listed  your  name  nmong  the  sponsors  of  Communist-front 
organizations  dating  from  1935  until  1949  and,  "Denied  in  many  in- 
stances that  the  use  of  her  name  had  been  authorized  on  stationery 
of  organizations  listed  as  Communist  by  Congress  or  the  Attorney 
General."  and,  "Declared  McCarthy  w^as  attempting  'to  make  people 
afraid  of  supporting  popular  ideas.'  " 

I  wonder  if  that  statement  that  "Perhaps  I  was  a  sucker"  when 
letterheads  listed  her  name  among  sponsors  of  the  Communist  organ- 
izations is  an  accurate  statement. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  may  have  said  that  perhaps  in  certain  instances 
I  was  a  sucker,  as  who  has  not  been,  and  I  remember  LaGuardia'i's 
statement  that  when  he  made  a  mistake,  it  was  a  "beaut,"  and  I  may 
have  made  one  or  two  of  those  myself.  When  I  have  made  a  mis- 
take, however,  I  think  it  has  always  been  from  generous  motives,  and 
never  because  of  selfish  political  motivations. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  you  have  a  copy  of  this? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  have  it  right  here.  My  counsel  did  not  let  me 
read  it  until  this  moment. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  You  are  welcome  to  look  at  this,  but  if 
you  have  a  copy  of  it  we  might  as  well  keep  this  file  together. 

I  have  here  a  news  story.  Judge  Kenyon,  taken  from  the  Times 
Record  of  Troy,  N.  Y.,  Tuesday  evening,  January  17,  1950,  headed 


"Hiss  trial  seen  example  of  civil  liberties  hysteria";  subheading 
"Dorothy  Kenyon,  former  judge,  speaks  at  annual  YAVCA  dinner." 
The  story  is  as  follows,  and  is  under  date  of  January  17,  1950 : 

The  current  perjury  trial  of  Alger  Hiss  was  cited  last  night  by  former  New 
York  City  Municipal  Court  Judge  I)orothy  Kenyon  as  "a  perfect  example  of  a 
sacrifice  to  the  hysteria  created  by  the  Congressional  Committee  on  Un-American 
Activities."  Speaking  before  a  large  gathering  at  a  membership  dinner  at  the 
Troy  VWCA,  Judge  Kenyon  claimed.  "Lawyers  agree  tliat  tliere  is  not  one  shred 
of  respectable  evidence  to  prove  that  Hiss  did  what  he  is  charged  with  doing." 
She  added  that  in  spite  of  this,  Mr.  Hiss  "will  be  lucky  if  he  can  get  a  hung  jury 
in  his  second  trial." 

Now,  for  the  })urpose  of  my  question.  Judge,  I  do  not  intend  to  read 
any  more  of  tliis.  I  expect  to  offer  the  entire  story  in  evidence,  and 
you  uuiy  read  it  all  if  3^ou  want  to,  in  evidence  or  anything  else.  But 
for  the  purpose  of  my  question  I  will  ask  you,  is  that  a  substantially 
accurate  statement  of  what  you  said  in  that  speech? 

Miss  Kenyon.  There  is  one  sentence  in  there  which  is  not  correct, 
where  I  am  quoted  as  saying  that  lawyers  agreed  there  was  no  evi- 
dence— did3^ousay? 

Senator  HiCKKXLoorER.  I  shall  read  the  quotation  again,  and  I  Avill 
be  glad  to  hand  you  the  story. 

Miss  Kexyon.  Thank  you  very  much. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  The  quotation  here  is  as  follows : 

Judge  Kenyon  claimed  "lawyers  agree  there  is  not  one  shred  of  respectable 
evidence  to  prove  tliat  Hiss  did  what  he  is  charged  with  doing."  She  added  that 
in  spite  of  this  Mr.  Hiss  "will  be  lucky  if  he  can  get  a  hung  jury  in  his  second 

^fy  question  is  as  to  the  accuracy  of  the  alleged  quotation,  which  is 
alleged  in  the  story  to  be  a  direct  quote  from  your  statement.  I  have  no 
objection — in  fact,  it  is  perfectly  all  right  with  me  if  the  whole  stor}^ 
goes  in  the  record. 

Senator  Tydings.  Either  way  you  want  it. 

Miss  Kenyon.  It  makes  no  diflference  to  me,  because  I  said  every- 
thing except  that  one  thing,  as  I  recall  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  It  will  be  put  in  the  record. 

Miss  Kenyon.  May  I  make  a  conmient  in  respect  to  that? 

Senator  Tydings.  You.  may. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  made  the  remark  quoted  in  substantially  those 
words,  that  it  was  a  product  of  the  hysteria  created  by  the  Congres- 
sional Committee  on  Un-American  Activities.  I  was  asked  in  the 
question  pei'iod  about  the  Hiss  case,  which  many  people  have  said  too 
many  things  about  already,  and  if  I  can  very  briefly  summarize  what 
I  said  about  it,  it  was  this :  I  did  say  that  he  would  be  lucky  if  he  got 
a  second  hung  jury.  I  also  said,  which  is  not  here,  that  in  the  present 
condition  of  hysteria  in  tlie  country  it  was  almost  impossible,  it  seemed 
to  me,  to  find  a  jury  who  had  not  perhaps  already  gotten  some  percon- 
ceived  idea  of  tlie  issues,  and  tlierefore  would  be  disqualified  by  having 
made  up  their  minds  in  advance,  and  that  I  really  thought  it  Avould  be 
almost  impossible  to  get  what  you  would  call  a  fair  trial  with  a  jury 
completely  objective  for  at  least  2  years  in  the  present  temper  of  the 

In  regard  to  this  matter  of  evidence,  what  I  said,  in  substance,  was 
that  there  wasn't  a  shred  of  direct  evidence  except  what  Mr.  Whittaker 
Chambers  had  said,  plus  the  documents  which  also  went  back  to  Mv. 



Chambers,  because  he  had  produced  them.  In  fact,  I  think  that  is 
louohly  what  I  said.  There  ^Yas  some  discussion  of  the  whole  subject 
on  the  part  of  the  audience  and  myself.  I  think  that  there  are  a  num- 
ber of  lawyers  who  ao-ree  with  that  position. 

I  do  not  know  Mv.  Hiss  or  Mr.  Chambers  or  any  of  the  parties 

involved.  . 

Senator  Tydings.  The  exhibit  will  be  printed  m  the  record. 

[From  Troy  (N.  T.)  Times  Record,  January  17,  1950] 

Hiss  Trial  Seen  Example  of  Civil  Liberty  IIvsteei a— Dcrotht  Kenyon, 
Former  Judge.  Speaks  at  Annx'al  YWCA  Dinner 

The  Piirrent  perjiirv  trial  of  Alser  Hiss  was  cited  last  night  by  former  New 
York  City  MnnieipalVourt  .Indue  Dorothy  Kenyon  as  "a  perfect  example  of  a 
sacrifice  to  the  hysteria  created  by  the  Congressional  Committee  on  Un-American 

Speaking  before  a  large  gathering  at  a  membership  dinner  at  tlie  Troy  YWCA, 
.Judge  Kenvon  claimed  "lawyers  agree  there  is  not  one  shred  of  respectable,  evi- 
dence to  prove  that  Hiss  did  what  he  is  charged  with  doing."  She  added  that 
in  spite  of  this  Mr.  Hiss  "will  be^  lucky  if  he  can  get  a  hung  jury  in  his  second 

trial  " 

Tlie  case  of  the  former  State  Department  official  came  up  during  .Judge 
Ivenvon's  discussion  on  the  status  of  civil  liberties  in  the  United  States  and  in 
the  'world  She  charged  that  '•under  J.  Parnell  Thomas  (former  Republican 
Representative  from  New  .Jersey)  the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee 
made  accusations  l)ased  on  the  flimsiest  hearsay." 

The  loyalty  tests  of  Federal  emv)b'yees,  the  Feinberg  law,  and  wire  tapping  also 
ame  in  for  criticism  from  Judge  Kenyon,  a  practicing  attorney,  who  is  now  serv- 

o-  on  the  United  Nations  Commission  on  the  Status  of  Women. 

She  declared  that  the  Federal  loyalty  tests  "contain  no  elements  of  a  fair 
trial"  and  pointed  out  that  the  accused  employees  "do  not  even  know  the  nature 
of  the  charges  which  are  brought  against  them." 

Characterizing  the  Feinberg  law,  wniich  was  recently  declared  unconstitutional, 
as  an  -invitation  to  tattle  on  teacher,"  Judge  Kenyon  called  it  a  violation  of 
academic  freed<.m.  She  expressed  the  hope  that  the  law  "which  is  certain  to 
be  drawn  up  to  replace  it"  (the  Feinberg  law)  will  be  drafted  with  more  caution 

Judtte  Kenvon  told  the  gathering  that  "the  people  of  the  United  States  will 
soon  he  presented  with  a  United  Nations  covenant  on  human  rights  which  will 
include  a  mechanism  for  enforcement."  She  said  that  Americans  must  decide  if 
they  are  willing  to  guarantee  these  rights  and  submit  our  violations  of  them 

""The   examp*ie\'he    United    States    sets    in    the    world    will    decide   whether 
the  democratic  ideal  will  stand  or  fall,"  she  asserted. 

"If  we  are  going  to  win  the  battle  of  ideas  we  have  to  put  into  practice  our 
ideals  of  civil  liberties,"  Judge  Ivenyon  said,  concluding  with  a  plea  for  America 
to  "get  over  the  hysteria  and  end  the  witch  hunting."  „   ,  ,  .    t   ,•        rr 

Judge  Kenvon  was  introduced  by  Mrs.  Margaret  Spencer,  Rabbi  Julius^  li. 
Gutmann  of  the  Third  Street  Temple  led  the  devotional  services,  and  Mrs.  Gor- 
man R.  Clarke,  executive  director  of  the  Troy  YWCA,  gave  the  invocation. 

The  program  was  under  the  direction  of  Mrs.  Sterling  P.  Olmsted  of  the  public 
affairs  committee. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Just  as  a  matter  of  interest  in  your  phi- 
losophy, which  you  have  referred  to  in  the  past,  Judge,  I  believe  you 
graduated  from  what  schools? 

]Miss  Kexyon.  Smith  College. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  That  was  in  1908  ?  ^^  .        .      ^ 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  that's  right;  and  New  York  University  l^aw 
School.  Harvard  was  not  open  then  to  women,  otherwise  I  would 
have  done  what  my  brothers  did,  _  i  •        i?       4^1 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Do  you  recall  writing  something  tor  tli*^ 
Decennial  Class  Book  of  1918? 


Miss  Kfxyox.  10 is  ?  1  am  afraid.  Senator,  you  have  tlie  advantage 
of  nie.     1  haven't  the  faintest  idea  of  what  folly  I  may  have  connnit- 

ted  at  that  point.  ,  ,  ,  ^  n  i 

Senator  TydixCxS.  I  don't  think  you  would  have  been  old  enou<>li 

to  write  in  1018.  ^  ^  v  i       ^ 

Miss  Kenyon.  Very  sweet  of  you,  but  I  was.     I  hope  you  did  not 

mean  mature.  •       -j.  n 

Senator  HickkxL(M)i>er.  T  am  just  wondering  if  you  recall. 

Miss  Kexyox.  1  don't  recall  one  thing  about  it. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Before  I  have  even  read  it? 

Miss  Kexyon.  I  don't  recall  one  thing. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  It  is  interesting,  lou  might  desire  to 
check  it.  It  goes  to  the  question  of  your  philosophy.  I  am  told,  in 
the  DecennialChiss  Book  of  1918,  in  writing  about  yourself,  you  used 
these  words:  "Absolutelv  not  a  Republican,  nor  a  Prohibitionist. 
She  can't  altoo-ether  agree  with  the  Democrats,  nor  can  she  quite  com- 
mit herself  to  Socialists,  toward  whom  perhaps  she  most  inclines. 
Six  years  of  nothing  at  all,  of  polite  visits,  existence  and  travel.  How 
it  reads  like  the  davs  before  the  Russian  Revolution.  Here  comes 
a  change,  and  with  "about  as  little  ceremony,  enter  the  radical,  the 
woman  economicallv  indei)endent,  the  wage  earner,  the  advocate  of 
international  democracy.  Having  once  started  on  the  downward  path, 
nothing  but  disillusion  is  apparently  likely  to  gtop  me." 

Do  you  recall  writino;  any  such  sentiments  a^  that? 

Miss  Kexyox.  I  don't  even  know  what  it  means.  Do  you  ?  I  un- 
derstand that  part  about  Prohibition  and  Republicans,  but  nothing 


Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  confess  to  some  confusion,  and  1  thought 
perhaps  you  might  be  able  to  explain  it. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  am  afraid  I  thought  I  was  funny. 

Thank  vou  very  much  for  calling  it  to  my  attention. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  thought  sometimes  those  historical  things 
are  interesting  to  go  back  and  review. 

Miss  Kexyox.  My  class  was  also  antisuft'rage  if  I  remember  aright. 

Senator  HiCKEXLt)0PER.  The  question  involved,  so  far  as  I  am  con- 
eerned— I  assure  you  that  I  haven't  the  least  evidence,  nor  do  I  have 
any  belief,  that  you  are  subversive  in  any  way. 

Miss  Kenyox.  Thank  you  very  much.  Senator. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Or  disloyal.  I  haven't  approached  that 
from  that  standpoint  at  all.  Regardless  of  what  other  members  of 
the  committee  may  interpret  as  the  statement  Senator  McCarthy  made, 
I  interpret  the  statement  he  made  as  suggesting  that  your  membership 
or  alleged  membership  in  a  great  many  organizations  at  least  later 
or  presently  declared  to  be  subversive  is  a  matter  for  concern  so 
far  as  the  security  risk  goes  in  public  service,  especially  in  the  State 
Department  and  its  activities. 

Senator  McMahox.  Will  the  Senator  yield  at  that  point?  I  just 
wanted  to  quote  from  the  record  as  to  what  the  Senator  did  charge  the 
witness  with. 

Miss  Kexyox.  I  have  it  here,  and  it  was  a  little  more  than  member- 

Senator  McMahox"  (reading)  : 

I  think  it  is  important  that  the  committee  know  that  the  Communist  activities 
of  Miss  Kenyon  are  not  (jnly  deep  rooted  but  extend  back  through  the  years.     Her 


sponsorship  of  the  doctrines  and  pliilosophy  of  this  ruthless  and  godless  organi- 
zation is  not  new. 

Miss  Kenton.  Thank  yon  very  much,  Senator,  and  he  also  at  one 
point,  on  page  168,  said : 

Here  again  we  have  this  prominent  State  Department  official,  Judge  Kenyon, 
crying  aloud  in  her  anguish  for  a  fellow  Red — 

and  he  adds — 

I  call  anyone  who  gets  $12,000  a  year   of  the  people's  money  very  prominent — 

but  of  course  I  didn't  get  it — 

a  fellow  red. 

I  consider  that  I  have  the  right  to  assume  that  I  was  charged  with 
being  a  Communist,  and  therefore  disloyal,  and  I  don't  want  to  get 
angry.    I  have  tried  very  hard  not  to. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  assure  you  that  I  am  not  taking  the  posi- 
tion that  you  are  a  Communist,  so  far  as  my  views  of  the  matter  are 
concerned,  but  I  would  like  to  ask  you  whether  or  not  you  are  familiar 
with  Secretary  Acheson's  criteria  on  security  risks  as  he  has  laid 
them  down  before  committees  of  Congress  and,  I  understand,  pub- 
lished tliem. 

Miss  Ivenyon.  No. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Are  you  familiar  with  that? 

Miss  Kenyon.  No,  I  don't  believe  I  know  them. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Assuming  that  he  has  laid  down  the  cri- 
teria, among  others,  that  membership  in  organizations  that  have  been 
declared  to  be  subversive  by  official  bodies  is  a  matter  for  serious 
question  and  examination  of  the  person  as*  a  security  risk  before 
public  employment  is  given  them — I  say  assuming  that;  if  I  am  in- 
correct in  that  statement  I  can  be  corrected — before  you  took  public , 
employment  as  a  representative  of  this  country  on  the  United  Nations, 
did  any  official  discuss  with  you  the  allegations  of  your  membership 
in  organizations  that  had  been  declared  to  be  subversive? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Never.  They  have  come  and  talked  to  me  about  other 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  In  the  event,  and  this  is  a  hypothetical  sit- 
uation, a  supposition  that  I  am  making,  the  files  in  connection  with  in- 
formation on  your  activities  disclose,  prior  to  tlie  time  of  your  em- 
ployment or  representation  of  this  country,  allegations  of  member- 
ships in  a  substantial  number  of  organizations  that  had  been  declared 
to  be  subversive  by  various  public  bodies,  such  as  the  Attorney  General, 
the  House  Un-American  Activities  Committee,  or  other  organizations 
of  that  sort,  what  is  your  personal  opinion  as  to  whether  or  not  j^ou 
should  have  been  interviewed  along  that  line? 

I  am  assinning,  for  the  purpose  of  this  question,  and  making  no  al- 
legation one  way  or  the  other,  that  there  were  repeated  allegations  in 
your  file  of  membership  in  organizations  that  had  been  declared  sub- 
versive. Do  you  think  that  you  should  have  been  talked  to  about  this 
matter  for  some  explanation  or  inquiry  as  to  liow  your  name  hap- 
peiied  to  appear  on  these  lists  as  sponsor  and  otherwise? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Well,  Senator,  I  appreciate  your  asking  me  my 
o]:)inion  as  to  how  the  State  Department  shoidd  have  handled  this  and 
other  cases  of  dangerous  persons.  I  would  thinlc,  myself,  in  the  first 
place,  of  the  organizations  that  have  been  named  here,  membership  in 


them  is  practically  not  cliar<i;ed  to  me  at  all.  I  have  been  charfred 
Avith  sponsoring  a  number  of  organizations,  some  of  which  I  am  i)er- 
fectly  certain  I  never  did  sponsor.  The  ones  that  I  think  I  did  boiled 
down  to  a  handful  that  were  probably  at  the  time  I  belonged  not  Com- 
riumist  at  all,  because  I  am  sure  you  know  about  the  infiltration  of 
Connnunists  into  various  organizations,  and  I  would  have  thought 
that  it  would  have  been  i)roi)er  for  the  State  Department,  or  any  other 
governmental  body,  in  considering  taking  someone  on  their  staff,  or 
whatever  that  they  should  look  at  their  record  in  the  round,  and  look 
at  all  their  activities,  and  not  just  at  a  tiny  little  bit  of  a  group,  and 
I  have  recited  a  number  of  my  acti"vnties  here  today.  There  are  many 
others,  during  most  of  my  life,  which  I  have  not  troubled  the  com- 
mittee with  going  into,  because  I  did  not  want  to  take  your  time  or 
bore  you.  I  therefore  simply  hit  the  high  spots  of  the  things  which 
were  inconsistent  with  the  so-called  Communist  line,  and  if  you  were 
to  look  into  all  my  activities,  I  think  you  might  think  yourself,  with- 
out further  questioning  of  me,  that  I  was  a  good  security  risk. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Judge  Kenyon,  the  question  I  asked  you 

Miss  Kexyox.  I  am  sure  I  have  been  looked  into  b}^  everything. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  The  question  that  I  asked  you — perhaps  I 
didn't  make  it  clear,  and  I  merely  asked  for  your  opinion. 

Miss  Kexton.  Yes;  I  understand. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  In  the  light  of  the  criteria  laid  down  by 
the  Secretary  of  State  himself,  in  whicfi  he  said  that  membership  in 
organizations  which  had  been  declared  to  be  subversive,  or  which  were 
declared  to  be  subversive  by  official  bodies,  was  at  least  a  cause  for 
serious  examination  of  the  background  and  security  risk  potential  of 
the  individual  who  is  considered  for  public  office.  In  that  light  of 
those  criteria,  and  then  assuming  for  the  sake  of  this  question  that 
in  your  files  there  appeared  numerous  cases  where  you  were  alleged 
to  have  been  a  sponsor  or  a  member  of  a  number  of  organizations, 
whether  it  is  20  or  25  or  whatever  number,  but  a  substantial  num- 

Miss  Kextox.  It  boils  down  nearer  to  six  or  eight. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  am  talking  about  the  allegation.  I  am 
not  talking  about  your  actual  membership.  I  am  talking  about  the 
allegations  that  you  were  a  member  of  a  substantial  number  of  these 
organizations.  Wouldn't  you  tliink  that  in  keeping  with  the  criteria 
laid  down  for  examination  someone  officially  should  have  talked  to 
you  about  this  matter?  Shouldn't  it  liave  raised  some  question? 
Shouldn't  they  have  said,  "We  will  go  and  see  Judge  Kenyon.  We  will 
give  her  an  opportunity  to  tell  us  about  these  things." 

Here  are  these  allegations.  Wouldn't  you  think  that  would  be  a 
perfectly  normal  thing  in  carrying  out  the  investigating  procedure 
before  appointment  as  a  public  official  ? 

Miss  Kextox.  It  might  have  been  done.  Senator.  I  have  no  doubt 
that  very  serious  consideration  was  given  to  my  text,  but  what  is  gained 
by  talking  to  a  person  and  asking  them  whether  they  are  subversive 
or  are  in  favor  of  overthrowing  the  Government  by  force  and  vio- 
lence, when  you  know  perfectly  well  the  answer  that  you  will  get 
does  not  seem  to  me  very  substantial?  I  think  the  things  which  they 
doubtless  did  do  were  to  talk  to  people  with  whom  I  had  been  asso- 
ciated in  various  activities,  and  to  get  their  views  on  me,  which  was 


considerably  more  intelligent  than  to  come  and  talk  to  me.  What 
do  yon  think  I  wonld  have  said  ? 

Senator  Hickenlooper,  I  would  have  said  some  of  the  things  I  have 
been  saying  to  you  today. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  am  minded  to  ask  the  question,  Judge 

Miss  Kenton.  It  is  the  only  way  I  can  answer  it. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Because  you  so  vigorously  and  so  very  prop- 
erly and  so  quickly  demanded  to  be  heard  in  this  case,  when  the  charges 
were  made  by  Senator  McCarthy,  and  I  would  think  that  normally 
it  would  therefore  be  your  reaction  that  of  course  the  State  Depart- 
ment shoidd  have  come  to  you  and  let  you  jn-esent  your  case  in  this 
matter  if  these  things  appeared  in  the  file.  It  would  seem  to  me  to 
be  perfectly  consistent. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  understand  you  now.  Senator,  and  I  would  say 
this.  You  are  now,  instead  of  asking  me  whether  I  think  this  was 
something  the  State  Dej)artment  should  have  done,  talking  about  it 
in  terms  of  what  I  would  have  liked  in  respect  to  my  own  reputation. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  am  asking  you  for  your  judgment.  You 
are  a  very  able  woman,  a  woman  of  experience;  you  are  a  jurist. 
Your  opinion,  I  think,  is  valuable. 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  would  have  been  very  happy  had  they  come  and 
had  I  been  able  to  answer  and  to  tell  them  that  most  of  these  things 
I  had  had  nothing  whatsoever  to  do  wnth.  I  didn't  know  at  the 
time  that  there  was  a  case  like  this  building  up  against  me. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Don't  you  think  it  was  a  matter 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  have  learned  a  lot  lately. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  That  you  miglit  well  have  known  about, 
that  they  should  have  talked  to  you  about  and  told  you  about? 

Miss  Kenyon.  I  would  have  liked  it  had  they  come  to  me;  yes, 
indeed.  I  would  have  been  delighted,  and  I  would  have  given  them 
another  piece  of  my  mind. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  With  the  reservation,  Mr.  Chairman,  that 
I  still  feel  and  insist  that,  inasmuch  as  this  is  one  of  the  cases  involved 
in  this  matter,  the  investigative  file  must  be  available  to  this  com- 
mittee and  that  I  don't  consider  this  to  be  any  kind  of  a  complete 
ciuestioning  of  the  witness  without  the  background  of  those  files,  I 
have  nothing  more  to  say  at  this  time. 

Senator  Tydings.  Judge,  I  would  like  to  ask  you  one  or  two  ques- 

Have  you  ever  been  an  employee  of  the  State  Department? 

Miss  Kenyon.  My  answer  would  be  that  I  don't  think  so.  I  am 
not  sure  what  you  call  a  United  States  delegate  to  the  United  Nations. 
I  had  always  described  myself  as  a  piece  w^orker — p-i-e-c-e  worker — 
for  the  State  Department.  I  do  not  think  that  that  position  is  con- 
sidered an  employee.  I  am  not  sure.  Senator.  You  are  asking  me  a 
technical  question.  That  is  my  only  connection  ever  with  the  State 

Senator  Tydings.  The-r.ext  question  I  would  like  to  ask  you  is.  What 
was  your  first  notice  of  the  charges  that  Senator  McCarthy  had 
brought  here  concerning  you? 

Miss  Kenyon.  Wednesday. 

Senator  Tydings.  In  the  newspapers? 


Miss  Kknydx.  At  1-2  o'clock  ;i  reporter  called  nie  up,  and  from  then 
until  1  a.  ni.  reporters  called  nie  up. 

Senator  Tydings.  Did  you  have  any  notice  that  your  name  was 
ooinir  to  he  called  into  question  before  this  connnittee  before  the  re- 
jiorter  called  you  up  ^ 

Miss  Kknyox.  I  never  had  the  faintest  inkling.  I  was  horribly 
busy.  I  had  })rofessional  engaoements  all  last  week  and  this  and  next 
week;  and  tomorrow  is  income-tax  day.  and  I  do  some  income-tax 
woi-k;  and  1  was  submerged  witli  things  and  never  once  thought  about 

Senator  Tynixiis.  Thei'e  has  been  no  evidence  here  that  anyone  who 
has  made  any  charge  against  you  has  actually  seen  the  files  in  the 
State  DeiKirtment,  so  you,  in  answering  these  charges,  are  in  the  same 
position  so  far  as  the  connnittee  knows  as  was  the  witness  who  brought 
the  original  charges.  They  were  brought,  so  far  as  we  know,  without 
any  seeing  of  the  State  Department  files  themselves,  and  consequently 
you  are  here  without  us  having  seen  the  State  Department  files. 

Miss  Ken  YON.  We  are  all  in  the  same  boat. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  I  would  like  to  ask  3'on  this :  When  you  joined 
an}-  of  these  organizations,  those  that  you  have  particularly  identified 
yourself  with  and  have  given  your  reason  for  joining,  how  did  you 
come  to  join  them  ?  Did  you  organize  these  things,  or  were  you  in- 
vited by  someone  you  knew  to  join  ? 

Miss  Kenyox'.  I  was  always  invited.  I  have  always  been  very  busy 
with  my  law  practice  and  then,  of  course,  with  my  governmental  work 
during  those  years  of  the  thirties.  Perhaps  Government  work  isn't 
quite  as  trying  as  practicing  law.  I  seem  to  have  had  a  little  more 
time  in  the  late  thirties  when  I  was  a  Government  official  for  extra- 
curricular activities,  and  perhaps  that  is  a  pity.  But  in  any  event,  you 
know,  I  got  around,  I  spoke,  and  then  I  have  always  cared  very  much, 
as  I  stated,  for  the  under  dog;  and  the  American  Civil  Liberties  Union, 
of  course,  has  dealt  with  under  dogs ;  so  people  came  to  me  and  told  me 
about  projects. 

Senator  Tydixgs.  What  character  of  people  suggested  that  you  join 
any  of  these  organizations? 

Miss  KKX'Yt)X.  Well,  they  were  just  people  that  I  knew. 

Senator  Tydings.  Were  they  prominent  i)eo])le  in  the  community  oi 
well-known  "i-eiiutation,  or  were  they  ]:)eo))le  that  were  of  shady  re))u 
tation.  or  Conununists.  or  pro-Connnunists.  so  far  as  you  know,  look- 
ing back  on  this  record? 

Miss  Kenyox.  I  would  have  said,  for  the  most  part,  many  of  them 
were  friends  of  mine  who  do  have  re])utations,  but  I  also  know  a  lot 
of  little  peo])le  who  don't  have  reputations  in  that  sense  of  the  word, 
and  some  of  these  little  groups  that  have  been  talked  about  I  surmise 
were  perhajis  in  the  beginning  just  a  group  of  little  peo])le  in  some 
neighborhood  in  Xew  Yoi-k  who  had  heard  me  speak  and  told  me 
about  their  idea,  and  would  I  hel])  them — nuiybe  wovdd  I  go  on  the 
advisory  connnittee  while  they  were  trying  to  organize  this  tiling,  be- 
cause I  don't  entirely  deal  in  the  world  of  Park  Avenue  and  Wall 

Senator  Tydings.  I  did  not  mean  in  the  economic  sense.  I  meant 
in  the  citizenship  sense.  Were  any  of  these  peo]de  who  invited  you 
to  join,  so  far  as  you  knew  them,  or  so  far  as  you  know  now,  members 


of  the  Communist  Party,  or  allied  with  the  Communist  Party,  or 
identified  with  Communist  movements  per  se  ? 

Miss  Kenyon.  At  the  time  when  they  came  to  me,  I  had  no  idea 
that  they  were  Communists,  if  they  were.  I  have  had  no  idea  whatso- 
ever in  respect  to  it.  As  I  grew  a  little  older  in  the  thirties  I  worked 
out  a  policy  that  I  was  cooperative  and  friendly  toward  most  people, 
but  in  respect  to  Communists,  while  I  would  support  their  civil  liber- 
ties, my  policy  was  isolationism,  and  I  kept  away  from  them  and  tried 
to  keep  them  away  from  me.  . 

Senator  Tydings.  I  have  lots  of  other  questions,  but  I  am  going  to 
defer  to  my  two  commiteeemen  so  you  may  not  stay  here  if  we  can  get 
through.     Senator  Green  ?  •  •  i     i. 

Senator  Green.  Miss  Kenyon,  you  have  many  times  m  reply  to  a 
question  referred  to  your  filing  system  and  having  found  nothing  m 
your  files.  I  think  perhaps  it  would  be  just  as  well  for  you  to  say  a 
few  words  as  to  what  this  filing  system  was.  Was  it  your  habit  to 
open  a  file  for  a  new  organization  you  joined,  and  things  like  that^ 
Miss  Kenyon.  Yes,  Senator.  I  would  be  very  glad  to  answer  that 
question.  It  sounds  a  little  formidah.le  to  call  it  a  filing  system;  but, 
of  course,  you  know  I  have  my  law  office ;  and  we,  of  course,  have  my 
legal  files ;  and  I  have  file  clerks. 

When  it  has  come  to  the  question  of  these  nonlegal  matters,  but 
extracurricular  activities,  so  to  speak,  my  organizational  matters, 
mv  various  secretaries  from  time  to  time  have  tried  to  get  order  in 
them  and  I  have  a  file  of  associations.  Wliere  I  have  a  great  deal 
to  do'with  them,  the  files  with  respect  to  them  become  very  voluminous, 
and  then  I  have  miscellaneous  association  files.  Wlien  there  are  spe- 
cific things  which  become  important  enough  to  have  a  file  by  them- 
selves, they  get  a  file;  and  then,  as  1  say,  in  the  ''miscellaneous  comes 
in  what  I  would  call  the  cats  and  dogs,  the  things  that  maybe  I  have 
iust  contact  with  for  a  very  short  period  of  time. 

I  did  not.  Senator,  keep— unfortunately,  if  I  did,  I  would  have  to 
pay  much  more  rent  than  I  do  now— and  I  cannot  keep,  all  my  files 
from  the  beo-inning  of  time,  because  every  now  and  then  we  burst  at 
the  seams  and  I  either  have  to  throw  out  some  old  ones  or  buy  some 
new  filing  cabinets  or  do  both,  and  my  office  in  New  York  is  not  a  very 
bio-  one.  It  is  jammed  with  files.  Every  now  and  then  we  have  to 
ha'^ve  a  house  cleaning,  and  out  go  a  lot  of  little  innocent  lambs. 

I  had  a  file  on  this  Political  1 'ail  Fund  thing.  We  had  a  card  tor 
it  But  it  ended,  you  see,  in  1934  or  1935,  and  there  wasn  t  any  file. 
We  had  thrown  it  out.  So  I  was  stuck.  All  I  could  do  was  to  ask 
Roger  Baldwin.  „ 

Senator  Green.  As  a  rule  you  have  a  file  of  one  kind  or  other  tor 
any  organization  of  which  you  are  actively  a  member  ? 
Miss  Kenyon.  That's  right,  and  we  have  cards  for  them. 
Senator  Green.  And,  when  you  say  you  haven't  found  any  refer- 
ence to  it,  you  infer  that  in  all  probability  it  was  ]ust  a  passing 
interest  or  some  minor  activity  like  a  speech  or  something  of  that 

Miss  Kenyon.  That  is  precisely  it.  I  also  have  a  speech  file,  but  it 
does  not  go  back  to  the  thirties. 

Senator  Green.  My  distinguished  colleague  asked  you  about  a  good 
many  associations  and  organizations  on  which  your  name  appeared 


in  some  publication,  such  as  an  invitation  to  a  dinner  or  something 
like  that,  and  it  was  based  on  the  theory  of  guilt  by  association. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Yes. 

Senator  (tkeex.  Because  that  is  tlie  only  purpose  it  seems  to  me  it 
could  have,  and  he  quoted  the  Secretary  of  State  as  referring  to  that 
as  one  of  the  criteria  which  might  be  used  in  determining  an  applicant 
or  an  employee's  loyalty,  although  the  Secretary  of  State  used  that 
only  as  one  of  a  number 

Miss  Kenyox.  a  number  of  criteria? 

Senator  Green.  Yes ;  that  the  thought  should  be  applied. 

I  think  it  would  be  just  as  well,  or  I  would  be  glad,  at  any  rate,  to 
liear  your  views  on  this  theory  of  guilt  by  association.  It  always 
seemed  to  me  as  though  that  was  one  of  the  fundamental  differences 
between  the  totalitarian  and  the  democratic  form  of  government. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  so  long  as  the  Senator  has 
predicated  his  question  on  his  assumption  of  what  I  said,  may  I  clear 
it  up? 

Senator  Greex.  I  will  be  glad  to  have  you  do  so. 

Senator  Hickexlooper.  I  did  not  say  the  Secretary  of  State  had 
set  these  up  as  criteria  of  loyalty.  I  used  the  term  ''security  risk." 
There  is  a  vast  difference  between  security  risk  and  either  proof  of 
or  allegation  of  disloyalty.  There  is  a  vast  difference  between  them. 
A  bad  security  risk  may  be  loyal  intentionally. 

Senator  Green.  I  am  glad  the  Senator  understands  the  difference, 
because  the  resolution  under  which  we  are. acting  specifies  disloyalty 
and  not  security  risk,  so  I  assumed  that  those  who  are  charged  in  these 
hearings  and  before  this  committee  were  being  charged  with  dis- 
loyalty.   It  seems  to  me  it  is  a  logical  conclusion. 

However,  about  this  theory  of  guilt  by  association,  I  know  you  must 
have  very  definite  ideas,  and  I  will  be  glad  to  hear  them. 

Miss  Kexyox'.  Thank  you,  Senator.    I  want  to  be  very  brief. 

Of  course,  guilt  hy  association  alone  seems  to  me  a  violation  of  due 
process,  whicli  is  in  our  Constitution  as  one  of  the  civil  liberties  which 
I  have  fought  for.  The  associations  themselves,  the  organizations 
themselves — and  I  hold  no  brief  for  any  of  these;  I  am  prepared  to 
believe  they  are  all  devilish — nevertheless  they  themselves  have  never 
been  found  subversive  by  a  court  of  law  or  by  any  process  other  than 
an  administrative  edict;  and  administrative  edicts  or  fiats  or  what- 
ever you  call  them  sound  to  me  like  Mr.  Hitler  and  Mr.  Stalin;  there- 
fore, I  think  that  the  terming  of  an  organization  subversive  is  in  itself 
a  violation  of  civil  liberty. 

And  then  from  that  to  jump  to  the  fact  that  a  person  who  is  a  spon- 
sor or  a  member  or  participates  in  one  tiny  little  project  for  a  short 
])eriod  of  time  is  therefore  tarred  with  the  same  brush  and  is  there- 
fore himself  or  herself  subversive  seems  to  me  a  non-sequitur.  Very 
frequently  it  just  is  not  true. 

Therefore  it  seems  to  me  that  due  process  is  violated,  and  maybe  it 
js  a  bill  of  attainder  and  maybe  it  is  an  ex  post  facto  law.  I  am  pre- 
pared to  say  that  it  is  completely  contradictory  to  the  democratic 

Senator  Green.  I  thought  that  was  your  view,  and  I  am  glad  to  hear 
you  state  it  so  clearly. 

Miss  Kexyox.  I  hope  vou  read  the  New  York  Times  editorial  on 
"The  Right  To  Join." 


><pn.ifor  Green  I  did  not.  Perhaps  this  will  be  a  good  siibstitute 
^efesjS  one  other  question:  You  were  furnished  with  a  good 
m.nv  lis  s  on  which  appeared  disreputable  people  as  well  as  people 
of  he  Idlhe  t  repute.  I  have  before  me  a  docmnent  relatnig  to  you 
whic^  cont^^ins  people  I  do  not  think  any  of  whom  are  disreputable, 
all  of  the  highest  repute. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Oh,  Senator,  thank  you.  „  .^  .^  i  •     n  ^ 

Senatoi  Green.  And  I  think  it  would  be  well  if  it  appeared  m  the 

record  now     It  is  headed  "For  release  upon  completimi  of  testimony 

by  Judge  Dorothy  Kenyon  before  Subcommittee  of  Senate  Foreign 

Relations  Committee,  March  14,  1950. 

I  don^t  know  whether  von  care  to  read  it  and  place  it  m  the  lecmci. 
You  are  the  only  witness  here;  I  suppose,  unless  you  are  overcome  by 

"m^^SycS'^S^^i-.  vou  embarrass  me.    Might  my  counsel  read 
it  foi- me  ^  If  I  know  what  it  is,  I  would  prefer  not  to  read  it  myself. 

Senator  Tydings.  Counsel  will  read  the  document. 

Mr  KiENDL.  The  document  reads  as  follows : 

The" following  is  a  statement  made  public  t.>day  by  New  YorK  Attorney  C.  C. 

"^SiT:^  ::^ZS'^^^^^o^^eZ  senator  McCarthy,  of  Wis- 
"^'^  ;^  bif  teSumony  before'tbe  -^committee  of  tl^  Senate  C^mnnt^e  o 


"t  a  public  natuie.     She  lias  attained  a  tigli  ieimta(ii.n  t<Ji  bei  abilitj  aiitt  bei 
'■":\V'l'!rie,fr,  ir'w'^SlSge'iS'sbe  l,a,  never  bad  tbe  sligbtes,  .y^^ 

states      No  citizen  of  New  York  is  a  more  loyal  American. 

That  is  signed  by  :  Ernest  Angell  C.  C.  ^^m;lingbam  John  W  D^^^^^^^ 
T  Invd  Garrison  Edward  S.  Greenbaum,  ^lcholas  Kelley,  William  H. 
D^l^^il  NeXld  Morris,  Robert  Moses.  Robert  P.  Patterson,  A.  J.  G. 
Priest,  Whitney  North  Seymor,  and  Ordway  lead. 
Senator  Green.  Thank  you. 
Miss  Kenyon.  Thank  you  very  much.  Senator. 
Senator  Tydings.  Senator  McMahon  ? 
Senator  McMahon.  No  questions. 

Senator  TvmNGS.  Miss  Kenyon,  we  are  very  much  obliged  to  you 
for  coming  down  here  and  testifying.  We  will  try  and  not  call  you 
hack  unless  you  get  in  the  headlines  again. 

Miss  Kenyon.  Unless  I  get  in  hot  water.  ^„  fL^f 

Senator  TvmNos.  I  would  like  to  announce  before  we^adjourn  that 
I  would  like  to  have  an  executive  committee  meeting  of  the  subcom- 
mittee in  room  G-23  in  the  Capitol  tomorrow  morning  at  10  :.^0 
o'clock  I  hope  all  members  will  be  present.  It  is  important  that  they 
•ill  l)e  there  promptly  so  we  can  dispatch  some  pending  business. 

(Whereupon,  at  5 :  15  p.  m.,  the  hearing  was  recessed,  to  reconvene 
upon  the  call  of  the  Chair.) 


MONDAY,   MARCH   20,    1950 

United  States  Senate, 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations, 
Subcommittee  Appointed  Under  Senate  Resolution  231, 

Washington^  D.  C. 
The  subcommittee  met,  pursuant  to  adjournment  on  March  14,  1950, 
at  10 :  20  a.  m.  in  room  318,  Senate  Office  Building,  Senator  Millard 
E.  Tydings,  chairman  of  the  subcommittee,  presiding. 

Present:    Senators  Tydings,  Green,  McMahon,  and  Hickenlooper. 
Also  present :  Senators  Connally  (chairman  of  the  full  committee), 
Tobey,  Wiley,  and  ]\[cCarthy. 

Senator  Tydings.  The  committee  will  please  come  to  order. 
Dr.  Jessup,  would  you  care  to  take  the  stand  1 
Hold  up  your  right  hand,  first. 

Do  you  solemnly  swear  that  the  evidence  you  shall  give  in  the  pend- 
ing matter  before  this  committee,  shall  be  the  truth,  the  whole  truth, 
and  nothing  but  the  truth,  so  help  you  God  ? 
Ambassador  Jessup.  I  do. 
Senator  Tydings.  Take  a  seat,  sir. 


Senator  Tydings.  Dr.  Jessup,  you  are  familiar,  I  assume  with  why 
this  committee  is  sitting. 

Ambassador  Jessup.  Yes,  sir. 

Senator  Tydings.  I  likewise  assume  that  you  are  familiar  with  the 
statement  made  by  Senator  McCarthy  concerning  you,  sometime  ago, 
during  the  process  of  these  hearings  ? 

Ambassador  Jessup.  Yes,  sir. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  have  read  it  ? 

Ambassador  Jessup.  Yes,  sir. 

Senator  Tydings.  Are  you  prepared  to  make  an  answer  to  that, 
today  ? 

xVmbassador  Jessup.  I  should  like  to  do  so,  sir. 

Senator  Tydings.  You  may  proceed  in  your  own  way. 

Ambassador  Jessup.  Thank  you.  Senator. 

Mr.  Chairman,  my  name,  as  I  think  may  be  known,  is  Philip  C. 
Jessup.  I  reside  in  Norfolk,  Conn.,  and  my  present  position  is  Am- 
bassador at  Large  of  the  United  States. 

Senator  Tydings.  Dr.  Jessup,  you  might,  for  about  a  minute  or  two, 
give  us  a  little  biography  as  to  how  long  vou  have  been  in  the  State 


68970— 50— pt.  1 15 


Department,  and  so  forth,  so  that  when  you  take  up  the  record,  those 
of  the  people  here  who  are  not  familiar  with  that,  will  have  that  in 

mind.  .  -,1   •     ^ 

Ambassador  Jessup.  I  have  included  that  ni  my  statement,  with  just 

a  little  prefatory  paragraph,  if  I  may. 

Senator  Tydings.  That  is  all  right,  sir. 

Ambassador  Jessup.  I  wanted  to  say,  sir,  that  I  greatly  appreciate 
the  opportunity  that  your  committee  lias  given  me  to  appear  before 
you  in  connection  with  the  charges  and  insinuations  which  have  been 
made  against  me  by  Senator  McCarthy.  On  March  8  Senator  Mc- 
Carthy made  the  following  statement  to  this  committee  which  I  quote 
from  pages  71  and  72  of  the  record : 

Although  I  shall  discuss  the  unusual  affinity  of  Mr.  Philip  C.  Jessup  of  the 
State  Department  for  Communist  causes  later  in  this  inquiry,  I  think  it  pertinent 
to  note  that  this  gentleman  now  formulating  top-flight  policy  in  the  Far  East 
affecting  half  the  civilized  world  was  also  a  sponsor  of  the  American-Russian 

That  is  the  end  of  the  quotation. 

I^Ir.  Chairman,  no  one  can  be  loyal  to  communism  and  also  loyal  to 
the  Hnited  States.  This  attack  on  me  by  Senator  McCarthy  is  obvi- 
ously intended  to  give  the  impression  that  I  am  disloyal  to  the  United 
States.  When  Senator  McCarthy  made  that  statement,  I  was  m 
Pakistan  completing  an  official  mission  throughout  the  countries  of 
Asia.  This  mission  was  carried  out  as  part  of  the  effort  this  country 
is  making  to  strengthen  the  free  and  democratic  forces  in  Asia  and  the 
capacity  "of  free  Asia  to  resist  subversive  or  antidemocratic  forces. 

During  the  course  of  this  mission  it  was  my  duty  to  speak  on  behalf 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  the  chiefs  of  state,  prime 
ministers,  foreign  ministers,  and  otlier  high  officials  of  almost  all  of 
the  countries  of  that  area.  In  the  course  of  that  mission  I  also  made 
various  public  statements  in  an  attempt  to  make  clear  to  the  peoples  of 
the  east  that  the  solution  of  their  problems  does  not  lie  in  the  false 
hopes  dangled  before  them  by  the  agents  of  Communist  greed  and 

For  example,  at  New  Delhi,  on  February  23, 1950, 1  issued  this  state- 
ment to  the  press,  and  I  should  like  to  read  that  extract: 

Since  the  end  of  the  Second  World  War,  history  has  recorded  the  extension 
of  a  new  imperialism  that  has  broutiht  more  than  a  dozen  countries  under  the 
domination  of  a  sin£;le  expanding  power.  The  device  used  by  this  expanding 
power  in  extending  its  imperialism  is  to  hold  out  the  glittering  promises  of 
communism  as  a  beacon  light  for  the  rescue  of  peoples  who  are  suffering  from 
economic  underdevelopment  or  who  are  trying  to  remove  the  shackles  of  the  old 
traditional  kinds  of  colonialism.  However,  where  communism  gains  control, 
it  becomes  immediately  apparent  that  the  peoples  are  not  allowed  to  determine 
their  own  future,  but  must  conform  to  a  single  policy  laid  down  in  Moscow. 

*  *  *  Communism  is  hostile  to  what  the  Asian  people  want  to  do  and 
what  we  want  to  help  them  to  do— which  is  to  develop  the  stability  of  their  new 
countries  and  to  develop  their  resources  and  their  technical  skills  so  that  they  are 
not  subject  to  penetration,  either  through  ignorance  or  distress  or  because  they 
succumb  to  the  false  promises  of  the  Communists. 

That  is  the  end  of  the  quotation  from  that  statement  I  made  at 
New  Delhi. 

If  Senator  McCarthy's  innuendoes  were  true,  the  representatives  ot 
the  foreign  governments  with  whom  I  spoke  would  be  entitled  to  be- 
lieve that  mv  statements  to  them  were  deceitful  and  fraudulent.  They 
would  be  entitled  to  b^^lieve  that  no  confidence  should  be  placed  in  the 


declui-ations  wliich  I  made  on  behalf  of  our  Government.  If  it  were 
true  that  the  President  and  tlie  Secretary  of  State  had  sent  on  such  a 
mission  a  person  who  was  a  traitor  to  his  own  Government  they  might 
well  feel  that  they  could  place  no  confidence  in  the  statements  made 
by  any  of  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  abroad. 

It  may  be  relatively  unimportant  whether  the  character  of  a  single 
American  citizen  is  blackened  and  his  name  is  brought  into  disrepute, 
but  in  the  present  serious  situation  of  international  relations  through- 
out the  world  today  it  is  a  question  of  the  utmost  gravity  when  an 
official  holding  the  rank  of  Ambassador  at  Large  of  the  United  States, 
of  America  is  held  up  before  the  eyes  of  the  rest  of  the  world  as  a  liar 
and  traitor.  I  am  aware,  ]\Ir.  Chainnan,  that  Senator  McCarthy  has 
not  used  those  words.  But  if  his  insinuations  were  true,  these  words, 
would  certainly  be  appropriate. 

It  is  impossible  for  anyone  to  estimate  the  harmful  effect  that  these 
innuendoes  have  had  on  the  success  of  my  mission  and  the  foreign 
policy  of  the  United  States.  It  is  clear  that  if  these  insinuations  re- 
main unanswered,  they  will  further  weaken  the  United  States  in  its 
conflict  with  world  communism.  For  that  reason  I  flew  back  from 
Europe  and  asked  this  opportunity  to  be  heard  by  this  committee. 

It  is  obvious  that  an  individual  holding  the  high  position  of  Senator 
of  the  United  States  would  not  venture  in  this  way  to  undermine  the 
position  of  the  United  States  in  its  relations  with  the  rest  of  the 
world  unless  there  was  some  reason  for  doing  so.  I  have  tried  to 
figure  out  \\hat  the  reason  behind  this  attack  might  be. 

I  suppose  that  if  I  chose  to  follow  the  tactics  which  you  gentlemen 
have  witnessed  in  recent  weeks,  I  would  start  with  the  hypothesis 
that  this  action  was  Communist  inspired.  It  so  happens  that,  so  far 
as  I  know,  the  only  other  attack  upon  my  integrity  during  the  course 
of  my  trip  in  Asia  was  made  by  the  Peiping  Communist  organs,  and 
by  Izvestia,  the  official  publication  of  the  Soviet  Union  in  Moscow. 

On  March  3,  Izvestia  attacked  me  in  the  following  manner: 

At  a  press  conference  arranged  on  February  23  in  Delhi,  Jessup  set  out  to 
obtain  a  change  of  view  in  Indian  public  opinion.  Jessup  brought  into  action 
all  kinds  of  means:  Flattery  and  the  publicizing  of  American  "assistance  to 
backward  regions"  and  most  of  all,  of  course,  slanderous  fabrications  against 
the  U.  S.  S.  R.  *  *  *  In  general,  Jessup  tried  with  all  his  might  but  he  had 
little  success.  <  The  imperialistic  aggressive  character  of  the  policy  of  the 
United  States  throughout  the  world,  and  in  Asia  in  particular,  is  so  evident 
that  no  hypocritical  speeches  and  anti-Communist  phillipics  could  hide  it. 

Mr.  (Chairman,  I  should  like  to  place  before  the  committee  copies 
of  other  Communist  attacks  upon  me.  I  have  them  with  me,  and 
would  like  to  deliver  them  before  you  in  a  few-  moments. 

Senator  Tydings.  They  will  be  inserted  in  the  record  at  this  point. 

Exhibit  1 — Jessup 
Attacks  by  Commlnist  Press  and  Radio  Upon  Ambassadob  Jessup 

(1)  Excerpt  from  an  article  in  Jen  Jlin  Pao,  Peiping  newspaper,  on  January 
10,  19.50. 

(2)  Excerpt  and  summary  of  article  in  Wen  Hui  Pao,  Shanghai  newspaper, 
on  January  11,  19,50. 

Co)  Excerpt  from  an  editorial  in  Wen  Hui  Pao,  Shanghai  newspaper,  on 
January  12,  1950. 

(4)  Excerpts  from  an  editorial  in  Chaunmin  Pao,  Communist  newspaper,  oa 
January  2fi,  1950. 


(5)  Excerpts  from  an  editorial  in  Seng  Hwo  Pao,  Djakarta  newspaper,  on 
January  31,  1950. 

(6)  Kadio  Peking  broadcast  of  February  13,  1950. 

(7)  Radio  Moscow  broadcast  of  February  13,  1950. 

(8)  Excerpts  from  an  article  in  Izvestia  on  Marcb  3,  1950. 

(9)  Official  translation  of  an  article  in  Izvestia,  March  3, 1950. 

Excerpt  From  Jen  Min  Pao,  Petping  Paper,  January  10,  1950,  Concerning  the 
United   States   Occupation   of  Japan 

[The  excerpt  is  contained  in  an  official  plain  language  telegram  to  the  Department  of  State 

from  Peiping] 

INCOMING   telegram 

Department  of  State,  Division  of  Communications  and  Records 

Control  5359 

Rec'd  January  13,  1950,  10 :  45  p.  m. 

From:  Peiping. 

To :  Secretary  of  State. 

No.  101,  January  13. 

Sent  Department  101,  Shanghai  29,  Tientsin. 

Peiping  Jen  Min  Jib  Pao  January  10  carried  NCNA. 

January  9  despatch  re  United  States  occupation  Japan.     Translation  follows : 

Administrator  U.  S.  Far  East  aggressive  policy  and  Ambassador  at  Large 
Jessun  arrived  Tokyo  January  5,  held  series  secret  meetings  with  MacArthur. 
According  own  statement  discussed  Japanese  Peace  Treaty  and  other  problems 
including  Taiwan  question.  According  Tokyo  UP  January  8  despatch,  observers 
believe  Jessup  talked  about  question  forming  U.  S.-Japanese  alliance  simul- 
taneous conclusion  separate  peace  treaty  with  Japan.  This  means  under  foim 
U  S  -Japanese  alliance  U.  S.  will  occupy  Japan  long-term  basis  make  Japan 
main  U  S  base  advancement  aggression  Far  East.  Concerning  China  Jessup 
said  "U  S  has  not  abandoned,  not  planning  abandon  China  other  Far  East 
countries  U  S.  will  continue  oppose  C.  P.  actions  overthrowing  existing  gov- 
ernments by  violence."  This  means  U.  S.  imperialism  continuing  to  adopt 
aggressive  policy  intervention  China's  domestic  affairs  and  to  be  enemy  people 
China  all  Far  East  countries.     End  translation. 

AGA :  MW 

Excerpt  and  Summary  of  Article  in  Wen  Hui  Pao,  Shanghai  Communist 
Publication,  on  January  11,  1950,  Criticizing  Ambassador  Jessup 

FThe  document  which  contains  the  excerpts  and  summary  i^s  an   official  plain  language 
telegram  to  the  Department  of  State  from  Shanghai] 

incoming  telegram 

Department  of  State — Division  of  Communications  and  Records 

Control  4238 

Rec'd  January  12,  1950,  3 :  08  a.  m. 

From :  Shanghai 

To  :  Secretary  of  State 

No.  176,  January  12  .     .  j.  ^        -^       \ 

Sent  Department  176,  repeated  Peiping  42,  Taipei  61  (Taipei  repeat  Hong  Kong). 

Press  Review : 

Wen  Hui  Pao  January  11  carries  following  comment  entitled  "another  devilish 
scheme" :  "Ambassador-at-large  Jessup,  executor  of  American  aggressive  policy 
in  Far  East,  is  conducting  series  of  secret  meetings  in  Japan  with  MacArthur. 

"What  is  secret?  It  is  one  known  to  all,  a  'secret'  filled  with  devilish  designs 
They  are  attempting  to  conclude  unilaterally  peace  treaty  with  Japan,  and  at 
same  time  'American-Japanese  alliance.'  American  imperialism  intends  to  place 
Japan  under  its  perpetual  enslavement,  and  use  Japan  as  base  for  aggression 
of  Far  East,  principally  China, 


"Let  us  listen  to  droam-like  babbling  of  Jessup.  He  says  that  U.  S.  has 
not  abandoned,  and  does  not  propose  to  abandon,  China  or  other  Far  East  coun- 
tri(>s,  and  that  U.  S.  will  contimie  to  oppose  acts  of  Comniunists  in  seeking  over- 
throw of  existing  governments  with  brntal  force.  Such  is  way  Jessup  slanders 
overthrow  by  Chiiiese  people  of  traitorous  reactionary  group." 

I>ut  Chinese  people,  too,  have  not  abandoned,  nor  do  they  propose  to  abandon, 
mission  against  imperialism,  feudalism,  and  bureaucratic  capitalism.  Though 
this  mission  has  been  basically  consummated,  China  will  continue  to  raise  high 
her  vigilance,  and  continue  to  oppose  and  deal  blows  to  imperialism  attempts  for 
enslavement  of  Far  East. 

Excerpt  Prom  an  Editorial  in  Wen  Hui  Pao,  Shanghai  Communist  Paper, 
January  12,  lUoU,  Concerning  Ambassador  Jessup's  Trip  to  the  Far  East 

[The  excerpt  is  contained  In  an  official  plain  language  telegram   to  the  Department  of 

State  from  Shanghai] 

incoming  telegram 

Department  of  State — Division  of  Communications  and  Records 

Control  5403. 

Rec'd  January  14, 1950, 1 :  33  a.  m. 
From  :  Shanghai 
To  :  Secretary  of  State 
No.  205,  January  13 

Sent  Department  205,  repeated  Peiping  46,  Hong  Kong  23,  Taipei  71',  Tokyo  8. 
Press  review : 

Wen  Hui  Pao,  January  12,  carries  following  editorial  headed  "Watch  Ameri- 
cans New  Intrigue  in  Far  Bast." 

"Philip  C.  Jessup,  American  Ambassador  at  Large,  Chief  of  American  State 
Department's  Far  East  Policy  Study  Group,  and  responsible  executor  of  Ameri- 
can policy  of  aggression  in  Far  East,  arrived  in  Japan  about  week  ago  and  has 
,  since  been  engaged  in  series  of  secret  conferences  with  MacArthur,  American 
reactionai-y  leader  who  now  rules  Japan. 

"According  to  Jessup's  open  announcement  and  to  information  given  out  by 
Americans'  own  news  agency,  problem  of  peace  treaty  with  Japan  together 
with  other  problems  related  to  Far  East  (including  problem  of  Taiwan)  con- 
stitute object  of  these  secret  conferences. 

"What  is  termed  problem  of  peace  treaty  with  Japan  is  nothing  but  attempt 
by  American  imperialists  to  conclude  unilateral  peace  treaty  with  Japan  to 
exclusion  of  Soviet  Union  and  China,  to  lay  foundation  for  future  formulation 
of  11  S.-Japanese  alliance.  In  other  words,  America  will  use  U.  S.-Japanese 
alliance  to  turn  Japan  into  American  base  of  aggression  in  Far  East,  and  use 
unilateral  peace  as  means  of  carrying  out  prolonged  occupation  of  Japan  as  well 
as  fostering  Jajpanese  reactionary.forces." 

Translation  of  Editorial  in  Chinese  Communist  Newspaper  Chuanmin 
Pao  of  January  26,  1950,  Enclosure  to  United  States  Foreign  Service  Des- 
patch No.  162  of  March  2,  1950,  From  John  F.  Stone,  First  Secretary  of 
Ebassy,  Bangkok,  Thailand 

Period  :  January  20-30,  1950. 

translations   from   CHINESE   NEW^SPAPERS,   AMB^SIcAN    EMBASSY,   BANGKOK 

Chinese  atgociations:  Kir  Pong  Elected  President  of  Taechiu  Association 
News  Item  January  20 

CHUANMIN  PAO  (Commuuist) 

Following  is  the  result  of- yesterday's  elections  of  the  Taechiu  Association: 
*Kir  Pong,  President  and  Member  of  Standing  Committee;  Sow  Kung-kiam,  Vice 
President ;  Tang  Sang  Hah,  Treasurer  ;  Lee  Ki-heong,  Secretary  ;  Teng  Boon-iang, 
Ngow  Jin-an,  Rae  Thian-ek,  Members  of  Standing  Committee.  *Kir  Pong  at 
present  is  in  Hongkong  (translator's  note). 


Sino-Thai  relations:  Peking  Radio  Attack  on  Thailand 
Editorial  January  25 

KUANG  HUA  PAD  (Tending  to  pro-Communist) 

We  Cliinese  overseas  are,  of  course,  fully  aware  of  the  denials  from  the  Thai 
Pa dfamentarv  Secretary  to  the  Foreign  Ministry,  the  Foreign  Minister,  Premier 
S  vrand  the  Piibl  ci[y  Department,  following  the  UP  report  quoting  Peking 
So  b?oadcSts  conce/ning  the  Thai  government's  I'^J-f -!;.  ^^^^^^^f^Thai 

Sneaking  conscientiously,  since  the  very  Ijeginnmg  of  Smo-Thai  i  elations  inai 
peopl' have  very  rarely  gone  to  China  but  a  great  n/^mbev  of  Chinese  hav^ 
mierated  into  this  countrv,  especially  during  recent  years.     Ihe  Chinese  have 
Svoi^  to  seek  from  Thailand,  while  the  Thai  have  nothing  to  obtain  f^oni  China 
Tlierefore  the  Thai  authorities  take  no  interest  in  Chinese  problems,  and  chatter 
freeU  without  fear  because  they  assume  they  have  support.     Such  "denials    of 

''5f^;p?obl^:  ^c:^SS;s  Chinese  are  to  be  solved,  instead  of  laying  bl^me 
on  others  we  should  help  ourselves  first  by  stabilizing  the  pohtical  com^^iion 
so  that  the  rich  may  invest  their  money  at  home  and  the  poor  may  contribute 
ther  series  to  the  nation.     If  overseas  Chinese  can  change  the  heath  and 
Jhk-ket  to  prosperous  cities  in  behalf  of  others,  why  not  rebuild  our  own  home 

"\?^W.s  is  realized,  there  would  be  more  Chinese  going  home  than  soing  f  road, 
and  such  matters  as  a  "protest"  will  be  unnecessary  since  every  Chinese  over- 
seas is  pleased  to  go  back  to  his  motherland. 
Imperialism:  Bangkok  Conference  and  "Pacific  Pact" 
Editorial  January  26 

CHUANMiN  PAD   (Comiuunist) 

The  U.  S.  imperialist  Far  East  Diplomatic  Conference  has  been  scheduled  to 
onen  from  Februarv  13-17  in  P.angkok.  This  important  conference  m  which  the 
US  imperials  I^ir  East  aggressive  plan  is  to  be  revised  should  not  be  over- 
looked Jessup,  head  of  this^conference,  is  one  of  the  authors  of  the  aggressive 
Far  East  policy  of  the  U.  S.  State  Department.  „       i  „r./i 

From  the  United  States,  he  has  been  to  Tokyo.  Taiwan.  Hongkong  and 
Manna  DurJng  a  two-day  stay  in  Taiwan,  he  had  secret  talks  with  the  bandit 
Oliian-  •  in  Manila  he  did  not  quit  until  Quirino  promised  to  accept  the  U.  S. 
fmSi-falist  "pS'fom-"  and  to  convert  the  Philippines  into  the   "showroom 

""^TherfrhrSf  be  no  doubt  of  the  purpose  of  the  conference  since  Jessup  has 
to  to  r^-id  for  secret  talks  with  rulers  of  various  Far  Eastern  nations  long  be- 
forltl^'conSrence  takes  place.  For  example,  according  to  informed  quarters 
in  ?h"  Phil  pp  nes,  Quirino  not  only  gave  assurance  of  his  "cooperation"  with 
the  united  Sates  in  its  defense  plan,  but  also  expressed  his  "welcoin^'to  the 
assurance  from  American  officials  that  the  U.  S.  will  retain  adequate  forces  in  the 
Fai  East  Whereas  any  nation  in  the  Far  'East  needs  only  to  express  wel- 
c(mie"  and  give  assurances  of  "cooperation"  with  American  imperial  sts  foi  what 
they  required,  the  deal  surely  is  successful  and  mutually  beneficial. 

ExCFiiFT  Feom  an  Editorial  in  Seng  Hwo  Pao,  Chinese  Communist  Newspaper 

IN  Djakarta,  January  31,  1950 

[The  excerpt  is  contained  in  au  official  communication  to  the  Department  of  State  from 
*■  Djakarta,  Indonesia] 

Foreign  Service  of  the  United  States  of  America 

Priority :  Air  pouch. 


Security :  Unclassified 

To  :  Department  of  State 

From  :  Djakarta  92  February  7, 1950 

f:  Voluntary  . 

Subject :  Chinese  newspaper  editorial  on  Jessup  Mission. 

There  is  cited  below  an  English  translation  of  an  editorial.  A  Few  Words  to 
Jes^uirwiiidi  appeared  January  31,  1950,  in  the  SENG  HWO  PAO,  a  Chinese 
Communist  newspaper  published  daily  in  Djakarta. 



The  American  Ainbassador-at-Large,  Philip  C.  Jessiip.  the  day  before  yesterday 
arrived  in  D.laliarta  from  Vietnam.  He  intends  to  stay  here  five  days.  He  con- 
ferred with  Hatta.  The  sub.iect  of  discussion  was  kept  a  secret.  What  medicine 
he  is  offering  for  sale  only  he  himself  knows. 

Bnt  the  secret  medicine  he  is  selling  is  after  all  no  great  mystery — it  is  only  a 
qnack  medicine ! 

The  medicine  Jessup  is  selling  was  offered  in  Japan,  South  Korea,  Taiwan, 
Philippines,  Vietnam,  Singapore  and  now  in  Indonesia.  It  is  reported  that  it  will 
be  brought  to  Rangoon  and  Bangkok.  In  the  Bangkok  American  Foreign  Service 
Officers  (Conference  special  instructions  will  be  given  for  the  sale  of  "anti  com- 
munism" medicine. 

Well,  has  this  "anti  communism"  medicine  trade  of  Jessup  had  any  success? 
No.  it  is  a  failure  ! 

The  cause  of  his  failure  is  his  misunderstanding  of  the  main  problem :  The 
chief  aspiration  of  all  Asiatics  at  present  is.  as  pointed  out  by  Nehru,  "Colonial- 
ism. Quit  Asia !  The  Asiatics  must  be  fully  independent."  But  Jessup  appa- 
rently does  not  realize  this.  On  the  other  hand,  he  is  applying  the  "colonialism 
whip"  harder  and  harder. 

As  evidence,  let  us  look  at  Vietnam.  The  fact  that  the  U.  S.  is  going  to  recog- 
nize Bao  Dai  is  a  clear  proof  of  its  motive.  Vietnam  is  a  puppet  of  France.  This 
can  be  seen  from  the  transfer  of  sovereignty  agreement  signed  on  December  30, 
1949.     In  that  agreement  it  was  said  down ! 

KWRinden/rnm     2-1-50 

%     1     1 

Radio  Peking  Broadcast  to  China  and  Overseas,  February  IS,  1950,  as  Trans- 
lated From  the  Mandarin  and  Published  in  the  Official  Daily  Report  of 
THE  Foreign  Broadcast  Information  Service  of  the  United  States  (No. 
31-1950)  AT  Pages  BBB  1-2,  Concerning  Ambassador  Jessup's  Recent  Trip 
to  the  Far  East 

China,  February  I4,  1950. 
Bangkok  Conference  to  Plan  New  Schemes. 

Peking,  in  Mandarin,  to  China  and  Overseas,  February  13,  1950,  1230  GMT — R. 
(Anonymous   Commentary   on   "American   Ambassador   Jessup's   So-Called  For 
Eastern  Tour  of  Inspection".) 

"In  the  middle  of  this  month,  the  conference  of  American  far  eastern  diplo- 
matic personnel  will  meet  in  Bangkok,  the  capital  of  Thailand,  to  discuss  the 
over-all  American  plan  for  aggression  in  the  Far  East. 

"Some  time  ago,  the  American  imperialists  had  made  intensive  plans  for  this 
conference.  The  head  of  this  conference,  American  Ambassador  Jessup,  left 
America  last  year  on  Dec.  22  for  the  Far  East  to  carry  out  his  nefarious  schemes. 

■•Within  the  Ijist  month.  Jessup  has  been  to  Japan,  South  Korea,  Okinawa, 
Taiwan.  Hong  Kong,  Philippines,  Viet  Nam,  Indonesia,  Sinq;apore,  and  Burma. 

"Every  time  Jessup  reached  a  place,  he  held  secret  meetings  with  the  local 
leaders  on  the  so-called  conditions  for  anti-Communism. 

"meetings    in    TAIWAN 

"On  Jan.  15.  when  Jessup  arrived  in  Taiwan,  he  met  with  the  head  of  the 
Kuomintang,  Chiang  Kai-.shek.  Wu  Kuo-chen,  Ten  Hsi-shan,  and  Chen  Cheng 
for  secret  talks.  The  Kuomintang  CENTRAL  NEWS  reports  that  Jessup  ex- 
changed views  with  the  bandit  Chiang  on  the  Far  Eastern  situation  and  the 
world  problem  of  anti-Communism.  They  discussed  *  *  *,  the  military 
aspects  of  the  defense  of  Taiwan,  and  other  military  problems  relating  to  politics 
and  economics. 

"When  Jessup  arrived  in  the  ea«t,  on  Jan.  18,  he  issued  a  statement  on 
the  policy  for  the  Far  East  and  Asia.  In  this  statement,  he  openly  stated  the 
points  which  the  American  imperialists  opposed  their  enemy,  the  peoples  of 

"The  American  imperialists  have  a  clear  policy  for  the  Far  East.  That  is  to 
say,  America  will  continue  to  use  force  and  other  similar  measures  to  oppress 


the  people's  liberation  movement  in  Asia.  She  will  support  reactionary  control 
In  the  countries,  so  that  she  can  compromise  the  nation's  independence  and  make 
them  into  American  colonial  territories  and  protectorates. 

"arrival  in  INDOCHINA 

"On  Jan.  27,  after  Jessup's  arrival  in  Hanoi,  Indochina,  he  personally  called 
upon  the  puppet  king  of  Viet  Nam,  Bao  Dai,  and  the  puppet  premier,  Nguyen 
Phan  Long.  He  also  delivered  American  Secretary  of  State  Acheson's  letter  of 
congratulations    to    Bao   Dai. 

"This  letter  stated :  'America  is  willing  to  establish  close  relations ;  that  is  to 
say,  is  willing  to  recognize  the  puppet  Bao  Dai  regime.' 

"Not  long  afterwards,  on  Feb.  7,  the  American  Government  recognized  the 
Bao  Dai  regime  forthwith.  At  the  san^e  time,  under  Jessup's  direction,  Amer- 
ican arms  flowed  to  Indochina  for  Bao  Dai. 

"After  staying  in  Viet  Nam  for  a  few  days,  Jessup  arrived  in  the  capital  of 
Indonesia  on  Jan.  29.  The  reactionaiT  leaders  of  Indonesia,  Sukarno,  Hatta, 
etc.,  held  secret  talks  with  him.  At  this  time  American  arms  were  shipped  to 
Indonesia  for  Sukarno  and  his  group  to  oppose  the  liberation  movement  of  the 
people  of  Indonesia. 

"After  Jessup  had  left  Jakarta  and  had  arrived  in  Singapore,  he  made  a  broad- 
cast speech  on  the  evening  of  Feb.  6  in  which  lie  exposed  the  American  imperi- 
alists plans  for  aggression  in  the  Far  East.  He  insisted  that  the  western  nations 
had  the  right  to  drastic  steps  in  Southeast  Asia. 

"point  4   PROGRAM 

"Jessup  brought  up  Truman's  plan  for  economic  penetration  known  as  the 
so-called  point  4  program.  He  said  that  this  plan  could  bring  universal  pros- 
perity to  all  peoples.  This  so-called  coprosperity  is  not  Jessup's  new  inven- 
tion ;  this  scheme  for  aggression  was  long  ago  loudly  proclaimed  by  the  Japanese 
Fascists,  such  as  the  so-called  joint  prosperity,  greater  East  Asia  coprosperity 
sphere    etc. 

"The  people  of  Asia  know  the  meaning  of  these  words.  On  the  morning  of 
Feb.  8,  Jessup  enplaned  for  Rangoon,  Burma,  the  last  point  of  aggression  before 
his  arrival  in  Bangkok.  . 

"From  reviewing  the  past  two  months  of  Jessup's  secret  negotiations  in  the 
different  parts  of  Asia,  we  can  see  what  the  Bangkok  conference  is  like.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  this  conference  is  to  discuss  American  imperialist  aggression 

in  Asia.  ,       -    ,  , 

"Because  of  the  great  victory  of  the  Chinese  people,  the  struggle  of  the  people 
of  Asia  for  democracv  and  independence  has  been  growing  daily.  American 
imperialists  have  received  a  serious  blow.  The  American  imperialists  in  order 
to  overcome  their  losses  in  Asia  and  the  Far  are  planning  new  schemes  to 
enslave  the  peoples  of  Asia.  The  Bangkok  conference  has  been  convened  for 
this  purpose.  But  the  people  of  China  and  the  other  countries  of  Asia  are  grow- 
ing exceedingly  powerful.  They  know  that  imperialism  is  only  a  blufE,  and  all 
its  schemes  will  fail." 

Radio  Moscow  English  Language  Broadcast  to  Southeast  Asia,  February  13, 
1950,  as  Published  in  the  Official  Daily  Report  of  the  Foreign  Broadcast 
Information  Service  of  the  United  States  (No.  31,  19.10),  at  Pages  CC  5-6, 
Concerning  Ambassador  Jessup's  Recent  Trip  in  the  Far  East 

USSR :  Overseas  and  Far  East, 

February   U,   1950. 

In  1871  the  Germans  obtained  the  drawings  of  Russian  ice  breakers  and  built 
similar  boats.     The  first  oceangoing  ice  breaker  was  constructed  in  Russia  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century.     Today  the  Soviet  Union  has  the 
largest  fleet  of  ice  boats. 
Bangkok  Parley  to  Plan  Paciflc  Union. 

Moscow,  in  English,  to  Southeast  Asia,  Feb.  13.  1950,  1600  GMT-L. 
(Commentary  on  the  Conference  of  the  U.  S.  diplomats,  which  opens  in  Bangkok 
on  Feb.  14.) 

The  conference  of  U.  S.  diplomats  opens  in  Bangkok  today.     U.  S.  intelligence 
agents  and  spies,  agents  of  Wall  Street  in  Southeast  Asia  who  have  taken  the 


guise  of  diplomats  are  meeting  togetlier.  Judging  by  reports  from  the  foreign 
press,  the  ci inference  is  to  discuss  the  plan  of  struggle  against  the  Chinese  People's 
Republic  and  the  national  liberation  movement  in  Asia. 

The  New  York  Herald  Tribune  has  reported  that  immediately  after  the  procla- 
mation of  the  Chinese  People's  Republic  the  State  Department  decided  to  draw 
up  what  is  called  "a  positive  policy"  with  regard  to  China  and  the  other  coun- 
tries of  the  Far  East  and  Southeast  Asia.  A  special  commission  was  set  up  under 
Dr.  .Jessup  to  work  out  concrete  steps.  The  paper  also  revealed  that  the  main  before  the  commission  was  to  work  out  a  general  plan  of  combat  in  Asia. 

The  U.  S.  militarists  are  laying  the  ground  for  larg.'-scale  intervention  in 
Asia,  and  they  are  doing  it  under  the  guise  of  economic  aid  to  the  underdeveloped 
and  dependent  countries,  as  formulated  in  Truman's  Point  Four  program.  They 
are  thus  trying  to  stem  the  rising  tide  of  the  national  liberation  movement  in 
order  to  turn  the  territories  of  the  Far  East  and  Southeast  Asia  into  U.  S. 
colonies  and  into  military  bases  for  fighting  against  the  Chinese  People's  Republic 
and  for  unleashing  a  new  World  War. 


Shortly  after  Jessup's  arrival  in  Tokyo,  there  was  held  a  conference  of  U.  S. 
Chiefs  of  Staff.  This  conference  discussed  MacArthur's  plan  for  converting 
Japan  into  an  advance  outpost  of  the  U.  S.  strategic  defenses ;  that  is,  of  U.  S. 
aggression  in  the  Pacific.  In  this  connection,  the  conference  considered  the  ques- 
tion of  including  Japan  as  a  member  of  the  so-called  Pacific  Union.  The  U.  S- 
sponsors  of  this  aggressive  union  intend  Japan  to  play  the  role  of  gendarme  to 
strangle  the  national  liberation  movement.  However,  the  foremost  task  of  the 
Japanese  militarists  is  to  render  aid  to  the  Kuomintang  i-emnants  on  Taiwan. 
This  help  is  already  being  given. 

As  has  been  reported  in  the  American  press,  Jessup  spent  his  time  on  Taiwan 
making  a  thorough  revision  of  Kuomintang  finances  and  in  holding  a  number  of 
secret  conferences  with  the  representatives  of  the  Kuomintang  clique.  Apart 
from  Chiang  Kai-shek,  Jessup  met  other  jiuppets  and  reactionaries,  the  U.  S. 
agents  in  Southeast  Asia  and  the  Pacific.  He  also  conferred  with  the  heads  of 
the  colonial  administrations  of  Britain,  France,  and  the  Netherlands,  assuring 
them  all  of  U.  S.  active  help  and  support. 

Speaking  at  a  press  conference  in  Singapore,  Jessup  said  that  urgent  measures 
would  have  to  be  taken  to  stem  the  advance  of  communism  in  southeast  Asia. 
And  so  to  halt  the  further  spread  of  the  national  liberation  movement,  the 
U.  S.  imperialists  are  now  feverishly  searching  around  for  new  bases  and 
new  agents.  They  are  putting  their  stakes  on  the  Japanese  militarists.  They 
are  tiyiug  to  breathe  new  life  into  the  political  corpse  of  Chiang  Kai-shek,  to 
muster  all  the  reactionary  forces  of  the  Far  East  and  Southeast  Asia  together 
in  an  aggressive  Pacific  Union. 

But  all  these  attempts  are  in  vain.  Jessup  made  a  broadcast  at  Singapore 
in  which  he  made  the  admission  that  his  stay  in  Asia  had  been  a  disappointment. 
Ever  more  energetic  action  is  being  taken  by  the  peoples  of  the  colonial  and 
dependent  countries  against  the  Anglo-U.  S.  imperialists  and  their  hirelings  and 
puppets.  China  has  liberated  herself,  she  is  an  independent  country.  The 
imperialists  are  being  thrown  out  of  Viet  Nam. 

The  peoples  of  Malaya  and  Burma  are  rising  in  a  struggle  for  liberation. 
The  mighty  national  liberation  movement  of  the  peoples  of  Asia  is  mounting 
day  by  day,  and  .Jessup  could  not  but  feel  it.  The  New  Yoi'k  Herald  Trb'ine 
has  had  to  admit  that  the  situation  in  the  Far  East  is  so  bad  that  it  would  be 
absurd  to  suggest  that  a  few  arms,  aircraft,  capital  investments,  or  diplomatic 
ruses  could  save  the  position.  That  really  is  so;  nothing  can  help  the  U.  S. 
imperialists  now. 



ON  Ambassador  Jessxjp's  Trip 

[The  document  which   contains  the  excerpts  and  summary  is  an  official  plain  language 
telegram  to  the  Department  of  State  from  Moscow] 

incoming  telegram 

Department  of  State — Division  of  Communications  and  Records 

Control  1758 

Rec'd  March  3,  1950,  7 :  45  p.  m. 
From :  Moscow. 
To :  Secretary  of  State. 
No.  740,  March  3. 
Sent  Department  740.    Department  Pass  Delhi  18,  Karachi  12. 

Izvestla  March  3  prints  %  article  bad  reception  Jessup  India.  States  goal 
trip  India,  Pakistan.  Afghanistan  to  bring  countries  into  "Pacific  aggressive 
bloc"  not  secret.  "Discomforting  results  conference  Bangkok  and  evidence  re- 
ceived by  Jessup  that  Paciiic  bloc  idea  does  not  elicit  enthusiasm  countries  Asia 
forced  Jessup  strengthen  pressure  ruling  circles  India,  Pakistan."  At  press  con- 
ference February  23  Jessup  used  all  means  "tlattery  and  advertisement  Ameri- 
can 'aid  backward  areas'  and  more  than  all  of  course  slanderous  inventions 
against  USSR'  to  change  "established  Indian  opinion,  according  his  own  acknowl- 
edgement, that  USA  striving  for  world  domination,  that  they  are  'conducting 
struggle  for  control'  over  people  Asia  and  would  wish  create  more  military  bases 
particularly  Nepal,  Kashmir." 

Jessup  mission  failure  since  could  not  conceal  "imperialist  aggressive  char- 
acter US  policy."  "Even  in  bourgeois  Indian  press'  this  revealed.  Quotes  "search- 
light" effect  Americans  not  welcomed  Southeast  Asia  as  liberators,  "we  suffered 
much  from  colonial  domination,  don't  wish  cropping  up  wars  on  doorstep." 
Quotes  "Indian  NEWS  CHRONICLE"  effect  accusations  Soviet  imperialism 
more  convincing  if  Soviet  not  French,  British  troops  occupy  Indochina,  Malay, 
Soviet  not  American  planes  given  Chiang  bomb  civilians  Shanghai,  "only  foreign 
domination  which  people  Asia  know  is  domination  western  powers." 

NOTE :  Relayed  to  New  Delhi,  Karachi,  7 :  50  p.  m.  3/3/50— MB  PLAIN 


Official  Translation  by  the  Division  of  Research  for  Europe,  United  States 
Department  of  State,  of  an  Article  Appearing  in  the  Soviet  Newspaper 
Izvestia,  March,  3,  1950,  Concerning  Ambassador  Jessup's  Recent  Trip  in 
THE  Far  East 

Taken  From  Isvestia,  March  3,  1950 

After  the  conclusion  in  Bangkok  of  a  conference  of  American  diplomatic  repre- 
sentatives in  the  countries  of  Asia  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  the  director  of  this 
conference,  the  representative  of  the  United  States  Department  of  State,  Jessup, 
made  a  trip  to  India,  Pakistan  and  Afghanistan.  The  aim  of  this  journey  does 
not  present  a  secret  to  anyone.  Jessup's  task  is  to  convince  the  governments  of 
these  countries  to  enter  into  a  Pacific  aggressive  block  whose  creation  was 
planned  at  the  conference  at  Bangkok. 

It  must  be  said  that  if,  before  the  conference  in  Bangkok  and  in  the  conference 
itself,  Jessup  took  measures  to  keep  the  aggressive  intentions  of  the  United 
States  secret,  then  on  arriving  in  Delhi  he  himself  destroyed  the  fruits  of  his 
previous  efforts.  It  is  evident  that  the  unsatisfactory  results  of  the  conference  in 
Bangkok  and  the  information  received  by  Jessup  that  the  idea  of  a  Pacific  block 
does  not  provoke  enthusiasm  in  the  countries  of  Asia,  forced  him  to  increase 
pressure  on  the  ruling  circles  of  India  and  Pakistan.  At  a  press  conference 
arranged  on  February  23  in  Delhi,  Jessup  set  out  to  obtain  a  change  of  view  in 
Indian  public  opinion.  Jessup  brought  into  action  all  kinds  of  means:  flattery, 
and  publicizing  of  the  American  "assistance  to  backward  regions"  and  most  of  all, 
of  course,  slanderous  fabrications  against  the  U.  S.  S.  R.  With  these  weapons 
Jessup  b;'gan  a  campaign  against  the  opinion  which,  according  to  his  own 
admission,   had  formed   itself  in   India   that   the  U.   S.    is   striving  for  world 


doniiiiMtiun,  that  it  "carries  on  a  struggle  for  power"  over  the  peoples  of  Asia  and 
WDiilil  like  to  create  numerous  new  military  bases,  in  particular,  in  the  Nepal 
anil  Kashmir.  lu  general,  Jessup  tried  with  all  his  might  but  he  had  little 
success.  The  imperialistic  aggressive  character  of  the  policy  of  the  United  States 
throughout  the  world,  and  in  Asia  in  particular,  is  so  evident  that  no  hypocritical 
speeches  and  anti-communist  phillipics  could  hide  it.  This  is  seen  according  to 
the  reaction  to  the  visits  of  Jessup  to  India  which  has  appeared  even  in  the 
bourgeois  Indian  press.    Here  are  some  of  those  reactions  : 

The  paper  Searchlight :  "The  supposition  that  the  Americans  are  welcomed  in 
Southeast  Asia  as  liberators  is  idiotic  and  shameless  *  *  *.  We  have  suffered 
much  from  colonial  mastery  and  we  do  not  want  the  start  of  a  war  at  our 

doorstep."  .   ,.      , 

The  paper  Indian  News  Chronicle:  "The  accusation  of  'Soviet  imperialism 
would  be  more  convincing  if  it  was  Soviet  and  not  French  troops  who  are  occupy- 
ing Indochina,  if  it  were  Soviet  and  not  English  forces  who  are  occupying  Malaya. 
The  accusation  about  'Soviet  intervention'  would  be  more  convincing  if  it  were 
Soviet  and  not  American  planes  given  to  Chiang  Kai-shek  who  are  bombing  the 
civilian  population  of  Shanghai  *  *  *  the  only  foreign  domination  which  is 
known  by  the  people  of  Asia— that  is,  the  domination  of  the  Western  Powers." 
This  declaration  of  an  Indian  newspaper  scores  a  target  right  in  the  face  of 
the  American  imperialists  and  their  partners  in  Colonial  looting.  Mr.  Jessup 
has  difficulty  in  finding  people  who  would  oi)enly  agree  to  defend  American  policy 
in  Asia  and  as  far  as  touching  the  secret  combinations  which  are  being  organized 
by  Jessup  in  the  capitols  of  Asiatic  countries,  they  will  inevitably  fail  as  has 
often  happened  with  a  foreign  policy  of  American  ruling  circles. 

(Signed)     Observer. 

Ambassador  Jessup.  So  you  see,  while  I  was  on  this  mission,  I  was 
attacked  by  two  sources,  Izvestia  and  Senator  McCarthy.  Anyone 
who  believes  in  the  concept  of  fjuilt  by  association  might  draw  some 
startling  conclusions  from  this  fact.  However,  I  do  not  believe  in  the 
concept  of  guilt  by  association. 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  Mr.  Chairman,  at  that  point,  might  I  ask 
Mr.  Jessup  a  question  ? 

Senator  Ttdixgs.  Would  you  like  to  let  him  finish  and  then  interro- 
gate him,  so  we  won't  be  charged  with  heckling;  or  would  you  like  to 
do  it  now  ? 

Senator  Hickenlooper.  I  shall  bow  to  the  suggestion  of  the  chair- 

Senator  Tydings.  I  think  he  should  finish  his  statement. 

Ambassador  Jessup.  Thank  you,  sir. 

As  the  Attorney  General  stated  in  a  letter  to  Seth  W.  Richardson, 
Chairman.  Loyalty  Review  Board,  Civil  Service  Commission,  dated 
November  24,  1947,  "Guilt  by  association  has  never  been  one  of  the 
principles  of  American  jurisprudence." 

Moreover,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  do  believe  that  anyone  who,  without 
adequate  proof,  levels  a  charge  of  conscious  or  ignorant  support  of 
communism  at  a  Member  of  the  United  States  Senate,  or  at  an  official 
of  the  United  States  Government,  is  irresponsible.  I  have  no  evidence 
that  Senator  McCarthy  was  motivated  by  a  desire  to  assist  the  interna- 
tional Communist  movement,  even  though  his  words  and  actions  have 
liad  that  effect.  I  therefore  reject  this  first  possibility  concerning  the 
reasons  for  the  insinuations  made  against  me. 

A  second  possibility  might  be  that  such  an  attempt  to  discredit  the 
position  of  the  United  States  in  its  relations  with  tlie  other  free  coun- 
tries of  the  world  was  inspired  by  sheer  partisanship.  It  is  hard  to 
believe  that  anyone  holding  the  position  of  a  Member  of  either  House 
of  Congress  of  the  United  States  would  so  subordinate  the  interests  of 
his  country  to  sheer  partisan  advantage.     I  am  sure  no  one  of  our 


major  parties  would  do  so.     I  shall  therefore  pass  on  to  a  third 

The  third  possibility  might  be  that  the  person  bringing  these  charges 
had  made  a  careful  investigation  and  was  convinced  they  were  true 
and  so  serious  that  they  ought  to  be  made  public  even  before  the  indi- 
vidual concerned  had  been  asked  for  his  side  of  the  story. 

Are  these  charges  and  insinuations  true  ?  Senator  McCarthy  asserts 
that  I  was  a  "sponsor"  of  the  American-Russian  Institute.  It  is  true 
that  my  name  appeai-s  on  a  list  of  the  sponsors  of  a  dinner  given  by 
the  American-Russian  Institute,  but  not  as  a  sponsor  of  the  organiza- 
tion itself.  The  dinner  in  question  was  one  given  on  May  7,  1946,  on 
the  occasion  of  the  presentation  of  its  first  annual  award  to  Franklin 
D.  Roosevelt,  which  was  accepted  on  behalf  of  his  family.  Senator 
McCarthy  pointed  out  that  the  names  of  Howard  Fast,  Saul  Mills, 
Ella  Winter,  John  Howard  Lawson,  and  Langston  Hughes  also  ap- 
peared on  this  list.  He  did  not  point  out  that  approximately  100  peo- 
ple were  named  on  this  list  of  sponsors  and  that  it  also  included  such 
names  as  H.  V.  Kaltenborn;  George  Fielding  Eliot;  Dean  Christian 
Gauss,  of  Princeton;  and  Mary  Emma  Wooley,  former  president  of 
Holyoke.  The  entire  list  of  them  is  already  in  evidence  as  an  exhibit 
of  this  committee,  and  the  committee  can  make  its  own  judgment  as  to 
the  caliber  and  variety  of  the  ])eople  who  are  on  it.  A  search  of  my 
files  has  failed  to  reveal  any  information  concerning  this  incident,  nor 
do  I  remember  attending  the  dinner.  From  approximately  February 
to  June  of  the  year  1946  I  was  seriously  ill  in  a  hospital  in  New  York 
City,  so  it  is  unlikely  that  I  attended. 

I  do  recall,  however,  that  I  was  asked  by  Mr.  William  Lancaster, 
a  prominent  New  York  lawyer,  to  permit  my  name  to  be  used  as  a 
sponsor  of  a  dinner  which  was  to  be  held  on  October  19,  1944.  I  had 
met  Mr.  Lancaster  particularly  through  his  activities  on  the  Foreign 
Policy  Association,  at  a  time  when  Gen.  Frank  McCoy  was  presi- 
dent and  Senator  Alexander  Smith  and  I  were  members  of  the  board. 
I  accepted  that  invitation  in  1944  but  was  unable  to  attend  the  dinner. 
I  shall  be  glad  to  make  the  entire  list  of  approximately  250  sponsors 
available  to  the  committee. 

It  is,  however,  utterly  irrelevant  to  the  charges  or  insinuations  that 
I  or  anyone  else  agreed  to  sponsor  dinners  of  the  American-Russian 
Institute  of  New  York  City  in  1944  or  1946.  There  was  no  reason  why 
a  loyal  American  should  not  have  done  so.  The  Attorney  General 
expressly  excluded  the  American-Russian  Institute  of  New  York  fromi 
the  first  "lists  of  subversive  publications  which  were  published  and  did 
not  include  it  until  April  21,  1949.  The  committee  may  be  interested 
in  knowing  that  I  turned  down  invitations  to  speak  at  dinners  held 
by  this  organization  in  both  1948  and  1949. 

During  the  course  of  my  life  I  have  participated  in  many  organi- 
zations. These  organizations  have  been  of  a  type  that  one  would 
normally  associate  with  a  person  of  my  outlook  and  interests.  They 
include  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  founded  by  Benjamin 
Franklin;  the  Foreign  Policy  Association;  the  American  Society 
of  International  Law ;  the  Sigma  Phi  Society ;  the  Carnegie  Endow- 
ment for  International  Peace;  the  American  Bar  Association;  and 
f  the  American  Legion.  From  1933  to  1946  I  was  closely  associated 
with  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Relations.  I  am  proud  of  my  association 
with  that  organization,  which  was  founded  by  a  group  of  leading 


businessmen  and  scliolars  in  Honolulu  sometime  in  the  midtwenties 
for  tlie  purpose  of  increasing  knowledge  and  friendship  among  the 
peoples  of  the  Pacific  area.  Despite  the  controversy  which  has  occa- 
sionally surrounded  it,  that  organization  continued  to  discharge  the 
functions  for  which  it  was  created.  Although  there  is  still  much  to 
be  done  in  increasing  the  knowledge  of  the  American  people  about 
countries  of  the  Pacific  area,  the  institute  has  made  a  real  contribu- 
tion to  the  advance  which  has  been  made  in  this  field  during  the  last 
25  years. 

I  first  became  associated  with  it  in  1933,  when  the  late  Newton 
D.  Baker  wns  its  chairman.  It  is  necessary  to  explain  that  the  Institute 
of  Pacific  Eelations  is  an  international  organization  composed  of 
national  councils  in  countries  touching  upon  or  having  close  inter- 
ests in  the  Pacific  area.  My  first  contact  with  the  organization  was 
to  attend  in  1933  one  of  the  periodic  international  conferences  which 
have  been  held  by  the  organization.  In  those  meetings  leaders  of 
business  and  banking,  former  high  officials  of  government,  journalists, 
labor  leaders,  researchers,  and  teachers  from  all  of  the  Pacific  coun- 
tries have  met  for  a  common  study  of  the  problems  of  the  area.  Many 
of  the  leading  figures  whom  I  have  since  met  in  the  United  Nations 
I  first  met  through  my  connection  with  the  Institute  of  Pacific  Rela- 
tions, including  Mrs.  Pandit,  presently  Indian  Ambassador  to  the 
United  States,  and  Dr.  Hu  Shih,  the  great  Chinese  philosopher  who 
was  former  Chinese  Ambassador  in  Washington.  As  indicative  of 
the  type  of  personnel  attending  these  conferences,  I  should  also  like  to 
refer  to  the  one  held  in  Hot  Springs,  Va.,  in  1945,  at  which  I  was 
chairman  of  the  American  delegation  and  Admiral  Thomas  C.  Hart, 
later  United  States  Senator  from  Connecticut,  was  vice  chairman. 

I  was  a  member  of  the  board  of  trustees  of  the  American  council 
of  the  institute  from  about  1933  until  my  resiijnation  because  of  health 
and  the  pressure  of  other  work  in  1946.  I  was  chairman  of  the  board 
of  trustees  of  the  American  council  during  1939  and  1940.  I  was  the 
chairman  of  the  Pacific  council  from  1939  to  1942.  I  have  also  at 
various  times  served  as  a  member  of  the  executive  committee  of  the 
American  council  and  in  1944  as  chairman  of  the  research  advisory 
committee.  I  was  succeeded  as  chairman  of  the  American  council 
by  the  late  Dr.  Ray  Lyman  Wilbur,  president  of  Stanford  University, 
who,  m  turn,  was  succeeded  by  Robert  G.  Sproul,  president  of  the 
University  of  California,  and  now  by  Gerard  Swope,  honorary  presi- 
dent of  the  General  Electric  Co.  Throughout  my  connection  with 
the  institute,  the  board  of  trustees  has  included  leaders  of  American 
business,  finance,  and  academic  and  public  life. 

Now,  ]\Ir.  Chairman,  I  would  assume  that  anyone  who  was  interested 
in  inquiring  into  what  I  had  done  and  what  I  have  stood  for  would 
be  interested  in  my  entire  life  and  background.  An  inquiry  into  my 
background  would  have  shown  that  my  ancestors  came  to  this  country 
from  I]ngland  in  the  seventeenth  century  and  settled  on  Lono-  Island 
and  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  England.  My  great-grandfather, 
Judge  William  Jessup,  of  ^Montrose,  Pa.,  was  a  delegate  to  the' 
Republican  convention  of  18f;0,  which  nominated  Abraham  Lincoln 
for  the  Presidency.  He  was  chairman  of  the  committee  which  drafted 
the  platform  upon  which  Lincoln  was  elected.  A  great-grandfather 
on  my  mother's  side,  John  M.  Butler,  as  a  Pennsylvania  delegate,  cast 


his  vote  for  Lincoln  at  that  same  convention.  My  father  was  a 
lawyer  in  New  York  City  and  a  lay  leader  in  the  Presbyterian 
Church.  On  my  mother's  side  my  forebears  were  Irish  and  also  amon<j 
the  early  settlers  of  this  country.  , 

While  the  Bolshevik  revolution  was  o;ainino-  control  in  Russia,  I 
was  servino-  as  a  private  in  the  Olne  Hundred  and  Seventh  Infantry 
in  the  AEF  in  France.  Shortly  after  the  armistice  I  returned  to 
Hamilton  College  in  central  New  York  to  finish  my  education,  which 
had  been  interrupted  by  my  enlistment  in  the  Army. 

Now,  one  hears  in  these  days  that  some  individuals  have  been  misled 
during  their  college  years  to  espouse  radical  doctrines,  including  the 
Communist  philosophy.  If  I  had  developed  any  radical  tendencies 
in  that  period,  they  presumably  would  have  been  revealed  in  my  im- 
mediately subsequent  activities.  Actually,  on  leaving  college  I  took 
a  position  as  assistant  to  the  president  of  the  First  National  Bank  of 
Utica,  N.  Y.  I  remained  with  the  bank  for  2  years,  subsequently 
becoming  assistant  cashier.  During  those  2  years  in  Utica,  I  was 
also  superintendent  of  the  Sunday  school  of  the  First  Presbyterian 
Church  and  commander  of  a  local  post  of  the  American  Legion.  I  am 
still  a  member  of  the  American  Legion. 

In  July  1921  I  married